' 


J  Q_ 


LIFE    AND    TIMES 


OP 


JOSEPH    WARREN 


BY 


RICHARD    FROTHINGHAM. 


BOSTON: 
LITTLE,   BROWN,    &    COMPANY. 

1865. 


N^ 


r« 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1865.  by 

RICHARD    FROTHING7IAM, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


•  -••  _•_••< 


•    •     • 


Cambridge  :  Stereotyped  and  Printed  by  John  Wilson  and  Sons. 


TO 


THOMAS    AUSTIN     GODDAED, 

$}p&  Volume  b  Inscribe**, 

WITH    RESPECT    AND    AFFECTION, 

BY    THE    AUTHOR. 


220893 


P  K  E  F  A  C  E. 


When  preparing,  in  1849,  an  introduction  to  a  narrative  of  the 
military  transactions  in  1775  and  1776,  contained  in  a  volume 
entitled  "History  of  the  Siege  of  Boston,"  &c,  I  found  but 
meagre  accounts  of  the  revolutionary  movement  in  the  town 
from  1767  to  1775.  The  space  allotted  to  it  in  Dr.  Snow's 
History  is  about  thirty  pages.  It  was  not  a  part  of  the  plan  of 
William  Tudor,  in  his  "Life  of  James  Otis,"  or  of  Josiah 
Quincy,  in  his  "  Memoir  of  the  Life  of  Josiah  Quincy,  jun.," 
to  describe  it  in  these  valuable  works ;  nor  could  the  subject 
be  treated  with  the  fulness  it  requires  in  a  history  of  Massa- 
chusetts or  of  the  United  States. 

I  found,  moreover,  that  Joseph  Warren  was  identified  with 
the  whole  of  this  movement  as  an  efficient  political  leader. 
The  only  accounts  of  his  great  service,  however,  were  a  brief 
memoir  by  Rev.  Dr.  John  Eliot,  in  the  "Boston  Magazine" 
of  1784,  which,  in  1809,  was  enlarged  into  the  five  pages  of  his 
"Biographical  Dictionary;"  an  interesting  sketch  of  his  life, 
in  1816,  in  "Eees's  Cyclopaedia,"  supplied  by  Dr.  John  C. 
Warren;  the  "Memoir  of  Joseph  Warren,"  of  ten  pages,  by 
Samuel  L.  Knapp,  in  the  "Boston  Monthly  Magazine"  of  April, 
1826,  which  was  enlarged  from  his  "Biographical  Sketches," 
printed  in  1821;   a  little  volume,  entitled' "  Stories  of  General 

[v] 


VI  PREFACE. 

Warren  in  relation  to  the  Fifth-of-March  Massacre  and  the 
Battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  by  a  Lady  of  Boston,"  printed  in  1835  ; 
and  the  "Life  of  Joseph  Warren  by  Alexander  H.  Everett," 
printed  in  1845,  incorporated  into  Sparks's  "American  Biog- 
raphy," the  most  of  which  will  be  found  in  an  oration  delivered 
in  1836.  This  "Life"  contains  ninety  pages,  fifty-five  being 
devoted  to  a  description  of  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  These 
publications  do  not  contain  one  of  Warren's  letters. 

In  1849,  I  began  to  frame  a  narrative  of  Warren's  career, 
and  my  collections  soon  became  large.  In  1852,  fresh  material 
was  supplied  in  the  valuable  historical  contribution  of  "The 
Hundred  Boston  Orators,"  by  James  S.  Loring,  who  devotes  to 
Warren  twenty-six  pages.  In  1854,  additional  matter  relative 
to  him  was  printed  in  Mr.  Bancroft's  fourth  volume  of  the 
"  History  of  the  United  States,"  in  which  Warren  is  assigned  a 
just  position  in  our  revolutionary  story.  That  year,  Dr.  John 
C.  Warren  issued  the  elegant  volume  of  the  genealogy  of  the 
family,  which  contains  several  of  the  letters  of  Warren,  and 
Dr.  John  Warren's  Journal.  In  1855,  Samuel  G.  Drake 
printed  his  elaborate  "  History  of  Boston,"  which,  however,  does 
not  come  down  later  than  1770.  In  1857,  there  appeared  a 
pamphlet  entitled  "  Biography  of  General  Joseph  Warren  by  a 
Bostonian,"  which  consists  of  eighty-five  pages,  forty  of  them 
being  taken  up  with  three  orations. 

None  of  these  publications  contain  a  description  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  patriots  of  Boston  from  1767  to  1775.  I  have 
attempted  in  this  volume  to  supply  a  deficiency  in  American 
history,  by  describing  those  scenes  which  had  a  direct  bearing  on 
momentous  political  events.  From  the  date  of  1774,  the  ma- 
terial for  biography  is  abundant;  and  I  have  given  Warren's 
letters  in  full,  and  have  dwelt  on  his  personal  action. 


PREFACE.  Vll 

I  am  indebted  to  Jared  Sparks  for  the  free  use  of  the  col- 
lection, in  folio  volumes,  of  the  "  Letters  and  Papers  "  of  Francis 
Bernard  ;  to  George  Bancroft  for  the  use  of  a  manuscript  life 
of  Samuel  Adams  by  Samuel  Adams  Wells,  the  Journals  of  the 
Boston  Committee  of  Correspondence,  and  the  papers  of  Samuel 
Adams,  in  which  were  preserved  the  letters  addressed  by  Warren 
to  Samuel  Adams,  now  carefully  bound  in  a  separate  volume, 
none  of  which  have  been  printed  ;  to  the  librarians  of  the  Boston 
Athenaeum,  Harvard  College,  the  American  Academy  of  Arts 
and  Sciences,  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  and  the  New- 
York  Historical  Society,  for  every  facility  in  making  researches  ; 
to  the  courteous  City  Clerk  of  Boston,  Samuel  F.  M'Cleary, 
for  access  to  the  files  of  papers  and  records  in  his  office ;  to 
the  successive  Secretaries  of  State  for  facilities  in  consulting 
the  Massachusetts  archives ;  and  to  Dr.  J.  Mason  Warren 
for  the  use  of  the  plate  from  which  is  printed  the  portrait  of 
the  General.  I  am  indebted  for  favors  to  Dr.  Nathaniel  B. 
Shurtleff.  I  am  under  special  obligations  to  Dr.  John 
Appleton,  Assistant  Librarian  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society,  for  the  drawing  of  the  facsimile  of  Warren's  last 
letter,  and  for  critical  service  in  revising  the  proof-sheets. 

In  all  cases  where  it  was  possible,  I  have  resorted  to  original 
authorities.  I  have  spent  much  time  in  examining  the  letter- 
books  and  papers  of  Thomas  Hutchinson,  which  are  among  the 
rich  collection  of  Massachusetts  archives  at  the  State  House ; 
and  I  have  copied  much  from  them.  This  material  and  the 
papers  of  Francis  Bernard  contain  authentic  revelations  of 
the  principles  and  objects  of  two  confidential  agents  of  the 
British  Administration,  who  exerted  an  important  influence  in 
bringing  about  the  events  that  were  the  proximate  cause  of 
the  Revolution. 


VH1  PREFACE. 

I  will  only  add,  that  I  have  aimed  to  be  precise  and  accu- 
rate, not  only  in  the  construction  of  the  narrative,  but  in  the 
statement  of  opinion.  The  history  contained  in  this  volume 
has  a  general  bearing.  There  will  be  found  in  it  much  to 
show  the  beginnings  of  that  Union  which  the  Fathers  of  the 
Kepublic  recognized  to  be  a  manifestation  of  the  Providence  of 
God;  and  much  to  illustrate  the  way  in  which  the  thirteen 
English  colonies  passed  from  the  sovereignty  'of  Great  Britain 
to  become  an  American  nationality. 

Charlestown,  Mass.,  October  2,  18G5. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 
Early  Days.  — 1741  to  1763. 


Page. 

Introductory * 

Warren's  Position 1 

His  Public  Life * 

His  Civic  Career 2 

His  Utterances 3 

His  Fields  of  Labor 3 

The  Warren  Family 4 

The  Warren  Surname     ....  4 

Warren's  Ancestry 4 

His  Birthplace 4 

His  Father 5 

Warren  in  Boyhood 6 

Joseph  Warren's  Death  ....  7 

His  Sons 7 


Mary  Warren  .  .  . 
Her  Domestic  Life 
Her  Character  .  .  . 
Obituary  Notice  of  her 
Warren  enters  College 
His  Life-long  Friends  . 
His  College  Reputation 

Anecdote 

Poem  ascribed  to  him 
Master  of  a  Grammar-school 
Warren  to  the  School  Committee 
Member  of  St.  Andrew's  Lodge 

Studies  Medicine 

Takes  his  College  Degree   .    . 


Page. 

7 

8 

8 

9 

9 

10 

11 

11 

11 

12 

12 

13 

13 

13 


CHAPTER  II. 
Principles  and  Party.  — 1763  to  1767. 


Warren's  Marriage 

Elizabeth  Warren 

Warren's  Domestic  Virtues  .  . 
His  Settlement  in  Boston  .  .  . 
Character  of  the  Town    .... 

The  Small  Pox 

Warren's  Prospects  as  a  Physician 

The  Political  World 

Parties  in  Boston 

Leading  Objects  of  the  Whigs  . 
Leading  Objects  of  the  Tories  . 
Sympathies  of  Physicians  .  .  . 
Warren's  Study  of  Politics  .  .  . 
He  joins  the  Whigs 


His  Ruling  Passion 18 

Key  to  his  Political  Life  ....  19 

Warren  to  Edmund  Dana    ...  20 

On  Self-taxation 20 


On  Equality  of  Property    . 
On  Freedom  and  Equality 
On  the  Genius  of  the  People 
On  the  Value  of  Union 
On  French  Interference 
Character  of  this  Letter  .     . 
The  Popular  Leaders  .     .     . 
174^amuel  Adams  .     .... 
18  y  JBLis  Influence  on  Young  Men 
18  '  Friendship  of  Warren  and  Adams 
f  [ixj 


21 
21 
21 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
26 


Xll 


CONTENTS. 


Inadequacy  of  his  Force    .    . 

Page. 
.     116 

Troops  go  to  their  Quarters   .     . 

Page. 
131 

Hutchinson  on  the  Public  Peace      117 

Proceedings  in  the  Night   .     .     . 

132 

Troops  occasion  Quarrels  .     . 

.     117 

Morning  of  March  Sixth    .     .     . 

133 

Question  of  Firing  on  the  Peop 

e     118 

Question  of  Removal     .     .     .     . 

133 

Franklin  fears  a  Collision  .     . 

.     119 

Hutchinson's  Denial  of  Power    . 

134 

Hutchinson  dreads  a  Tragic  Scene    119 

Meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall     .     .     . 

134 

General  Interest  in  the  Question     119 

Ask  a  Removal  of  the  Troops     . 

137 

Inflamed  State  of  the  People  . 

.     120 

Decision  to  Remove  a  Part    .     . 

138 

The  Localities  of  the  Troops  . 

.     121 

Town-meeting  in  the  Afternoon  . 

139 

Fight  at  Gray's  Ropewalk .     . 

.     121 

Report  of  the  Committee  .     .     . 

141 

Laid  before  the  Council      .     . 

.     122 

The  Cry,  "  Both  Regiments  or 

Members  for  a  Removal     .     . 

.     122 
.     123 

none  " 

142 

The  Press  and  a  Hand-bill 

The  Second  Committee     .     .     . 

142 

Evening  of  March  Fifth     .     . 

.     124 

The  Council  Chamber  .     .     .     . 

143 

Affray  at  Murray's  Barracks  . 

.     124- 

"HDemand  by  Samuel  Adams    .     . 

144 

A  Sentinel  assaults  a  Boy  .     . 

.     124 

Agitation  of  Hutchinson    .     .     . 

145 

Twenty  Minutes  of  Interval  . 

.     125 

Vacillation  of  Dalrymple  .     .     . 

146 

A  Party  threatens  the  Sentinel 

.     126 

Unanimity  of  the  Council .     .     . 

147 

Preston  protects  the  Sentinel . 

.     126 

Decision  to  remove  the  Troops  . 

148 

The  People  and  the  Soldiers  . 

.     127 

Report  of  the  Committee  .     .     . 

149 

The  Soldiers  fire  on  the  People 

.     127 

Formation  of  the  Watch    .     .     . 

149 

Carr  parades  his  Men     .     .     . 

.     128 

Warren  on  the  Removal     .     .     . 

150 

The  Night  Alarm 

.    128 

John  Adams  on  the  Bloodshed   . 

150 

Summons  of  Hutchinson    .     . 

.     129 

The  Surprise  in  England   .     .     . 

151 

His  Meeting  with  Preston  .     . 

.     180 

Eulogy  on  Boston 

152 

His  Speech  to  the  People  .     . 

.     130 

Medford  to  Boston 

152 

Arrest  of  Preston 

.     131 

Boston  for  a  Common  Cause  .    . 

154 

CHAPTJ 

ER   VII. 

Oration  on  the  Massacre.  —  1 

March,  1770,  to  March,  1772. 

Warren's  next  Service  .     .     . 

.     155 

Anecdote  of  his  Firmness  .     .     . 

161 

Urges  Trials  of  the  Soldiers  . 

.     156 

Differences  among  the  Patriots  . 

162 

Appointed  on  Committees  .     . 

.     156 

Eliot  on  their  Causes     .... 

162 

Union  the  Desire  of  Americans 

156 

Hancock  and  Samuel  Adams 

163 

Warren  at  a  Merchants'  Meeting 

'    157 

Declining  Health  of  Otis    .     .     . 

163 

Repeal  of  the  Townshend  Act 

157 

J.  Adams  removes  to  Braintree  . 

164 

Retention  of  tbe  Tea  Duty    . 

157 

Anecdote  of  Cushing     .... 

165 

Non-importation  Plan  a  Failure 

158 

Warren  at  Thirty 

166 

The  General  Apathy      .     .     . 

158 

His  Household 

166 

^Hutchinson  and  Samuel  Adams 

159 

His  Bargain  for  a  Slave      .     .     . 

166 

Hutchinson    on    Local    Govern 

His  Professional  Life      .... 

167 

ment 

159 

His  Irritability 

His  Reputation 

168 

Hutchinson  on  Union     .     .     . 

159 

168 

^Samuel  Adams  on  Union  .     . 

159 

His  Social  Walks 

169 

CONTEXTS. 


Xlll 


Page. 

His  Connection  with  the  Clubs  .  170 

The  Fifth-of-March  Orator      .     .  171 

Tory  View  of  Local  Government  171 

The  Whig  View 172 

The  Town-meeting 172 

Oration  on  Civil  Government      .  173 

On  Consent  as  its  Basis  .    .  174 


Page 

Oration  on  the  American  Principle  174 

On  Violations  of  it  .     .     .     .  175 

On  Love  of  Liberty    ...  176 

Hutchinson  on  the  Oration     .     .  178 

Comment  of  the  Press  ....  178 

Vote  of  Thanks  by  the  Town     .  178 

Main  Purpose  of  the  Oration  .     .  178 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
Committees  of  Correspondence.— March,  1772,  to  January,  1773. 

Object  of  the  Tory  Party  .  .  . 
Designs  of  the  Patriots  .... 

Question  of  the  Judges'  Salaries 

Differences  among  the  Whigs     . 

^firnm""1  Adams  on  Parties  .     .     . 

' — 3r%e  Press  urges  Action     .     .     . 

— *he  Public  continue  Apathetic   . 

---Alarms  and  Petitions  for  Action  . 

The  Need  of  an  Issue    .... 

Resignation  of  Hillsborough  .     . 

Appointment  of  Dartmouth   .     . 

His  Instructions  on  Salaries    .     . 

The  Popular  Leaders  not  agreed 

Their  Relations  to  Politics  .  . 
"""""Samuel  Adams  urges  Union  .     . 

Hutchinson  on  a  Broken  Union  . 

His  View  of  Local  Rights  .     .     . 

Salaries  freed  from  Local  Law    . 

.  nhmittees  of  Correspondence  . 

Hutchinson  on  the  Popular  Clamor 

Union  a  Plan  of  Providence   .     . 

Petitions  for  a  Town-meeting  . 
<^iaFhe  Press  urges  Attendance  .     . 

Hutchinson  on  Political  Causes  . 

Meeting  October  Twenty-eighth 

Letter  read  from  Gerry      .     .     . 

Message  to  the  Governor  .  .  . 
^-^amuel  Adams  on  Politics      .     . 

Answer  of  the  Governor    .     .     . 

Petition  for  a  General  Court  .     . 

Town-meeting  November  Second 

An  Independent  Commonwealth 


180 

Answer  to  the  Petition  .     .     . 

.     199 

180 

Resolve  on  the  Right  of  Petition    200 

181 

Committee  of  Correspondence 

.     201 

182  ' 

T)tis,  S.  Adams,  and  Warren  . 

.     201 

182 

Organization  of  the  Committee  .     202 

183 

Sub-committee  to  frame  a  Report    202 

183 

Hutchinson  on  the  Movement 

.     202 

184-= 

■"Samuel  Adams's  Faith  .     .     . 

.     204 

185 

Cheering  Letter  from  Gerry  . 

.     205 

185 

Meeting  November  Twentieth 

l    .     206 

185 

Report  on  Colonial  Rights  .     . 

.     207 

186 

On  Expatriation      .     . 

.     207 

186 

On  Equality  .... 

.    207 

187 

On  Government      .     . 

.    207 

187 

On  Personal  Freedom 

.    207 

187 

On  Taxation  .... 

.    208 

189 

On  Local  Rights     .     . 

.     208 

189 

On  Jury  Trials  .     .     . 

.    209 

189 

On  Commercial  Freedom 

.     210 

190 

On  Americanism     .     . 

.     211 

191 

Doubts  of  James  Warren  . 
SFaith  of  Samuel  Adams     . 

.     .     212 

191- 

.     .     212 

192 

The  Report  its  own  Orator 

.     .     213 

192 

Read  by  the  Selectmen  .     . 

.     .     214 

193 

Reception  by  the  People     . 

.     .     214 

194 

Their  Response  to  Boston  . 

.     .     214 

194 

The  Answer  of  Cambridge 

.     .     214 

196 

All  the  Towns  urged  to  act 

.     .     215 

197 

Blindness  of  the  Tories      . 

.     .    216 

198 

The  Judgment  of  Hutchinsor 

i    .    217 

198 

Influence  of  the  Report  on  I 

i.b- 

198 

lie  Opinion 

.    .    217 

XIV 


CONTEXTS. 


CHAPTER  IX. 
The  Destruction  of  the  Tea.  — 1773.    January  to  December. 


Page. 

Sequence  of  destroying  the  Tea  218 

Warren  on  New  Year's  Day  .     .  219 

Faith  in  Divine  Providence    .     .  219 

Union  the  Paramount  Object .     .  220 

Committee  of  Correspondence     .  220 

Hutchinson  on  the  Signs    .     .     .  221 

His  Speech  to  the  Legislature     .  222 

The  Answer  of  the  House      .    .  223 

On  its  Authorship 223 

Hutchinson  on  Popular  Action    .  224 

Fifth-of-March  Oration  ....  225 

Town  defends  its  Action    .     .     .  225 

A  National  Party  organized    .     .  226 

Adams  on  the  Virginia  Action    .  227 

Death  of  Elizabeth  Warren    .     .  228 

Society  for  the  Bill  of  Rights      .  229 

The  Town  responds  to  Virginia .  230 

Progress  of  the  Union   ....  231 

Demand  for  a  Congress      .     .     .  231 

Hutchinson  on  the  Whig  Party  .  232 

Passage  of  the  Tea  Act      ...  233 

East-India  Company's  Plans  .     .  234 

The  Determination  to  defeat  them  234 

Action  of  Philadelphia  ....  235 

Spirit  of  Massachusetts      .     .     .  236 

The  Boston  Consignees      .     .     .  238 

Action  of  North-end  Caucus  .     .  238 

The  Summons  to  Liberty  Tree  .  239 

Vote  of  the  North-end  Caucus    .  240 

Meeting  at  Liberty  Tree    .     .     .  240 

The  People  and  the  Consignees  .  241 

They  decline  to  resign  ....  241 

Town-meeting  November  Fifth  .  243 

Adopts  the  Philadelphia  Resolves  243 

Consignees  evade  the  Demand    .  244 

The  Tone  of  the  Press  ....  245 

Hutchinson  on  the  Exigency  .     .  246 

-Firmness  of  Samuel  Adams  .     .  247 

The  Tea  Issue  and  the  Union     .  248 

A  Compromise  impossible .     .     .  248 

News  from  the  Tea  Ships  ...  250 

Meeting  November  Eighteenth  .  251 

Declination  of  the  Consignees     .  251 

Their  Application  to  the  Council  252 


Pagk. 

Conference  of  Committees     .     .  252 

Consignees  and  Selectmen      .     .  253 

Arrival  of  a  Tea  Ship    ....  254 

Proceedings  of  the  Selectmen     .  255 

Committee  of  Correspondence    .  255 

Their  Circular  to  the  Towns  .     .  255 

The  Pledge  of  Cambridge  ...  556 

Meeting  November  Twenty-ninth  257 

The  Debates  in  the  Old  South    .  258 

The  Proceedings  of  the  Council  .  259 

Obstinacy  of  Hutchinson   .     .     .  262 

Firmness  of  the  Consignees    .     .  263 

Vote  to  risk  Life  and  Fortune     .  264 

Comment  on  this  Meeting .     .     .  265 

The  Watch  over  the  Teas  ...  265 

Joy  at  the  Action  of  Boston  .     .  266 

Urged  to  save  the  Country     .     .  267 

Arrival  of  Two  more  Tea  Ships  267 

Vigilance  of  the  Patriots    ...  267 

Temper  of  the  People    ....  268 

Abigail  Adams  on  the  Temper    .  268 

The  Legal  Status  of  the  Teas     .  269 

The  Press  on  Public  Meetings    .  269 

Meeting  December  Fourteenth   .  271 

Hutchinson  December  Fifteenth  271 

Boston  on  December  Sixteenth  .  272 

A  Revolutionary  Deed  required  .  273 

Meeting  at  the  Old  South  ...  274 

Rotch  told  to  get  a  Pass     ...  275 

Speech  of  Josiah  Quincy,  jun.    .  276 

Hutchinson  at  Milton     ....  277 

Rotch  applies  for  a  Pass     .     .     .  277 

Hutchinson's  Denial 278 

The  Old  South  at  Sunset  ...  278 

Dissolution  of  the  Meeting     .     .  279 

A  Party  in  Indian  Costume    .     .  279 

The  People  at  Griffin's  Wharf    .  280 

The  Destruction  of  the  Tea  .     .  281 

The  General  Joy 281 

Response  from  the  Colonies    .     .  282 
Comment  on  the  Destruction  of 

the  Tea 283 

Contemporary  Vindication     .     .  284 

Warren's  Service 285 


CONTENTS. 


XV 


CHAPTER  X. 

Boston  Port  Act  and  the  American  Union. 

June,  1774. 


December,  1773,  to 


Letters  of  Warren  .  .  . 
Warren  to  Arthur  Lee  .  . 
His  Service  in  Committees 
The  Reply  to  Newport  .  . 
The  Union  and  a  Congress 
Tea  Issue  promotes  Union 
Isaac  Royall  on  Loyalty  . 
Samuel  Adams  on  his  Party 
Anxiety  to  hear  from  England 
Hancock  on  the  Fifth  of  March 
Warren  on  a  new  Post-Office  . 
Reports  from  England  .  .  . 
Views  of  Samuel  Adams  . 
England's  Nationality  roused . 
The  Boston  Port  Bill  .  .  . 
Reception  by  the  Committee  . 
Circular  drafted  by  Warren  . 
State  of  the  American  Mind  . 
Committees  meet  May  Twelfth 
Samuel  Adams  the  Chairman 
His  Fame  at  Fifty-two  .  .  . 
His  Invective  on  the  Port  Act 
Circular  of  the  Conference  . 
Town-meeting  May  Twelfth  . 
The  Donation  Committee  .     . 


Page. 

287 

288 

290 

290 

291 

292 

294 

294 

295 

295 

,    296 

,    298 

,    299 

,    299 

.     299 

,     300 

,     300 

.     301 

.     301 

.     302 

.    302 

.     303 

.    304 

.    305 

.     306 


Pagb. 

Arrival  of  General  Gage    .     .     .  307 

His  Character  and  Reception  .     .  307 

Hutchinson's  last  Official  Acts    .  308 

On  paying  for  the  Tea  .     .     .     .  310 

Bearing  of  the  People   ....  310 

Port  Act  under  the  Colonies  .     .  311 

Solemn  League  and  Covenant    .  313 

Appeal  for  Union 314 

Interesting  Week 315 

Franklin  on  paying  for  the  Tea  .  315 

Meeting  of  Tradesmen  ....  316 

Warren  to  Samuel  Adams      .     .  317 

Letter  from  Baltimore   ....  318 

Warren  to  Baltimore      ....  318 

Seventeenth  of  June      ....  319 

Town-meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall    .  320 

John  Adams  as  Moderator      .     .  320 

His  Political  Career 320 

Success  of  the  Meeting      .     .    .  322 

Samuel  Adams  at  Salem    .     .     .  322 

Gage  dissolves  the  General  Court  324 

Delegates  chosen  to  Congress     .  325 
Close    of  British    Authority  in 

Massachusetts 325 

Rejoicing  at  Warren's  House      .  325 


CHAPTER  XL 

The  Regulating  Act  and  the  Suffolk  Resolves. 

September. 


1774.    June  to 


Two  additional  Penal  Acts     .     .  327 

Hutchinson  and  George  III.  .     .  327 

The  King  and  the  Colonies    .     .  331 

Effect  of  the  New  Acts  .     ...  331 

Samuel  Adams  on  the  Crisis  .     .  332 

Meeting  June  Twenty-eighth      .  333 

Donation  Committee  organized  .  334 

Gage  receives  the  Two  Acts  .     .  334 

His  Instructions 334 

Greatness  of  the  Issue  ....  335 


Pledges  to  Massachusetts  .     .    .  336 

Words  of  Prescott  and  Gardner  .  337 

S.  Adams  leaves  for  Congress     .  338 

Supply  of  his  Necessities   .     .     .  338 

Warren  as  a  Popular  Leader  .     .  338 

Warren  to  Samuel  Adams  .     .     .  339 

Putnam  the  Guest  of  Warren     .  341 

Suffolk  Convention  at  Stoughton  341 

Dunbar's  Liberty  Prayer    .     .     .  342 

William  Eustis 342 


xvi 


CONTENTS. 


Page. 

Warren  to  Samuel  Adams      .    .  343 

Warren  to  Stonington    ....  345 

Warren  to  Preston 346 

Gage  forbids  a  Town-meeting     .  348 

Conference  August  Twenty-sixth  349 

Provincial  Congress  resolved  on  349 

Warren  to  Norwich 350 

Warren  to  Samuel  Adams      .     .  351 

The  Powder  Alarm 352 

Warren  at  Cambridge  ....  353 
Warren  to  East  Haddam  .  .  .  354 
Warren  on  Government  .  .  .  355 
Warren  to  Samuel  Adams  .  .  355 
One  Colony  of  Freemen  a  Bul- 
wark for  the  Rights  of  America  358 
Expression  of  Popular  Feeling  .  358 
Gage  fortifies  Boston  Neck     .    .  359 


Page. 
Paul  Revere  on  Boston  ....  359 
British  Force  in  Boston  .  .  .  360 
Suffolk  Convention  re-assembles  360 
Warren  reports  the  Suffolk  Re- 
solves    361 

Address  to  Gage 362 

His  Reply 363 

Second  Address 363 

Warren's  Meeting  with  Flucker  364 

Boldness  of  the  Suffolk  Resolves  365 

Warren  sends  them  to  Congress  366 

Their  Reception 367 

Their  Indorsement 367 

Joy  of  the  Patriots 367 

Surprise  of  Gage  .......  367 

Violence  of  the  Tories  ....  368 

Union  of  the  Colonies   ....  369 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Massachusetts  and  the  General  Congress.  —  September,  1774,  to 
January,  1775. 


Description  of  Massachusetts      .  370 

The  First  Charter 371 

Charter  of  William  and  Mary    .  372 

Local  Government  dissolved  .     .  373 

Condition  of  the  People     ...  374 

On  forming  Government    .     .     .  375 

Extremists  among  the  Whigs      .  375 

Class  who  aimed  at  Union      .     .  375 

Warren  to  Samuel  Adams      .     .  375 

Samuel  Adams  to  Warren  .     .     .  377 

Warren  chosen  a  Delegate     .     .  378 

Instructions  of  Boston  ....  379 

Card  by  Warren 380 

Committee  of  Correspondence    .  380 

Warren  to  Samuel  Adams  .     .     .  381 

A  Provincial  Congress  ....  383 

Prominent  Members 384 

On  Forming  a  Government    .     .  385 

Letter  of  John  Adams  ....  386 

Action  in  the  Union  Spirit      .     .  387 

Reliance  on  the  General  Congress  388 

Its  Pledge  to  Massachusetts    .     .  388 

The  Provincial  Congress    .     .     .  389 


Decline  to  Form  a  Government  .  390 

Middletown  on  the  Penal  Acts    .  391 

Warren  to  Middletown  ....  391 

Citation  from  Josiah  Quincy ,  jun.  393 

Warren  to  Josiah  Quincy,  jun.    .  393 

Gage  on  the  Union 396 

The  Provincial  Congress    .     .     .  397 

Its  Address  to  the  People  .     .     .  397 

Warren  to  Newport 398 

His  General  Activity     ....  398 

Spirit  of  the  Tory  Party    ...  399 

Firmness  of  the  Whigs  ....  400 

Non-importation  Policy ....  400 

American  Union  fully  reached    .  401 

Voices  from  South  Carolina   .     .  401 

Prediction  for  1874    .     .     .     .     .  402 

Meaning  of  Union 403 

Washington's  Interpretation  .     .  404 
Motto   on   the   American    Flag, 

"Liberty  and  Union"     .     .     .  403 

Pledge  from  Durham     ....  403 

Military  Preparation      ....  404 

Warren's  "  Song  on  Liberty  "     .  405 


CONTENTS. 


XVU 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


Warren's  Second  Oration.  — 1775.    January  to  March. 


Warren  in  favor  of  Bold  Action . 
His  Service  on  Committees  .  . 
Inspection  Committees  .... 
Greatness  of  the  Question  .  .  . 
Objects  of  the  Patriots  .... 
Ministry  give  up  Taxation  .  . 
Retain  the  Right  to  alter  Char- 
ters   

Franklin  on  this  Claim  .... 
Army  sent  to  enforce  it  .  .  . 
Spirit  of  Resistance  to  it  .  .  . 
Dartmouth  on  Hostilities  .  .  . 
Samuel  Adams  on  Hostilities 
Second  Provincial  Congress  .  . 
Re-elect  the  Committee  of  Safety 
Enlarge  their  Powers  .... 
Tory  Action  and  Hand-bill  .  . 
The  Troops  create  Alarm  .  .  . 
Warren  to  Samuel  Adams  .  . 
Warren  on  Committees  .  .  . 
Appeal  of  Congress 416 


Page. 
406 
406 
407 
407 
408 
409 

409 
409 
410 
410 
411 
411 
412 
412 
412 
413 
413 
414 
415 


Gage  on  the  Congress  . 
Warren  to  Arthur  Lee  .... 
The  Committee  of  Safety  .  .  . 
Hawley  against  Hostilities  .  . 
Josiah  Quincy,  jun.,  on  Hostilities 
Gage  on  disarming  the  People     . 


417 
418 
419 
420 
421 
422 


Leslie  at  Salem     .    .    . 
Firmness  of  the  Patriots 
The  Pledge  of  Falmouth 
Reply  of  Boston   .     .     . 
Inspiring  Signs  of  Union 
Contemporary  Interpretation 
William  H.  Drayton's  Charge 
John  Adams's  "  Novanglus 
Abraham  Cowley's  Prophecy 
The  American  Ensign   .     . 
Fifth-of-March  Anniversary 
Warren  selected  as  the  Orator 
Town-meeting  .     .     . 
Appearance  of  the  Old  South 
The  Audience  .... 
Description  of  the  Orator 
Oration,  exordium     .     . 

On  Personal  Freedom 

On  Colonial  Freedom 

On  Aggressions .     . 

On  their  Consequences 

On  the  Massacre 

On  Hostilities 

On  the  Duty  of  the  Hour 
Behavior  of  the  Officers     . 
Samuel  Adams  on  the  Scene 
Samuel  L.  Knapp  on  the  Scene 


Page. 

422 

422 

423 

423 

424 

424 

424 

424 

425 

426 

,    426 

,    426 

,    427 

,    427 

.    428 

.    429 

.    430 

.    430 

.    431 

.    432 

.    432 

.    433 

.    433 

.    435 

.    437 

.    438 

.    439 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

The   Nineteenth   op  April.  — 1775.     From  the   5th   of  March  to 
the  19th  of  April. 


Action  of  the  Committee  of  Safety 

441 

Summons  of  Absent  Members 

.    445 

The  Army  watched 

441 

Irritations  of  the  Army      .     . 

.    445 

George  III.  confident    .... 

442 

Mock  Oration  by  the  Officers 

.    446 

Patriots  hold  Union  their  Anchor 

442 

Marches  of  the  Army    .     .     . 

.    457 

Warren  to  Montreal 

442 

Warren  to  Arthur  Lee  .     .     . 

.    457 

Spirit  of  the  National  Life  .     .     . 

444 

Francis  Dana  on  the  Colony  . 

.    448 

The  Provincial  Congress  meet    . 

444 

Samuel  Cooper  on  Union   .     . 

.    448 

Its  Conciliatory  Spirit    .... 

444 

Warren  to  Franklin  .... 

.    448 

Alarming  News  from  England     . 

445 

Caution  of  Congress  .... 

.     449 

xyin 


CONTENTS. 


Paqb. 

Numbers  of  the  Army  ....  460 

Its  Officers  expect  Submission    .  450 

Warren  on  Cowardice    ....  451 

Apprehensions  of  Arrests  .    .    .  451 

Anecdotes  of  Warren     ....  452 

Warren  decides  on  a  Military  Life  452 

Movements  of  Gage .    .    . '  .    .  453 
Warren    informs    Hancock   and 

Adams 454 

Troops  on  the  March     ....  454 

Warren  sends  Word  to  Lexington  455 

Smith's  Expedition  to  Concord  .  455 

Anecdote  of  Lord  Percy    .    .    .  455 

The  Alarm  of  the  Country    .    .  456 


Page. 

Day  of  Lexington  and  Ooncord  .  456 

Express  to  Warren 456 

His  Departure  from  Boston    .     .  456 

Meets  Charlestown  Men    .    .    .  457 

Meets  Officers  in  Cambridge  .     .  457 

Meets  the  Committee  of  Safety  .  458 

Question  of  beginning  War    .     .  458 

Hancock  and  Adams      ....  459 

Anecdote  of  Samuel  Adams  .     .  459 

Warren  joins  Heath 460 

Percy  rescues  Smith      ....  460 

Warren  and  West  Cambridge     .  461 

British  reach  Bunker  Hill ...  462 

Comment  on  Warren's  Service  .  462 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Sixty  Days  op  Service.  — 1775.     From  the  19th  op  April  to  the 

17th  of  June. 


Day  of  Lexington  and  Concord  .  464 

Boards  of  Selectmen     ....  464 

Circular  penned  by  Warren    .     .  466 

Warren  to  General  Gage    .     .     .  467 

Eliot  on  Warren's  Influence   .     .  468 

The  Provincial  Congress    .     .     .  468 

Warren  President  pro  tern.  .     .     .  469 

His  Autographs 470 

Warren  to  Arthur  Lee  ....  470 

Report  made  by  Warren    .    .    .  471 

Warren  to  the  Selectmen  .     .    .  472 

Warren  to  Alexander  M'Dougal  473 

Warren  to  Connecticut  ....  475 

Warren  on  Committees  ....  476 

Warren  drafts  Papers     ....  477 

Warren  on  the  Situation  of  Boston  478 

Character  of  William  Cooper      .  480 

Warren  on  a  Government  .     .     .  481 

Warren  to  Committee  of  Safety  482 

Warren  to  Moses  Gill    ....  482 

Warren  to  Samuel  Adams      .     .  483 

On  taking  up  Government      .     .  485 

Warren  to  Joseph  Reed     .     .     .  486 

Warren  to  Continental  Congress  487 

Its -Admirable  Statesmanship      .  487 


Warren  to  Arther  Lee  ....  488 

Warren  on  Ticonderoga     .     .     .  490 

Re-chosen  on  Committee  of  Safety  490 

Warren  on  giving  Commissions  .  491 

Warren  at  Grape  Island     .     .     .  493 

His  Connection  with  the  Press    .  493 

Benjamin  Edes  and  John  Gill     .  493 

Warren  on  Arnold's  Success  .     .  494 

Warren  to  Samuel  Adams  .     .     .  495 

Warren  to  Continental  Congress  496 

Warren  to  New  Hampshire    .     .  497 

Third  Provincial  Congress      .     .  498 

Warren  elected  President  .     .     .  498 

Dr.  Langdon's  Sermon  ....  498 

Testimony  to  Social  Order     .     .  499 
Warren  on  the  Appointment  of 

Washington 500 

Warren  on  Exchange  of  Prisoners  601 

Report  on  the  Army 602 

Warren  on  Committees  ....  503 

Warren  chosen  Major-General    .  603 

Decision  to  occupy  Bunker  Hill  504 

Relations  of  Warren's  Views      .  604 

Warren's  last  Letter 606 

Occupation  of  Breed's  Hill     .     .  607 


CONTENTS. 


XIX 


CHAPTER  XVI. 
The  Closing  Scene.  — 1775.    The  Seventeenth  op  June. 


The  Seventeenth  of  June  .  . 
Warren  in  the  Morning  .  . 
He  goes  to  Cambridge  .  .  . 
Meets  the  Committee  of  Safety- 
Letters  from  Congress  .  .  . 
Alarm  in  Cambridge  .  .  . 
Warren  goes  to  Charlestown  . 
His  View  from  Bunker  Hill  . 
His  Interview  with  Putnam  . 
His  Meeting  with  Prescott  . 
His  Service  as  a  Volunteer  . 
Capture  of  the  Redoubt     .    . 


Pagb. 
508 
509 
510 
510 
611 
512 
513 
513 
614 
515 
515 

,    616 


Page. 

His  Death 517 

His  Burial  on  the  Field ....  518 

Relations  of  his  Pall 619 

The  General  Mourning  ....  520 

Individual  Expressions  ....  620 

John  Warren  on  the  Battle-field  .  522 

Discovery  of  the  Body  ....  522 

The  Public  Funeral 623 

Perez  Morton's  Eulogy ....  624 

The  Remains 524 

Warren's  Friends 625 

Conclusion 525 


APPENDIX. 


I.  The  Suffolk  Resolves 529 

II.  Eulogies  on  Warren 535 

III.  Warren's  Children 642 

IV.  Relics  of  Warren 546 

V.  Monuments  to  Warren ^ 


LIFE  AND  TIMES 


OF 


JOSEPH    WARREN, 


CHAPTEE    I. 


EARLY  DAYS. 


Introductory.  —  Family  of  Warren.  —  His  Boyhood.  —  Death  of 
his  Father.  —  His  College  Days.  —  Political  Events.  —  Anec- 
dote.—  A  School-Teacher.  —  A  Mason.  —  His  Profession. 

1741  to  1763. 

Joseph  "Wahren  was  one  of  the  popular  leaders  of 
Boston  during  the  early  stage  of  the  American  Revo- 
lution. He  grasped. its  basis  idea  of  civil  freedom, 
and  aimed  to  impress  on  the  public  mind  its  dig- 
nity and  glory.  By  ten  years  of  devotion  to  the 
patriot  cause,  he  rose  to  be  the  head  of  public  affairs 
in  Massachusetts,  and  became  one  of  the  most  promi- 
nent characters  of  New  England.1 

"Warren,  through  life,  was  a  man  of  action,  whose 
words  were  deeds.  To  repel  the  aggressions  of  arbi- 
trary power,  and  to  maintain  the  principles  of  liberty, 
he  wrote  in  the  political  journals,  was  zealous  in  the 
private  clubs,  and  was  a  leader  in  the  public  meetings. 

i  Both  in  civil  and  military  affairs,  the  most  prominent  man  in  New  Eng- 
land. —  Life  of  Warren,  by  Alexander  H.  Everett,  107. 

1 


A  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARKEX. 

"When  his  townsmen  desired  an  exponent  of  their 
sentiment,  he  became  their  orator ;  when  the  time 
arrived  for  American  union,  he  was  active  in  organ- 
izing committees  of  correspondence ;  and,  when  revo- 
lutionary action  was  required,  he  appeared  in  the 
front  of  responsibility  in  destroying  the  tea,  and  in 
resisting  the  acts  altering  the  Massachusetts  Charter. 
As  the  virtual  executive  of  a  free  State,  he  acted  with 
the  comprehensiveness  of  the  patriot,  and  the  admin- 
istrative ability  of  the  statesman.  On  the  field  of 
war,  he  impressed  his  associates  with  his  coolness, 
judgment,  and  resources.  He  volunteered  to  share, 
with  a  band  of  militia,  the  perils  of  an  extreme  post; 
and,  when  he  fell  in  the  Bunker-hill  battle,  co-laborers 
in  the  cause,  who  felt  the  magnetism  of  his  influence, 
and  knew  the  value  of  his  service,  declared  that  his 
memory  would  be  endeared  to  the  worthy,  in  every 
part  and  age  of  the  world,  as  long  as  virtue  and  valor 
should  be  esteemed  among  mankind.1 

The  tributes  paid  to  Warren,  when  he  was  crowned 
an  immortal,  indicate  a  career  of  no  ordinary  char- 
acter ;  and  the  future  seemed  burdened  with  his 
honors.2  But  so  scanty  is  the  material  relative  to 
him,  of  a  strictly  personal  cast,  that  the  greater 
part  of  his  civic  service  has  been  overlooked.3  The 
Boston  records  place  him  in  the  front  rank  of  great 
political  action,  but  are  barren  of  details.  Contem- 
porary eulogy,  however  abundant,  is  not  copious  in 
facts ;  and  his  letters  are  but  few  in  number,  until  the 
last  fifteen   months   of  his   life.      Then,  utterances, 

1  Massachusetts  Committee  of  Safety,  July  25,  1775.    2  Bancroft,  vii.  433. 

8  The  first  public  appearance  of  Dr.  Warren,  in  connection  with  the  political 
affairs  of  the  day,  was  on  the  occasion  of  the  delivery  of  the  Anniversary  Address 
of  1772.  —  Everett's  Life  of  Warren,  114. 


EARLY   DAYS.  O 

elicited  by  his  public  labors,  often  in  a  prophet's  tone, 
and  always  aglow  with  patriotic  fire,  reveal  the  inner 
springs  of  a  noble  life,  and  justify  the  judgment,  that 
"Warren  lived  an  ornament  to  his  country.1 

His  words,  interpreted  in  action,  show  his  grasp  of 
issues,  his  motive,  and  his  aim;  but,  to  see  him  as  a 
social  power,  it  is  necessary  to  follow  him  through 
scenes  when  the  public  passion  was  roused,  and  high 
resolve  ruled  the  hour,  and  when  he  was  a  leader  in 
company  with  kindred  spirits.  These  scenes  must 
ever  be  of  interest  from  their  connection  with  the 
events  that  led  to  national  independence.  In  weaving 
descriptions  of  them  into  a  biography  which  demands 
traits  of  personal  character,  there  is  a  liability  of  en- 
croaching on  the  province  of  history  on  the  one  hand, 
and,  on  the  other,  of  being  incomplete;  and,  while  a 
view  will  be  given  of  the  great  popular  demonstra- 
tions in  which  he  was  an  actor,  only  so  much  general 
history  will  be  related  as  may  be  necessary  to  show 
the  working  of  political  influences  on  the  community 
among  whom  he  passed  his  life. 

The  career  of  many  of  the  revolutionary  men  ex- 
tends over  a  longer  period  than  that  of  Warren;  but 
few  have  connected  their  names  more  enduringly  with 
vital  principles  or  salient  events,  and  seldom  is  there 
seen  a  life  of  nobler  devotion  to  country,  and  hence 
better  calculated,  by  its  lesson,  to  strengthen  patriotic 
influences.  The  contemplation  of  such  a  character  as 
the  self-devoted  martyr  of  Bunker  Hill  is  the  noblest 
spectacle  which  the  moral  world  affords.2 

1  As  he  lived  an  ornament  to  his  country,  his  death  reflected  a  lustre  upon 
himself,  and  the  cause  he  so  warmly  espoused.  — Eliot's  Biographical  Dictionary. 

2  Everett's  Warren,  182. 


4  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN". 

In  a  genealogy  of  the  Warren  Family,  the  name 
is  traced  back  to  "William,  Earl  Warren,  a  Nor- 
man baron  of  Danish  extraction.  He  accompanied 
William  the  Conqueror  on  his  expedition  to  England; 
fought  at  the  battle  of  Hastings ;  was  rewarded  with 
riches  that  were  shorn  from  the  intrepid  Saxons;  and 
won  the  confidence  of  the  Court  to  such  an  extent, 
that,  when  the  king  left  England  on  a  visit  to  his  na- 
tive land,  Earl  Warren  was  appointed  one  of  the  two 
guardians  of  the  kingdom.  From  this  ancestry,  the 
Warrens  are  followed  down  through  earls,  knights, 
and  commoners,  to  the  period  of  the  colonization  of 
our  country.1  Then  emigrants  of  this  name  settled  in 
Plymouth,  Watertown,  and  Boston ;  but  no  proof  has 
been  discovered  of  a  connection  between  these  fami- 
ilies.2  A  careful  examination  of  the  records  of  the 
parish  in  England,  whence  the  Watertown  family 
came,  fails  to  connect  it  with  the  Boston  family.3 
Joseph   Warren's   ancestry  have   not   been   authen- 

1  I  am  indebted  to  the  late  Dr.  J.  C.  Warren  for  a  copy  of  his  beautiful 
"Genealogy  of  Warren,  with  some  Historical  Sketches,"  printed  in  1854. 
In  "  Patronymica  Britannica  "  is  an  account  of  the  Warren  surname,  dated 
Oct.  1,  1860 :  "  Warren.  —  William  de  Warene,  or  AVarrena,  who  married  Gun- 
drada,  a  daughter  of  William  the  Conqueror,  received  great  possessions  in 
Sussex,  Surry,  Norfolk,  Suffolk,  &c,  and  became  progenitor  of  the  Earls  of 
Warenne  and  Surry.  His  chief  seat,  anterior  to  the  Conquest,  was  at  Bellen- 
combre,  a  small  town  in  the  arrondissement  of  Dieppe,  in  Normandy,  on  the 
little  river  Varenne.  By  this  name,  the  town  itself  was  anciently  known,  until, 
upon  the  erection  of  a  fortress  upon  an  artificial  mound,  or  bellus  cumulus,  it 
received,  from  that  circumstance,  the  appellation  of  Bellencombre.  —  Arch. 
Journal,  iii.  6.  The  Norman  de  Warrennes  were  doubtless  progenitors  of  many 
existing  families  of  Warren ;  but  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  surname  may 
have  a  totally  different  source,  —  namely,  warren,  which  Baily  defines  as  "  a  fran- 
chise, or  place  privileged  by  the  king,  for  keeping  conies,  hares,  partridges, 
pheasants,"  &c;  though  the  phrase  is  now  more  commonly  applied  to  a  colony 
of  rabbits.  Thirdly,  Warran,  or  Warinus,  is  an  old  baptismal  name,  whence 
Fitz  Warine." 

2  Savage's  Genealogical  Dictionary.  8  H.  G.  Somerby,  MS.  letter. 


EAKLY   DAYS.  5 

tically  traced  beyond  Peter  "Warren,  whose  name 
appears  first  on  the  Boston  records,  in  1659,  where 
he  is  called  Mariner.  His  second  son,  Joseph,  a 
housewright,  built  a  house,  in  1720,  in  Eoxbury,  and 
died  in  1729.  His  son  Joseph,  born  in  1696,  married, 
May  29,  1740,  Mary,  the  daughter  of  Dr.  Samuel 
Stevens,  of  Eoxbury;  and  here  their  son  Joseph,  the 
subject  of  this  biography,  was  born,  on  the  11th  of 
June,  1741.  The  family  mansion,  which  was  substan- 
tial and  commodious,  stood  in  what  is  now  Warren 
Street,  and  was  then  near  the  centre  of  the  principal 
village.  On  the  site  of  it  there  is  now  a  modern 
house,  built  of  stone,  which  has  two  inscriptions  on 
the  front  of  the  second  story.  One  is:  w  On  this  spot 
stood  the  house  erected,  in  1720,  by  Joseph  Warren, 
of  Boston,  remarkable  for  being  the  birthplace  of 
General  Joseph  Warren,  his  grandson,  who  was 
killed  at  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  June  17,  1775." 
The  other  is:  "John  Warren,  a  distinguished  physi- 
cian and  anatomist,  was  also  born  here.  The  original 
mansion  being  in  ruins,  this  house  was  built  by  John 
C.  Warren,  M.D.,  in  1846,  son  of  the  last  named,  as 
a  permanent  memorial  of  the  spot." 1 

Eoxbury,  which  borders  on  Boston,  is  character- 
ized, by  an  early  writer,  as  having  been  settled  by  a 
laborious  people,  who  turned  its  swamps  into  fruitful 
fields,  and  planted  flocks  and  herds  on  its  rocky  hills.2 
The  father  of  Warren  was  a  farmer,  who  was  highly 
esteemed  and  respected,  led  an  exemplary  life,  and 
held  several  municipal  offices  to  the  acceptance  of  his 
townsmen.  He  paid  much  attention  to  fruit-raising, 
and  introduced  into  the  neigborhood  of  Boston  the 

1  Loring's  Hundred  Boston  Orators,  47.  2  Hubbard. 


6  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

apple  denominated  from  him  the  "Warren  Kusset."1 
Warren's  mother  had  a  fine  mind  and  a  lovely  dispo- 
sition; and  her  long  and  useful  life  was  imbued  with 
fervent  piety. 

Warren,  happy  in  a  parentage  of  independence  and 
virtue,  passed  his  childhood  under  careful  eyes  and 
healthy  influences.  He  was  instructed  in  the  rudi- 
ments of  knowledge  in  the  public  school  of  Roxbury; 
but  nothing  is  related  specially  of  his  studies.  He  is 
described  in  boyhood  as  manly,  generous,  fearless, 
and  independent.2  He  raised  himself,  a  Tory  writer 
said,  from  ambition  only,  from  a  bare-legged  milk-boy 
to  be  a  major-general.3  The  history  of  the  time  could 
hardly  have  failed  to  arrest  his  attention  and  excite 
his  ambition.  The  journals  then  seen  in  most  fami- 
lies contained  accounts  of  the  encroachments  of  the 
French  in  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio;  and  Washington's 
daring  feats  and  dawning  fame  would  naturally  be 
the  household  talk.4  There  was  in  Boston  the  un- 
common spectacle  of  the  gathering  of  an  army,  and 

1  Everett's  Warren,  95.  2  Stories  of  Gen.  Warren,  18. 

8  News  Letter,  Jan.  11,  1776. 

4  The  following,  from  the  newspapers  of  this  period,  shows  the  manner  in 
which  Washington  was  named  when  Warren  was  a  boy :  — 

A  brief  chronology  of  remarkable  events  relating  chiefly  to  the  present  war. 

Since  first  the  Sparks  of  this  dire  War  begun,  i 

In  this  new  World,  which  into  Europe  run.     j 

Since  the  perfidious  French  in  hostile  Ranks     i 

The  English  drove  from  smooth  Ohio's  Banks.  1 

Since  Washington  entered  the  List  of  Fame,  )  ^      ,        „___ 
~TI  *        *.-.-.  [  October,  1753. 

And  by  a  Journey  to  Lake  Erie  came.  ) 

Since  he  defeats  a  French  detached  Band.  1  _•-       «.-_-. 

Under  the  brave  Jumonville^s  command.  S  ' 

Since  Contrecoeur  took  hold  of  English  Claim.       j 

His  Fortress  builds  and  calls  it  Fort  Du  Quesne.  j 

Since  Beau  Se  Jour  yielded  to  British  Fame,  )  „        «—...__. 
......    .1       -x  >  June  20,  1754. 

And  Cumberland  adorns  its  present  name.      J 

Since  Fortune  turned  to  Washington  adverse,    i 

Who  makes -good  Terms  with  a  superior  Force.  J        ^    ' 


EARLY   DAYS.  i 

its   embarkation   for   Nova   Scotia,  in   order  to   act 
against  the  enemy. 

When  Warren  was  fourteen,  his  father,  while  in  his 
orchard,  gathering  fruit  from  a  tree,  fell  from  the  lad- 
der on  which  he  was  mounted,  and  was  instantly 
killed.  His  son  John,  subsequently  a  celebrated  sur- 
geon, who  was  sent  by  his  mother  to  call  his  father  to 
dinner,  met  the  body  as  two  laborers  were  bearing  it 
towards  the  house.  A  letter  in  the  "Boston  News 
Letter"  (Roxbury,  Oct.  25,  1755)  thus  relates  this 
calamity :  "  On  Wednesday  last,  a  sorrowful  acci- 
dent happened  here.  As  Mr.  Joseph  Warren,  of  this 
town,  was  gathering  apples  from  a  tree,  standing 
upon  a  ladder  considerable  distance  from  the  ground, 
he  fell  from  thence,  broke  his  neck,  and  expired  in  a 
few  minutes.  He  was  esteemed  a  man  of  good  un- 
derstanding; industrious,  upright,  honest,  and  faith- 
ful; a  serious,  exemplary  Christian;  a  useful  member 
of  society.  He  was  generally  respected  among  us, 
and  his  death  is  universally  lamented."  His  widow 
was  left  with  the  charge  of  four  sons,  —  Joseph,  the 
patriot;  Samuel,  who  continued  to  live  with  his 
mother,  and  cultivate  the  paternal  estate;  Ebenezer, 
who  settled  in  Foxboro',  and  was  a  member  of  the 
Convention  which  ratified  the  Federal  Constitution, 
and  of  the  General  Court,  and  a  judge  of  the  Court 
of  Common  Pleas  in  Norfolk  County ;  and  John,  who 
was  educated  at  Harvard  College,  studied  medicine 
with  his  brother,  was  a  surgeon  in  the  army  of  the 
Revolution,  rose  to  eminence  in  his  profession,  was  a 
distinguished  literary  and  political  writer,  and  an  elo- 
quent lecturer.  The  fidelity  with  which  the  mother 
executed  her  arduous  trust  is  attested  by  the  virtues 
of  her  children. 


8  LITE    OF   JOSEPH   WAEEEN. 

She  lived  to  see  her  sons  attain  fame  and  honor, 
was  an  object  of  general  interest  in  Roxbury,  reached 
an  advanced  age,  and  continued  until  her  death  to 
live  in  the  family  mansion.  She  was  hospitable,  kind 
to  her  neighbors,  benevolent  to  the  poor,  and  reaped, 
in  the  affectionate  attention  of  the  younger  members 
of  the  family,  the  best  reward  for  the  exemplary  care 
with  which  she  had  discharged  her  maternal  duties. 
This  excellent  woman  appears  to  have  much  resem- 
bled the  mother  of  Washington,  in  the  skill  and  care 
with  which  she  infused  generous  sentiments  and  vir- 
tuous principles  into  the  bosoms  of  her  children;  and 
she  reaped,  almost  as  richly  as  Mrs.  Washington,  the 
fruits  of  her  labors.1  It  has  been  said2  that  it  is  not 
easy  to  imagine  a  lovelier  scene  than  the  following 
paragraph,  from  the  w  Stories  of  General  Warren," 
presents,  of  the  evening  of  a  well-spent  life,  still 
warmed  and  brightened  by  the  benign  spirit  which 
had  been  the  sun  of  this  life's  long  day :  w  In  her  old 
age,  when  her  own  children  had  left  their  fireside  to 
take  their  part  in  the  active  scenes  of  life,  it  was  one 
of  her  dearest  pleasures  to  gather  a  group  of  their 
children  and  the  children  of  others  around  her.  She 
did  all  in  her  power  to  promote  their  enjoyment,  and 
her  benevolent  smile  was  always  ready  to  enliven  and 
encourage  them.  On  Thanksgiving  Day,  she  de- 
pended on  having  all  her  children  and  grandchildren 
with  her;  and,  until  she  was  eighty  years  of  age,  she 
herself  made  the  pies  with  which  her  table  was 
loaded."3 

Mary  Warren  died  in  1803.  Several  of  the  Boston 
journals  of  Jan.  20  have  this  obituary  notice  :   "At 

1  Southern  Literary  Messenger,  i.  750.        2  lb.       8  Stories  of  Gen.  Warren,  17. 


EARLY   DAYS.  9 

Roxbury,  on  Friday  last,  Mrs.  Mary  Warren,  aged 
ninety.  Few  among  the  sons  and  daughters  of  Adam 
have  attained  so  advanced  an  age,  fewer  still  with 
faculties  so  unimpaired,  very  few  with  a  character 
so  unspotted.  An  unshaken  confidence  in  the  recti- 
tude of  the  Divine  government  rendered  her  firm  and 
serene  through  every  stage  of  life.  Of  the  cup  of 
adversity  she  had  sometimes  drank  deeply;  but  the 
religion  of  Jesus  was  her  never-failing  support.  It 
was  this  that  prompted  to  the  exercise  of  universal 
beneficence;  it  was  this  which  heightened  her  rel- 
ish for  social  intercourse  and  enjoyment;  and  the 
cheerfulness  it  inspired,  together  with  an  uncommon 
strength  of  mind,  made  her,  at  a  period  of  life  which 
is  usually  but  labor  and  sorrow,  the  welcome  com- 
panion of  the  young  and  the  aged.  And  it  was  this 
which  at  last  enabled  her  to  meet  the  approach  of 
death,  for  which  she,  at  that  interesting  hour,  ex- 
pressed herself  she  had  been  all  her  life  preparing, 
without  a  terror  and  without  a  groan." 

In  1755,  Warren,  at  fourteen,  entered  Harvard 
College,  which  was  presided  over  by  the  prudent 
Holyoke,  a  man  of  a  just  and  noble  spirit.  Great 
political  events  occurred  during  the  four  years  of  his 
college  course.  The  struggle  between  England  and 
France,  for  empire  in  this  western  world,  filled  every 
locality  with  politics.  The  humiliation  to  which  un- 
worthy counsels  brought  British  arms  was  typified 
in  the  defeat  of  Braddock;  and  the  victory  of  Wolfe 
was  an  earnest  of  the  fresh  life  which  Pitt  infused 
into  his  countrymen.  Harvard  graduates,  with  whom 
Warren  was  afterwards  intimately  associated,  were, 
during  this  period,  beginning  their  career.     Samuel 


10  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREK. 

Adams  was  of  the  class  of  1740;  and,  three  years 
later,  he  maintained,  in  a  thesis  before  the  faculty,  the 
doctrine,  that  it  was  lawful  to  resist  by  force  the  su- 
preme magistrate,  if  the  commonwealth  otherwise 
could  not  be  preserved;  and  was  recognized  already 
as  a  champion  of  the  popular  cause  in  Boston.  James 
Otis,  of  the  class  of  1743,  had  acquired  such  fame  for 
genius,  learning,  and  eloquence  at  the  bar,  that  law- 
yers spoke  of  him  to  John  Adams,  then  at  "Worcester, 
as  the  greatest,  the  most  learned  and  honest  young 
man  of  his  age.1  Samuel  Cooper,  of  the  same  class, 
the  patriot  divine,  who  became  Warren's  pastor,  was 
settled  at  Brattle-street  Church,  and  appeared,  like  the 
rising  light,  shining  more  and  more  unto  his  meridian 
splendor.2  James  Bowdoin,  of  the  class  of  1745,  was 
an  eminent  merchant,  and  a  member  of  the  General 
Court.  John  Hancock,  of  the  class  of  1754,  was  in 
the  counting-room  of  his  uncle,  the  largest  merchant 
of  Boston.  John  'Adams,  of  the  class  of  1755,  was 
master  of  a  grammar  school  at  Worcester,  and  was 
speculating  on  the  removal,  from  the  West,  of  the  tur- 
bulent Gallics,  an  American  Union,  and  on  the  prog- 
ress of  his  country  in  power,  until  the  united  force  of 
Europe  would  be  unable  to  subdue  it;3  and,  the  year 
Warren  was  graduated,  his  life-long  and  dear  friend, 
Josiah  Quincy,  jun.,  entered  as  a  student. 

Warren  sustained  in  college  the  character  of  a 
youth  of  talents,  fine  manners,  and  a  generous,  inde- 
pendent deportment,  united  to  great  personal  courage 
and  perseverance.4  He  exhibited,  in  union  with  man- 
liness, spirit,  and  resolution,  that  gentleness  of  nature 

1  John  Adams,  in  a  letter,  says  he  had  not  met  Otis  in  1758.     2  Dr.  Eliot. 
3  Letter,  1755.  4  Knapp's  Biographical  Sketches,  107. 


EARLY   DAYS.  11 

which  characterized  his  career.1  An  anecdote  is  re- 
lated showing  his  fearlessness.  Several  of  his  class, 
in  the  course  of  a  college  frolic,  to  exclude  him, 
shut  themselves  in  a  chamber,  and  barred  the  door  so 
effectually  that  he  could  not  force  it.  "Warren,  bent 
on  joining  them,  saw  that  their  chamber- window  was 
open,  and  that  a  spout  was  near  it  which  reached 
from  the  roof  to  the  ground;  and  he  went  to  the 
top  of  the  house,  walked  to  the  spout,  slid  by  it  down 
to  the  window,  and  threw  himself  into  the  room.  At 
this  instant,  the  spout  fell;  when  he  quietly  remarked, 
that  it  had  served  his  purpose.  He  then  entered  into 
the  sport  of  his  classmates.  "A  spectator  of  this  feat 
and  narrow  escape,"  Knapp  says,  "related  this  fact 
to  me  in  the  college -yard,  nearly  half  a  century 
afterwards;  and  the  impression  it  made  on  his  mind 
was  so  strong  that  he  seemed  to  feel  the  same  emo- 
tion as  though  it  happened  but  an  hour  before." 2 

During  "Warren's  collegiate  course,  "Washington 
and  other  Virginians  visited  Cambridge,  and  were 
received  with  marked  attention;  but  no  memorials 
connect  Warren  thus  early  with  public  men  or  affairs. 
It  is  said  that  he  distinguished  himself  highly  as  a 
student,  and  had  a  part  assigned  to  him  on  the  day  he 
was  graduated.3  It  is  related,  that,  soon  after  he  left 
college,  he  gained  a  premium  which  was  offered  by 
gentlemen  of  the  province  for  the  best  poem  on  the 
death  of  George  the  Second  and  the  accession  of 
George  the  Third.4  A  volume  was  published,  in 
Boston,  in  1761,  under  the  title  of  Pietas  et  Gratu- 
latio,  containing  thirty-one  poems,  on  these  themes, 

1  Everett's  Warren,  96.     2  Knapp's  Sketches,  108.    3  Rees'  Cyclopaedia.    4  lb. 


12  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WAKREN. 

which  were  written  by  the  alumni  of  Harvard;  but 
he  is  not  named  among  their  authors. 

In  April  succeeding  his  graduation,  at  nineteen, 
he  was  appointed  master  of  the  grammar  school  in 
Roxbury,  which  was  one  of  the  best  endowed,  oldest, 
and  most  successful  schools  in  Massachusetts.  His 
immediate  predecessor  was  Mr.  Fairfield;  and  the 
feoffees'  or  trustees'  records  say:  "  1760.  April  ye  11. 
Then  the  Feoffees  agreed  with  Mr.  Joseph  Warren  to 
take  the  school  for  one  quarter  of  a  year  at  ye  rate 
of  fortey  three  pounds  nine  shillings  &  fourpence  a 
year,  he  to  board  himself  and  his  time  to  commence 
until  about  the  second  of  May  (as  he  was  to  keep  a 
week  or  ten  days  for  Mr.  Fairfield) ."  Warren  taught 
this  school  about  a  year,  as  appears  from  the  fol- 
lowing letter,  addressed  w  To  the  gentlemen  intrusted 
with  the  care  of  the  school  in  Roxbury:  "  — 

Boston,  December,  1761. 
Gentlemen,  —  You  may  remember  that  you  agreed  with  me  to 
teach  the  school  in  Roxbury  for  forty-four  pounds  sixteen  shillings  a 
year;  of  which  I  have  received  from  Deacon  Gridley  twenty-five 
pounds  twelve  shillings,  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Adams  about  five  pounds,  of 
the  school-boys,  to  pay  for  the  carting  of  wood,  two  pounds  and  eight 
pence,  of  which  by  your  direction  I  expended  eleven  shillings  and  two 
pence  in  buying  a  lock,  hooks,  staples,  and  nails  for  the  repairing  of 
the  school-house.  So  that  there  remains  due  to  me  about  thirteen 
pounds,  by  payment  of  which  to  my  mother  or  order,  you  will  greatly 
oblige,  Gentlemen,  your 

H.  Servant,  Joseph  Warren. 

p.  S.  —  I  am  not  certain  of  the  particular  sums  received  of  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Adams;   but  his  receipts  will  determine.1 

1  I  copy  from  the  original,  in  the  files  in  possession  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Trustees,  Mr.  C.  K.  Dillaway,  the  author  of  the  interesting  history  of  this 
school,  who  obligingly  submitted  the  papers  to  me. 


EARLY  DATS.  13 

On  the  back  of  the  original  of  this  letter  is  the 
autograph  of  Mary  "Warren,  acknowledging  the  re- 
ceipt of  thirteen  pounds  six  shillings  and  eight  pence, 
in  full  for  her  son's  keeping  this  grammar  school. 

About  the  time  Warren  left  this  school,  he  was  in- 
itiated (Sept.  10, 1761)  a  member  of  the  St.  Andrew's 
Lodge  of  Masons,  which  had  been  formed  but  a  few 
years.  He  was  regular  at  its  meetings,  and  made 
earnest  effort  to  establish  the  character  and  widen 
the  influence  of  this  association.  "  It  was  his  Alma 
Mater"  it  has  been  said ;  w and,  as  such,  he  was  ever 
zealous  to  defend  its  honor  and  promote  its  welfare." 
He  continued  through  life  a  member  of  this  institu- 
tion, and  rose,  as  will  be  seen,  to  its  highest  honors; 
and  the  craft  have  affectionately  and  gratefully  cher- 
ished his  memory.1 

Warren  chose  the  profession  of  medicine  for  his 
calling.  Dr.  James  Lloyd,  who  had  recently  returned 
from  London  with  a  high  reputation  for  learning  and 
skill,  was  now  an  eminent  physician  in  Boston.  He 
kept  a  genteel  equipage,  entertained  company  with 
great  liberality,  commanded  a  more  respectable  circle 
of  practice  than  any  other  physician  of  his  day,  and 
was  considered  highly  accomplished  in  all  branches  of 
the  profession.2  Warren  went  through  the  usual  pre- 
paratory course  of  study  under  his  direction;  but  I 
have  no  memorials  of  this  portion  of  his  life.  He 
took  his  degree  as  master  of  arts  in  course  at  Har- 
vard, in  1762. 

1  Memoir  of  Warren,  by  Charles  W.  Moore. 

2  Thacher's  Medical  Biography,  24. 


14  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 


CHAPTEE  II. 

PRINCIPLES    AND    PARTY. 

Marriage.  —  Settlement  ln  Boston.  —  As  a  Physician.  —  As  a  Poli- 
tician.— His  Ruling  Passion. — Letter.  —  The  Popular  Leaders. 
—  Samuel  Adams.  —  Warren  and  Adams. 

1763  to  1767. 

Warren  was  united  in  marriage,  on  the  6th  of  Sep- 
tember, 1764,  with  Miss  Elizabeth  Hooton,  of  Boston. 
The  event  was  announced  in  the  following  way: 
w  Last  Thursday  evening  was  married  Dr.  Joseph 
Warren,  one  of  the  physicians  of  this  town,  to  Miss 
Elizabeth  Hooton,  only  daughter  of  the  late  Mr. 
Richard  Hooton,  merchant,  deceased,  an  accomplished 
young  lady  with  a  handsome  fortune."  A  gentle, 
sensitive  nature,  good  sense,  and  accomplishments  of 
a  high  order,  formed  a  character  worthy  to  share  his 
fortunes.     A  tribute  on  her  decease  says  she  had  — 

"  Good  sense  and  modesty  with  virtue  crowned  ; 
A  sober  mind,  when  fortune  smiled  or  frowned ; 
So  keen  a  feeling  for  a  friend  distressed, 
She  could  not  bear  to  see  a  worm  oppressed." l 

The  eulogies  on  Warren  specialize  the  social  quali- 
ties and  domestic  virtues  "which  endeared  him  to 
the  honest  among  the  great,  and  the  good  among  the 
humble;"  and  made  him, ??  in  the  private  walks  of  life, 
a  pattern  for  mankind."2     The  love  which  he  bore  his 

1  Boston  Gazette,  May  3,  1773.  2  Perez  Morton's  Oration. 


PRINCIPLES   AND   PARTY.  15 

mother  attests  his  filial  piety;  and  his  care  for  his 
children,  his  parental  affection :  and  the  devoted 
patriot  was  the  faithful  head  of  a  happy  home.  He 
lived  in  Hanover  Street,  on  the  estate  on  which  the 
American  House  stands,  being  but  a  short  distance 
from  Faneuil  Hall  and  the  old  Town  House;  and 
attended  the  Congregational  Church  in  Brattle  Street, 
of  which  Samuel  Adams  was  a  member,  and  Dr. 
Cooper  the  pastor. 

Thus,  at  twenty-three,  "Warren  established  himself 
permanently  as  a  physician.  Boston  was  the  metrop- 
olis of  iNew  England,  and  was  noted  as  the  largest 
town,  and  best  situated  for  trade,  in  British  North 
America.  Its  population,  almost  wholly  of  English 
extraction,  was  estimated  at  sixteen  or  eighteen  thou- 
sand; and  the  number  who  could  take  part  in  politics, 
at  thirty-five  hundred.  It  presented  an  attractive 
field  for  professional  life.  It  was  emphatically  repub- 
lican in  politics;  and  this  element,  in  a  century  and  a 
quarter  of  its  history,  had  become  so  interwoven  with 
the  feelings,  habits,  and  customs  of  its  inhabitants, 
that,  along  with  whatever  it  contained  of  the  provin- 
cial and  transient,  it  had  the  heirloom  of  principles 
that  were  national  and  enduring. 

It  happened  that  the  small-pox,  which  was  then 
dreaded  as  a  scourge,  prevailed  in  the  town  this  year 
to  such  an  extent  that  business  was  mostly  suspended; 
and  many  of  the  inhabitants  retreated  into  the  coun- 
try. A  great  number  were  inoculated.  One  of 
Warren's  patients  was  John  Adams,  when  the  two 
patriots  formed  an  acquaintance  which  ripened  into 
friendship;  and,  until  near  the  day  on  which  Warren 
fell,  the  Adams  Family  continued  to  enjoy  the  bene- 


16  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAKKEN. 

fit  of  his  skill  in  his  profession.1  He  was  especially 
attentive  to  the  poor, — a  service  which  drew  the  pub- 
lic eye  upon  him.  He  had  a  graceful  figure,  was 
scrupulously  neat  in  his  person,  of  thorough  culture, 
and  had  an  elegant  address;  and  these  traits  ren- 
dered him  a  welcome  visitor  in  polite  circles,  while  a 
frank  and  genial  manner  made  him  a  general  favorite. 
,  He  had  a  great  love  for  his  fellow-men;  and  being  a 
stranger  to  the  passion  of  avarice,  and  even  neglect- 
ful to  a  fault  in  pecuniary  matters,  he  had  an  ear  ever 
open  to  the  claims  of  want,  and  a  hand  ever  extended 
to  afford  relief.  Thus  imbued  with  the  qualities  that 
characterize  the  good  physician,  the  path  before  him 
to  success  was  easy  and  wide.  "In  person,  mind, 
and  manners,  he  was  equally  well  accomplished,"  Dr. 
Eliot,  a  Whig,  says;2  and  a  Tory,  Dr.  Perkins,  used 
to  remark,  K  If  Warren  were  not  a  Whig,  he  might 
soon  be  independent,  and  ride  in  his  chariot." 3  Thus 
the  quiet  walks  of  private  life  allured  him,  not  only 
with  the  promise  of  a  fortune,  but  with  the  crowning 
honors  of  his  profession. 

Great  events,  however,  growing  out  of  the  spirit 
of  the  age,  and  exciting  powerfully  the  liberty-loving 
people  of  the  colonies,  attracted  Warren  to  a  wider 
stage  of  action,  and  gave  direction  to  the  current  of 
his  life.  The  progress  of  his  countrymen  in  numbers 
and  wealth,  and  their  large  and  successful  exercise 
of  popular  power,  roused  the  jealousy  of  England; 
and,  with  the  end  ever  in  view  of  checking  the  demo- 
cratic principle  and  of  increasing  a  dependence  on  the 
Crown,  its  ministry  entered  on  the  policy  of  subject- 

1  John  Adams's  Works,  i.  64.  2  Eliot's  Biographical  Dictionary. 

3  Rees's  Cyclopaedia. 


PRINCIPLES   AND   PARTY. 


17 


ing  the  colonies  to  taxes  which  they  had  no  voice  in 
imposing,  and  to  plans  of  internal  government  which 
they  had  no  hand  in  framing.     The  Stamp  Act  pro- 
voked discussions  on  profound  questions  connected 
with    natural    rights    and   constitutional   law,   which 
divided  the  community   of  Boston  into  two  political 
parties,  — the  supporters  of  the  Administration,  who  , 
were  called  Loyalists,  Tories,  and  Friends  of  Govern-  . 
ment,  and  the  opponents  of  the  Administration,  who 
held  'the  new  policy  to  be  unconstitutional,  who  were 
styled  Whigs,  Patriots,  and  Sons  of  Liberty.     The 
Tories   claimed  to   be   friends  of  freedom,   because 
they  upheld  the  supremacy  of  law;   and  the  Whigs 
said  they  were  loyal  to  the  mother  country,  because 
they  recognized  the  executive  functions  of  the  Crown 
and  the  sovereignty  of  Great  Britain.     As  it  was  not 
the  original  purpose  of  the  Tories  to  invoke  for  their 
country  the  curse  of  arbitrary  power,  so  it  was  not 
the  early  programme  of  the  Whigs  to  sever  political 
relations  with  the  British  Crown.    Men  are  but  instru- 
ments  in  the   hands   of  Providence.     Both   parties 
drifted  into  measures  which  neither  party  originally 
proposed,  or  even  desired;  and  thus  the  Tory,  to  up- 
hold the  sovereignty  of  parliament,  grew  into   the 
defender  of  arbitrary  power;   and  the  Whig,  to  pre- 
serve his  constitutional  rights,  became  the  assertor 
of  national  independence. 

Warren's  natural  bent  would  not  permit  him  to  be 
a  cold  looker-on  in  this  struggle  of  parties,  in  which 
he  saw  involved  the  issue  of  freedom.  It  is  worthy 
of  remark,  that  Dr.  Lloyd,  who  was  an  ornament  of 
his  profession,  with  whom  Warren  studied  medicine, 
did  not  join  in  the  movements  of  the  patriots;    and 


18  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN". 

Dr.  Band,  one  of  Lloyd's  students  at  this  time,  sym- 
pathized with  the  Tory  side.  Other  physicians  of 
the  town  took  the  same  view,  and  with  these  Warren 
would  naturally  be  thrown  frequently  in  contact. 
But  his  professional  associations  did  not  govern  his 
political  course.  It  is  related,  that,  K  after  the  passing 
of  the  Stamp  Act,  he  undertook  a  serious  examina- 
tion of  the  right  of  parliament  to  tax  the  colonies; 
and,  as  his  time  was  not  at  his  command  during  the 
day,  his  nights  were  spent  in  this  investigation.  He 
devoted  himself  to  the  common  cause  with  a  zeal 
extremely  prejudicial  to  his  private  interests.  "While 
he  was  engaged  in  disseminating  the  great  truths  he 
had  learned,  his  pecuniary  affairs  were  neglected,  and 
became  greatly  deranged."1  His  love  of  country 
and  of  liberty  was  ardent  and  absorbing;  and,  when 
he  reached  settled  convictions  as  to  the  aggressive 
nature  of  the  new  policy  of  the  Administration  on 
popular  rights,  he  desired  to  influence  the  public 
mind.  In  aiming  at  this,  instead  of  wasting  effort  in 
individual  and  unsystematic  action,  he  put  himself 
in  a  situation  to  wield  power,  by  joining  the  political 
party  that  was  opposing  these  aggressions.  He  gave 
his  heart  and  hand  to  the  Whigs,  and  it  was  the 
ruling  passion  of  his  life  to  promote  their  cause. 
But  though  he  became  a  warm  party  man,  was  high- 
spirited,  had  sensibilities  uncommonly  strong,  "  and  a 
zeal  which  blazed  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  he  was 
candid,  generous,  and  ready  to  do  kind  offices  to 
those  who  had  different  sentiments  about  the  cause  in 
which  he  was  engaged." 2  This  warrants  the  remark, 
that  he  mingled  among  his  fellow-citizens  as  though 

1  Rees's  Cyclopaedia.  2  Boston  Magazine,  April,  1784. 


PRINCIPLES   AND   PARTY.  39 

it  were  his  endeavor  to  rear  into  vigor  and  maturity 
the  generous  and  honest  feelings  that  belong  to  our 
nature;  to  bring  the  dispositions  that  are  lovely  in 
private  life  into  the  service  and  conduct  of  the  com- 
monwealth; and  so  to  be  the  patriot  as  not  to  forget 
to  be  the  gentleman.1  w  He  gained  the  love  of  those 
who  lived  with  him  in  habits  of  intimacy,  while  the 
public  voice  celebrated  his  virtues."2 

"Warren  left  a  precious  early  memorial,  showing  the 
feelings  and  ideas  with  which  he  engaged  in  public 
life.  One  of  his  college  classmates  (Edmund  Dana) 
had  emigrated  to  England,  married  there  happily, 
and  was  settled  as  the  rector  of  Wroxeter  in  Salop. 
"Warren  addressed  to  this  friend  the  following  letter, 
which  reveals  much  of  his  genius  and  his  aims.  It 
shows  his  sympathy  with  the  free  spirit  of  his  age,  his 
broad  union  and  national  ideas,  contains  a  sagacious 
view  of  the  temper  of  his  countrymen,  and  may  be  said 
to  be  the  key  to  his  political  life.  Boston,  when  this 
letter  was  written,  was  alive  with  politics.  Its  daring 
spirit  had  been  evinced  in  the  memorable  uprising  of 
the  Fourteenth  of  August,  1765,  against  the  Stamp 
Act;  it  was  welcoming  John  Adams's  high-toned 
dissertation  on  the  canon  and  feudal  law;  and  Warren 
was  taking  part  with  his  townsmen  in  their  bold 
action.  The  letter  is  dated  the  day  after  the  repeal 
of  the  Stamp  Act,  which,  of  course,  was  unknown  in 
the  colonies :  — 

1  Edmund  Burke. 

2  Eliot's  Biographical  Dictionary.  Dr.  Eliot  repeated,  in  1809,  on  this  trait 
of  Warren,  the  sentiments  which  he  expressed  in  the  "  Boston  Magazine,"  in 
1784,  and  adds  :  "  There  are  persons  now  living  who  recollect  his  polite  atten- 
tions, when  they  were  slighted  and  wounded  by  others  whose  minds  were  less 
liberal,  or  more  corroded  with  party  spirit." 


20  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAKREST. 


Joseph    Warren  to  Edmund  Dana. 

Boston,  New  England,  March  19,  1766.1 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  have  not  had  the  pleasure  of  a  line  from  you  since 
you  left  this  country.  I  wrote  to  you  soon  after  I  heard  of  your 
arrival  in  England ;  and  I  have  not  at  any  time  been  negligent  in  inquir- 
ing concerning  you,  whenever  an  opportunity  presented.  I  have  with 
great  satisfaction  heard  of  that  agreeable  life  which  you  lead  amidst 
all  the  gayeties  and  diversions  of  that  jovial  city,  London ;  but  I 
received  a  peculiar  pleasure  from  the  intelligence  which  I  have  lately 
had  of  your  happy  marriage  with  a  lady  of  noble  birth  and  every 
accomplishment,  both  natural  and  acquired.  Accept  the  sincerest 
wishes  of  your  long-absent  (but  I  hope  not  forgotten)  friend,  that  you 
may  long  enjoy,  with  your  charming  consort,  that  unequalled  happi- 
ness which  must  arise  from  a  union  of  persons  so  amiable. 

Perhaps  it  may  not  be  disagreeable  at  this  time  to  hear  something 
of  the  present  state  of  your  native  country.  Never  has  there  been  a 
time,  since  the  first  settlement  of  America,  in  which  the  people  had  so 
much  reason  to  be  alarmed  as  the  present.  The  whole  continent  is 
inflamed  to  the  highest  degree.  I  believe  this  country  may  be  esteemed 
as  truly  loyal  in  their  principles  as  any  in  the  universe ;  but  the  strange 
project  of  levying  a  stamp  duty,  and  of  depriving  the  people  of  the 
privilege  of  trial  by  jury,  has  roused  their  jealousy  and  resentment. 
They  can  conceive  of  no  liberty  when  they  have  lost  the  power  of 
taxing  themselves,  and  when  all  controversies  between  the  Crown  and 
the  people  are  to  be  determined  by  the  opinion  of  one  dependent  man ; 
and  they  think  that  slavery  is  not  only  the  greatest  misfortune,  but 
that  it  is  also  the  greatest  crime,  if  there  be  a  possibility  of  escaping  it. 
You  are  sensible  that  the  inhabitants  of  this  country  have  ever  been 
zealous  lovers  of  their  civil  and  religious  liberties.  For  the  enjoyment 
of  these,  the  first  settlers  fought  battles,  left  a  pleasant  and  populous 
country,  and  exposed  themselves  to  all  the  dangers  and  hardships  in 
this  new  world  ;  and  their  laudable  attachment  to  freedom  has  hitherto 
been  transmitted  to  their  posterity.  Moreover,  in  all  new  countries 
(and  especially  in  this,  which  was  settled  by  private  adventurers),  there 
is  a  more  equal  division  of  property  amongst  the  people ;   in  conse- 

1  This  letter  is  printed  in  Loring's  "  Hundred  Orators,"  also  in  the  "  Warren 
Genealogy  ;  "  but  I  have  followed  the  copy  in  the  archives  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society,  which  differs  from  both  in  a  few  words. 


PRINCIPLES   AND   PARTY.  21 

quence  of  which,  their  influence  and  authority  must  be  nearly  equal, 
and  every  man  will  think  himself  deeply  interested  in  the  support  of 
public  liberty.  Freedom  and  equality  is  the  state  of  nature;  but 
slavery  is  the  most  unnatural  and  violent  state  that  can  be  conceived  of, 
and  its  approach  must  be  gradual  and  imperceptible  in  many  old 
countries,  where,  in  a  long  course  of  years,  some  particular  families 
have  been  able  to  acquire  a  very  large  share  of  property,  from  which 
must  arise  a  kind  of  aristocracy :  that  is,  the  power  anci  authority  of 
some  persons  or  families  is  exercised  in  proportion  to  the  decrease 
of  the  independence  and  property  of  the  people  in  general.  Had 
America  been  prepared  in  this  manner  for  the  Stamp  Act,  it  might 
perhaps  have  met  with  a  more  favorable  reception  ;  but  it  is  absurd  to 
attempt  to  impose  so  cruel  a  yoke  on  a  people  who  are  so  near  to  the 
state  of  original  equality,  and  who  look  upon  their  liberties,  not  merely 
as  arbitrary  grants,  but  as  their  unalienable,  eternal  rights,  purchased  by 
the  blood  and  treasure  of  their  ancestors,  —  which  liberties,  though 
granted  and  received  as  acts  of  favor,  could  not,  without  manifest 
injustice,  have  been  refused,  and  cannot  now,  or  at  any  time  hereafter, 
be  revoked.  Certainly,  if  the  connection  was  rightly  understood. 
Great  Britain  would  be  convinced,  that,  without  laying  arbitrary 
tuxes  upon  her  colonies,  she  may  and  does  reap  such  advantages  as 
ought  to  satisfy  her.  Indeed,  it  amazes  the  more  judicious  people  on 
this  side  the  water,  that  the  late  minister  was  so  unacquainted  with  the 
state  of  America,  and  the  manners  and  circumstances  of  the  people ; 
or,  if  he  was  acquainted,  it  still  surprises  them  to  find  a  man  in  his 
high  station  so  ignorant  of  nature  and  of  the  operations  of  the  human 
mind,  as  madly  to  provoke  the  resentment  of  millions  of  men,  who 
would  esteem  death,  with  all  its  tortures,  preferable  to  slavery.  Most 
certainly,  in  whatever  light  the  Stamp  Act  is  viewed,  an  uncommon 
want  of  policy  is  discoverable.  If  the  real  and  only  motive  of  the 
minister  was  to  raise  money  from  the  colonies,  that  method  should 
undoubtedly  have  been  adopted  which  was  least  grievous  to  the  people. 
Instead  of  this,  the  most  unpopular  that  could  be  imagined  is  chosen. 
If  there  was  any  jealousy  of  the  colonies,  and  the  minister  designed  by 
this  act  more  effectually  to  secure  their  dependence  on  Great  Britain, 
the  jealousy  was  first  groundless.  But,  if  it  had  been  founded  on  good 
reasons,  could  any  thing  have  been  worse  calculated  to  answer  this 
purpose  ?  Could  not  the  minister  have  found  out,  either  from  history 
or  from  his  own  observation,  that  the  strength  of  any  country  depended 
on  its  being  united  within  itself?     Has  he  not  by  this  act  brought 


22  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH   WAREEN. 

about  what  the  most  zealous  colonist  never  could  have  expected  ?  The 
colonies,  until  now,  were  ever  at  variance,  and  foolishly  jealous  of  each 
other.  They  are  now.  by  the  refined  policy  of  Mr.  George  Grenville, 
united  for  their  common  defence  against  what  they  believe  to  be  oppres- 
sion ;  nor  will  they  soon  forget  the  weight  which  this  close  union  gives 
them.  The  impossibility  of  accounting  in  any  other  way  for  the  impo- 
sition of  the  stamp  duty  has  induced  some  to  imagine  that  the  minister 
designed  by  this  act  to  force  the  colonies  into  a  rebellion,  and  from  thence 
to  take  occasion  to  treat  them  with  severity,  and,  by  military  power,  to 
reduce  them  to  servitude.  But  this  supposes  such  a  monstrous  degree 
of  wickedness,  that  charity  forbids  us  to  conclude  him  guilty  of  so  black 
a  villainy.  But,  admitting  this  to  have  beeen  his  aim  (as  it  is  known  that 
tyrannical  ministers  have,  at  some  time,  embraced  even  this  hellish  mea- 
sure to  accomplish  their  cursed  designs),  should  he  not  have  considered 
that  every  power  in  Europe  looks  with  envy  on  the  colonies  which  Great 
Britain  enjoys  in  America  ?  Could  he  suppose  that  the  powerful  and 
politic  France  would  be  restrained  by  treaties,  when  so  fair  an  oppor- 
tunity offered  for  the  recovery  of  their  ancient  possessions  ?  At  least, 
was  he  so  ignorant  of  nature  as  not  to  know,  that,  when  the  rage  of  the 
people  is  raised  by  oppression  to  such  a  height  as  to  break  out  in  rebel- 
lion, any  new  alliance  would  be  preferred  to  the  miseries  which  a  con- 
quered country  must  necessarily  expect  to  suffer?  And  would  no 
power  in  Europe  take  advantage  of  such  an  occasion  ?  And,  above 
all,  did  he  not  know  that  his  royal  benevolent  master,  when  he  discov- 
ered his  views,  would  detest  and  punish  him  ?  But,  whatever  was  pro- 
posed by  the  Stamp  Act,  of  this  I  am  certain,  that  the  regard  which 
the  colonies  still  bear  to  His  Majesty  arises  more  from  an  exalted  idea 
of  His  Majesty's  integrity  and  goodness  of  heart  than  from  any  pru- 
dent conduct  of  his  late  minister. 

I  have  written,  sir,  much  more  than  I  intended,  when  I  first  sat 
down ;  but  I  hope  you  will  pardon  my  prolixity  upon  so  important  a 
subject. 

I  am,  sir,  your  most  sincere  friend  and  humble  servant, 

Joseph  Warren. 
To  Mr.  Edmund  Dana. 

P.S.  —  I  hope  for  the  favor  of  a  line  from  you  the  first  opportunity. 

The  simple  way  in  which  "Warren,  in  this  letter, 
deals  with  vital  principles,  indicates  that  they  had 


PRINCIPLES    AND   PARTY.  23 

been  so  wrought  into  his  mind  as  to  have  become 
the  mould  and  guide  of  his  life.  He  tested  the 
absorbing  measure  of  the  day,  the  Stamp  Act, 
not  only  by  the  abstract  idea  of  justice,  but  by  its 
adaptation  to  the  condition  of  the  people  of  the  colo- 
nies, showing  with  bold  strokes  of  theory  a  practical 
turn  of  mind.  He  evinced  clear  insight  into  causes, 
and  accurate  judgment  as  to  effects.  His  remark, 
that  freedom  and  equality  is  a  state  of  nature,  indi- 
cates, that  with  him  the  French  dogma  of  the  equality 
of  man  was  joined  to  the  English  dogma  of  the  free- 
dom of  man ;  and  that  he  grasped  the  principle  which 
has  most  thoroughly  leavened  modern  opinion,  and 
promises  to  modify  most  deeply  the  constitution  of 
society  and  the  politics  of  States:1  while  the  strain 
of  sentiment  on  the  division  of  property  shows  an 
appreciation  of  the  fact  of  the  equality  of  condition 
which  modern  philosophy  pronounces  to  be  the  cen- 
tral point  of  American  society.2  His  letter  is  a  repre- 
sentation of  the  enthusiasm  and  resoluteness  with 
which  the  young  men  welcomed  the  principles  of  the 
Revolution,  and  which  led  Hutchinson  to  say,  that 
independence  had  entered  into  the  heart  of  America. 

"With  these  comprehensive  views  and  high  aims, 
Warren  engaged  in  public  life  by  enrolling  himself  in 
the  band  of  popular  leaders  whose  service  to  the 
country  associated  Faneuil  Hall  with  the  idea  of  civil 
freedom,  and  fixed  it  in  the  public  mind  and  affection 
as  the  cradle  of  American  liberty.  "  In  this  hall,"  it 
has  been  said,  "  was  first  heard  the  eloquence  of  a 
Hancock,  the  two  Adamses,  a  Bowdoin,  a  Molineux, 

1  Maine's  Ancient  Law,  92.      2  De  Tocqueville's  Democracy  in  America. 


24  LITE    OP    JOSEPH    WAEREAT. 

and  a  "Warren."1  This  band  were  mostly  young  men, 
or  men  of  middle  age.  Jonathan  Mayhew,  a  cele- 
brated divine,  and  Oxenbridge  Thacher,  a  distin- 
guished lawyer,  both  pioneer  patriots,  had  recently 
died  at  forty-three;  Samuel  Adams,  and  William 
Cooper,  the  faithful  and  intrepid  town-clerk,  were 
forty-six;  James  Otis,  who,  six  years  before,  made 
the  great  freedom-plea  on  the  question  of  writs  of 
assistance,  and  Thomas  Cushing  and  Samuel  Cooper, 
were  forty-three;  John  Adams,  the  future  president, 
ambitious  to  be  a  great  lawyer,  was  thirty-three; 
Paul  Revere,  a  representative  of  the  patriotic  me- 
chanics, was  thirty-two;  John  Hancock,  a  wealthy 
merchant,  who  threw  a  powerful  social  influence  in 
favor  of  the  cause,  was  thirty-one;  Josiah  Quincy, 
jun.,  who  had  become  a  lawyer  of  great  oratorical 
power,  was  twenty-five;  and  others,  like  Molineux, 
a  stirring  business-man,  Thomas  Young,  a  physician, 
and  William  Phillips,  a  merchant,  who  took  a  promi- 
nent part  in  the  action  of  the  patriots,  were  in  the 
prime  of  life.  James  Bowdoin  was  the  oldest,  being 
sixty-one.  This  band  of  leaders  engaged  in  the 
contests  of  party  with  as  much  freedom  from  sinis- 
ter motives,  and  with  purposes  as  elevated,  as  are 
ordinarily  seen  in  the  guidance  of  public  affairs. 
They  were  Warren's  friends  or  associates,  with  whom, 
down  to  the  close  of  his  life,  he  communed  in  the 


1  In  this  hall  was  first  heard  the  eloquence  of  a  Hancock,  the  two  Adamses, 
a  Bowdoin,  a  Molineux,  and  a  Warren.  In  this  hall  was  first  kindled  that 
divine  spark  of  liberty,  which,  like  an  unconquerable  flame,  has  pervaded  the 
continent,  —  a  flame,  which,  while  it  proved  a  cloud  of  darkness  to  the  enemies 
of  America,  has  appeared  like  a  pillar  of  fire  to  the  votaries  of  freedom,  and 
happily  lighted  them  to  empire  and  independence.  —  Massachusetts  Magazine, 
March,  1789. 


PRINCIPLES   AKD   PARTY.  25 

social  circle,  counselled  in  the  political  club,  acted  in 
the  public  meeting,  and  served  on  important  com- 
mittees. 

His  relations  were  of  the  most  confidential  nature 
with  one  of  this  band,  Samuel  Adams,  who,  of  all  the 
patriots,  had   the  most   radical   love  of  liberty,  and 
was  a  universally  good  character.1     He  was  educated 
at  Harvard  College,  where  he  was  distinguished  for 
proficiency  in  logic  and  the  classics.     He  was  trained 
for   the   ministry;   but,   after  he  was  graduated,  he 
went    into   business    as    a    small   trader,    and    soon 
accepted  the  office  of  collector  of  taxes.     He  evinced 
a  decided  inclination  for  politics,  spent  much  time  in 
talking  with   people   about  their   rights,  and,  as  he 
grew  in  years,  his  reputation  increased  for  a  just  ap- 
preciation of  public  questions,  firmness  of  principle, 
and  sagacious  leadership.     He  was  known  also  as  a 
contributor  to  the  journals,  and  the  framer  of  able 
State  papers.    He  moved  before  the  community  with  a 
morality  that  was  instinctive,  a  love  of  country  that 
was  undying,  and  a  faith  that  rose  to  the  sublime ;  and 
these  inspirations  mingled  with  and  guided  his  public 
and  private  life.     As  a  party  leader,  he  was  prudent; 
and  yet,  when  it  was  necessary,  he  was  bold.     He 
was  keen  in  penetrating  the  designs  of  his  opponents, 
and  was  inflexible  in  carrying  out  his  purposes.     He 
had  confidence  in  the  virtue  and  intelligence  of  the 
people;  believed  they  had  a  high  destiny;   and,  pas- 
sionately loving  the  republicanism  that  was  so  firmly 
embedded  in  his  native  soil,  he  regarded  this  element 
as  vital   to  individual,  communal,  and  national  pro- 
gress. 

1  John  Adams's  Works,  vol.  ii. 
4 


26  LIFE   OF  JOSEPH   WAHHEK. 

It  was  the  custom  of  this  patriot  to  watch  the  rise 
of  every  brilliant  genius,  seek  his  acquaintance,  court 
his  friendship,  and  enlist  him  as  a  co-worker  in  the 
common  cause;1  and  there  were  two  characters  in 
Boston,  who,  John  Adams  said,  after  he  had  served 
in  congress,  were  as  great,  in  proportion  to  their  age, 
as  he  had  ever  known  in  America.  One  was  Josiah 
Quincy,  jun.,  and  the  other  was  Warren.  "They 
were  both  my  intimate  friends,"  Adams  says,  "  with 
whom  I  lived  and  conversed  with  pleasure  and  ad- 
vantage. I  was  animated  by  them  in  the  painful, 
dangerous  course  of  opposition  to  the  oppressions 
brought  upon  our  country."2  "Warren  was  K  a  young 
man  whom  nature  had  adorned  with  grace  and  manly 
beauty,  and  a  courage  that  would  have  been  rash 
absurdity,  had  it  not  been  tempered  by  self-control."3 
Samuel  Adams  found  in  him  a  kindred  spirit.  Both 
respected  the  common  capacity,  estimated  alike  the 
greatness  of  the  political  issues,  embraced  similar  vital 
principles,  and  strove  for  the  same  object.  Both, 
with  faith  in  an  ultimate  triumph  of  the  right,  had 
the  moral  courage  that  bears  up  in  the  day  of  weak- 
ness, and  the  patience  in  labor  that  waits  for  the  day 
of  strength.  Both  acted  fearlessly  on  their  convic- 
tions. Both  were  representative  men,  —  one  personi- 
fying more  a  peculiar  theological  element;  and  the 
other,  more  a  passionate  nationality.  "What  though 
Warren  had  the  fascination  that  marks  the  true  man 
of  the  world,  and  Adams  had  the  rigid  inflexibility 
that  has  caused  him  to  be  regarded  as  the  last  of  the 
Puritans ;  and  what  though  one  was  naturally  inclined 

1  John  Adams's  Works,  x.  364.      2  John  Adams's  Letter,  July  29,  1775. 
3  Bancroft,  v.  441. 


PRINCIPLES   AND   PARTY.  27 

to  cultivate  the  things  that  charm  in  social  life,  and 
the  other  was  moved  to  shun,  if  not  to  despise, 
luxury  and  display:  both  were  gentle,  kind,  and  gen- 
erous ;  both  were  sincere  and  self-sacrificing ;  the 
hearts  of  both  beat  in  unison  for  a  common  cause; 
and  both  were  inspired  by  visions  of  the  future  glory 
of  their  country.  They  became  bosom  friends. 
"  Their  kindred  souls  were  so  closely  twined  that 
they  both  felt  one  joy,  both  one  affection."1  Warren 
proved  a  trustworthy  counsellor,  on  whom  Adams 
ever  leaned,  and  could  always  rely;  and  they  labored 
lovingly  together  in  the  great  revolutionary  action  of 
Boston  and  Massachusetts,  until  Warren  sealed  his 
work  with  his  blood,  and  the  heart  of  Adams  poured 
itself  out  like  water  over  the  early  grave  of  his 
friend. 

1  Perez  Morton's  Eulogy. 


28  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH  WARREN. 


CHAPTEE  III. 

CONNECTION  WITH  THE  PRESS. 

The  Townshend  Revenue  Acts.  —  Francis  Bernard. — Warren  op- 
poses the  Administration.  —  His  Connection  with  the  Press.  — 
A  True  Patriot. —Proceedings  against  the  "Boston  Gazette." 

1767  to  March  1768. 

It  has  been  remarked,  that  the  great  authority  and 
influence  which  "Warren  exercised  over  his  fellow- 
citizens,  in  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  evidently  show 
that  he  had  taken  an  active  part  in  political  affairs 
from  the  commencement  of  his  residence  in  Boston ; 
though,  as  the  foreground  of  the  stage  was  occupied 
by  the  great  men  who  were  the  fathers  of  the  Bevo- 
lution,  his  activity  must  have  been  confined  to  a 
secondary  sphere.1 

There  was  an  intermission  in  the  controversy  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  her  colonies,  on  the  repeal 
of  the  Stamp  Act;  and  at  this  period  Warren's  name 
does  not  occur  in  connection  with  public  affairs.  In 
1767,  the  Townshend  Eevenue  Acts  were  passed, 
which  imposed  duties  on  paper,  glass,  painter's  colors, 
and  tea;  created  a  Board  of  Customs;  and  legalized 
Writs  of  Assistance.  These  measures,  with  the  do- 
ings of  crown-officials,  who  acted  under  royal  instruc- 
tions, which  were  declared  to  have  the  force  of  law, 
constituted  a  system  of  arbitrary  power. 

i  Everett's  Warren,  106. 


CON^TECTION   WITH   THE   PRESS.  29 

At  this  time,  Francis  Bernard  was  the  Governor  of 
Massachusetts.  He  was  born  in  England,  educated 
at  Oxford,  and,  with  the  knowledge  and  training  in 
civil  affairs  acquired  as  a  solicitor  at  Doctors'  Com- 
mons, was  appointed  Governor  of  New  Jersey;  and, 
after  two  years  of  service  in  that  colony,  was  trans- 
ferred to  Massachusetts.  He  was  a  scholar,  and  kept 
fresh  his  memory  of  Alma  Mater.  He  loved  liter- 
ature and  science,  could  write  elegies  in  Latin  and 
Greek,  used  to  say  that  he  could  repeat  the  whole 
of  Shakspeare,  and  had  gifts  of  conversation  which 
charmed  the  social  circle.  His  politics  were  of  the 
Oxford  school.  He  was  a  good  hater  of  republican 
institutions ;  habitually  spoke  of  the  local  government, 
with  its  recognition  of  popular  rights,  as  a  trained 
mob ;  and  deemed  it  a  marvel  that  Charles  II.  had  not 
made  a  clean  sweep  of  the  little  New-England  repub- 
lics, as  he  characterized  these  provinces,  and  had  not 
supplied  their  place  with  more  aristocratic  govern- 
ments, with  executives  having  vice-regal  powers, 
moulded,  as  nearly  as  possible,  like  that  of  England. 
He  thought,  that  though  people  might  bluster  a  little 
when  such  reform  was  proposed,  yet  they  never  would 
resist  by  force;  and,  if  they  did,  a  demonstration  of 
British  power,  such  as  the  presence  of  the  king's 
troops  in  a  few  coast-towns,  and  the  occupation  of  a 
few  harbors  by  the  royal  navy,  would  soon  settle  the 
contest.1 

Bernard,  in  September,  1767,  before  receiving  offi- 
cially the  new  Revenue  Acts,  sketched  the  state  of 
things  in  Boston,  in  the  following  terms  in  one  of  his 
letters:   "Never  were  people  more  divided  in  opin- 

i  Letter,  Aug.  30,  1767. 


30  LIFE   OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

ions,  hopes,  and  fears,  than  those  of  Boston  now  are. 
Men  of  a  timid  complexion  give  np  the  town,  and 
expect  greater  disturbances  than  have  been  hitherto ; 
and, at  the  same  time  wish  for  troops  to  protect  them, 
and  are  afraid  of  their  coming  here.  Others  persuade 
themselves  that  the  gentlemen  of  the  town  will  be 
able  to  keep  it  quiet,  and  defeat  the  purposes  of  the 
faction.  I  believe  there  is  a  great  deal  of  pains  taken 
to  prevent  mischief.  On  the  other  hand,  the  faction 
is  as  indefatigable  in  promoting  it.  The  minds  of  the 
common  people  are  poisoned  to  a  great  degree;  so 
that  (to  use  an  expression  of  one  of  their  own  parti- 
sans) their  bloods  are  set  on  boiling.  It  is  a  melan- 
cholic consideration  that  this  rich  and  populous  town 
should  be  thus  distracted  and  disgraced  by  a  set  of 
desperadoes  (perhaps  not  a  dozen),  whose  own  ruined 
or  insignificant  fortunes  make  the  distraction  of  their 
country  a  matter  of  indifference  to  them;  who,  having 
themselves  little  to  lose,  are  unconcerned  at  the  con- 
sequences of  a  contest  which  they  are  desirous  of 
bringing  about,  and  must  be  fatal  to  persons  of  real 
worth  and  property."1  This  letter  supplies  a  glimpse 
of  the  British  official,  as  well  as  a  view  of  opinion  in 
Boston;  and  shows  how  little  he  appreciated  the  men 
or  the  spirit  of  his  time.  To  him,  a  band  of  enlight- 
ened patriots,  who  represented  not  merely  the  aims 
of  a  town,  but  of  a  great  and  free  people,  appeared 
but  a  criminal  faction  advocating  a  ruinous  cause. 
A  few  months  later,  he  named  Warren  as  one  of  the 
chiefs  of  the  faction  which  he  described. 

The  divisions   in   the  popular  ranks,  which  were 
noticed  by  Bernard,  had  their  origin  in  the  different 

i  Bernard  to  Lord  Shelburne,  Sept.  21,  1767. 


CONNECTION  WITH  THE  PRESS.         31 

views  that  were  taken  of  public  questions.  Some,  in 
their  political  theory,  accepted  a  shadowy  line,  which 
had  been  marked  out  by  Lord  Chatham,  between 
internal  and  external  taxation ;  while  others  rejected 
it.  w  The  claim,"  Hutchinson  says,  "  to  an  independ- 
ence of  parliament,  in  whole  or  in  part,  is  now  become 
most  universal.  "When  they  [the  patriots]  are  most 
moderate,  Lord  Chatham's  distinction  is  admitted: 
others  say  it  is  but  reasonable  we  should  be  restrained 
in  our  trade;  but  the  true  heroes  for  freedom  say, 
that  if  we  are  to  be  under  restraint  at  all,  by  any 
authority  without  us,  we  are  but  slaves."1  "Warren 
was  of  the  class  who  rejected  the  distinction  be- 
tween internal  and  external  taxes,  and  uniformly  held 
that  every  kind  of  taxation  was  tyranny.2  Their 
theory,  however,  was  not  stated  accurately  by  Hutch- 
inson. They  did  not  claim  to  be  exempted  from 
authority  which  they  considered  to  be  national,' but 
only  claimed  the  right  to  make  the  local  law.  When 
it  was  urged,  on  the  side  of  the  Administration,  that 
the  right  of  parliament  to  make  laws  for  the  Ameri- 
can colonies  remained  indisputable  at  Westminster;3 
it  was  replied,  on  the  side  of  the  colonies,  that  their 
right  to  make  laws  for  their  own  internal  government 
and  to  tax  themselves  had  never  been  questioned.4 
They  regarded  the  colonies  and  Great  Britain  as 
members  of  one  great  empire,  —  each  under  the  con- 
stitution having  independent  legislatures;  the  parlia- 

1  Letter,  March  23,  1768.  2  Eliot's  Biographical  Dictionary. 

3  Bernard's  Message,  Sept.  25,  1765. 

*  Answer  of  the  House  of  Bepresentatives,  Oct.  28,  1765,  which  says  :  "  The 
charter  of  this  province  invests  the  General  Assembly  with  the  power  of 
making  laws  for  its  internal  government  and  taxation.  .  .  .  The  parliament  has 
a  right  to  make  all  laws  within  the  limits  of  their  own  constitution." 


32  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAKRE^. 

ment  haying  the  right  to  make  the  laws  for  England, 
and  the  local  assemblies  to  make  the  laws  for 
America,  with  the  king  as  the  common  chief-magis- 
trate, whose  rightful  prerogative  was  in  force  in  each 
colony  as  it  was  in  England.  There  was  this  differ- 
ence between  the  two  parties :  the  theory  set  up  for 
parliament  was  regarded  by  the  "Whigs  as  an  abstrac- 
tion of  the  British  lawyers,  which,  though  dangerous, 
had  lain  dormant;  while  the  claim  urged  for  the  local 
government  was  for  customs  which  were  a  part  of 
their  daily  life,  and  by  the  exercise  of  which  they  had 
attained  and  now  enjoyed  a  high  degree  of  individual 
and  communal  freedom. 

The  popular  leaders  were  united  in  the  determina- 
tion to  avoid  such  riotous  excesses  as  had  disgraced 
the  uprising  against  the  Stamp  Act,  to  confine  their 
action  to  constitutional  methods,  and  to  build  up  their 
cause  on  the  foundation  of  an  enlightened  public 
opinion.  It  was  now  said  in  the  press,  and  probably 
by  Warren,  7  Let  the  persons  and  properties  of  our 
most  inveterate  enemies  be  safe.  Let  not  a  hair  of 
their  scalps  be  touched.  Let  this  be  the  language 
of  all,  —  no  mobs,  no  confusions,  no  tumults.  Save 
your  money  and  save  your  country."1  A  call  from  a 
Southern  colony,  printed  in  the  journals,  had  the  same 
injunction:  "The  liberties  of  our  common  country 
are  exposed  to  imminent  danger;  and  Massachusetts 
must  first  kindle  the  sacred  flame  that  must  warm 
and  illuminate  the  continent.  The  cause  is  nothing 
less  than  to  maintain  the  liberty  with  which  Heaven 
itself  has  made  us  free;  and  let  it  not  be  disgraced 
by  a  single  rash  step,  for  constitutional  methods  are 

1  Boston  Gazette,  Nov.  9  and  14,  1767. 


CONNECTION  WITH  THE  PRESS.         33 

the  best  methods."1  This  indicates  the  fixed  resolu- 
tion of  the  patriots,  that  social  order  should  be  the 
base-line  of  worthy  political  action  in  behalf  of  a 
common  country. 

Warren  shared  in  the  indignation  of  his  country- 
men as  the  plan  of  establishing  arbitrary  power  in  the 
colonies  developed.  He  was,  at  twenty-six,  as  set- 
tled in  principle,  and  as  firm  in  the  purpose  of  devoting 
himself  to  the  patriot  cause  (as  his  letter  already 
printed  shows),  as  his  whole  past  career  proves  him 
to  have  been  at  thirty-four.  A  few  of  his  sentences 
will  attest  his  life-long  ruling  passion :  w  We  eye  the 
hand  of  Heaven  in  the  wonderful  union  of  the  colo- 
nies." w  The  mistress  we  court  is  Liberty,  and  it  is 
better  to  die  than  not  to  obtain  her."  "  America  must 
and  will  be  free;  the  contest  may  be  severe,  the  end 
will  be  glorious."  These  words  reveal  his  inward 
impulse,  his  purpose,  and  his  faith;  and  he  ever  ap- 
peared earnest  to  impress  his  views  on  others.  It 
is  related  by  John  Adams,2  that  when,  as  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  Provincial  Congress,  he  addressed,  in  the 
form  of  a  charge,  every  military  officer,  on  delivering 
his  commission,  w  he  never  failed  to  make  the  officers, 
as  well  as  all  the  assembly,  shudder."  This  indi- 
cates, that,  when  his  spirit  was  roused,  there  came 
from  beneath  his  native  amiableness  a  burning  energy 
of  soul  that  was  magnetic  and  irresistible.  This  may 
account  for  the  personal  influence  which  he  exercised. 

Warren  now  began  to  appear  in  the  foreground  of 
the  public  stage  in  connection  with  the  great  popular 

1  Letter  in  the  Boston  Gazette,  "  from  a  gentleman  of  fortune,  family,  and 
great  abilities,  in  a  remote  southern  colony,  to  his  friend  in  this  town,"  dated 
Dec.  5,  1765.    It  was  by  John  Dickinson,  and  is  printed  in  Tudor's  Otis. 

2  John  Adams's  Works,  iii.  277. 

5 


34  LIFE   OF  JOSEPH   WAEREN. 

leaders.  "Neither  resentment,"  Dr.  Gordon,  who 
knew  him,  says,  "  nor  interested  views,  but  a  regard 
to  the  liberties  of  his  country,  induced  him  to  oppose 
the  measures  of  the  Government.  He  stepped  for- 
ward into  public  view,  not  that  he  might  be  noted 
and  admired  for  a  patriotic  spirit,  but  because  he  was 
a  patriot.  He  was  a  gentleman  of  integrity,  in  whom 
the  friends  of  liberty  could  confide.  The  soundness 
of  his  judgment  enabled  him  to  give  good  advice  in 
private  consultations."1  And  his  eulogist,  Perez  Mor- 
ton, remarking  on  his  public  service,  says,  "  Amor 
patrice  was  the  spring  of  his  actions,  and  mens  conscia 
recti  was  his  guide.  And  on  this  security  he  was,  on 
every  occasion,  ready  to  sacrifice  his  health,  his  inter- 
est, and  his  ease,  to  the  sacred  calls  of  his  country." 

The  earliest  identification  of  Warren  with  political 
affairs,  and  in  opposition  to  the  measures  of  the 
Administration,  is  his  connection  with  the  press.  He 
began  to  contribute  to  the  journals  in  the  time  of  the 
Stamp  Act,  and  he  continued  to  supply  matter  to 
them  down  to  the  close  of  his  life. 

The  newspaper  had  been  established  sixty-three 
years  in  Boston;  but,  at  first,  it  was  little  more  than 
a  chronicle  of  the  passing  time,  and  left  the  discussion 
of  political  affairs  to  the  pamphlets.  The  earliest 
paper  established  in  the  town  and  the  country  (w  The 
News  Letter"),  after  continuing  twenty  years,  an- 
nounced that  it  would  publish  those  transactions  only 
that  had  no  relation  to  the  quarrels  of  the  day. 
The  "  New-England  Courant,"  however,  a  contempo- 
rary journal,  criticised  so  sharply  the  Administration 
and  the  theology  of  the  day,  as  to  draw  upon  it  the 

1  Gordon's  History,  ii.  49. 


CONXECTIOX  WITH   THE   PRESS.  35 

indignation  of  the  general  court.  In  1748,  Samuel 
Adams  and  other  popular  leaders,  to  arouse  the  peo- 
ple to  maintain  their  rights,  established  the  "Inde- 
pendent Advertiser,"  which  was  printed  but  two 
years.  In  1755  the  same  politicians  encouraged  the 
printing  of  "  The  Boston  Gazette  and  Country  Jour- 
nal," a  weekly  paper.  Its  publishers,  Benjamin  Edes 
and  John  Gill,  were  men  of  probity  and  enterprise, 
and  zealous  Whigs;  but  the  influence  that  moulded 
public  opinion  proceeded  from  the  Adamses,  Otis, 
Thacher,  Quincy,  Warren,  and  their  associates,  who 
wrote  elaborate  editorials  and  communications  in  the 
faith  and  inspiration  "  that  Providence  had  set  them 
to  defend  the  rights  and  liberties  of  mankind."  Their 
record  in  this  journal  warrants  the  generous  judg- 
ment of  Isaiah  Thomas,  a  patriotic  co-worker  in 
the  same  field,  that  "  no  paper  on  the  continent  took 
a  more  active  part  in  defence  of  the  country,  or  more 
ably  supported  its  rights,  than  the  c Boston  Gazette:' 
its  patrons  were  alert,  and  ever  at  their  posts;  and 
they  had  a  primary  agency  in  events  which  led  to  our 
national  independence."1 

The  popular  leaders  employed  with  great  effect  the 
press,  in  exposing  the  system  of  arbitrary  power. 
"Warren,  who  was  now  a  frequent  contributor  to  it, 
used  his  pen,  not  to  win  a  literary  reputation,  but,  as 
the  farmer  uses  his  spade,  to  do  his  work.  "He 
sought  not,"  Perez  Morton  says,  "  the  airy  honors  of 
a  name;  else  many  of  those  publications,  which,  in 
the  early  period  of  the  controversy,  served  to  open 
the  minds  of  the  people,  had  not  appeared  anony- 
mous."    He  had  the  talent  of  seizing  the  pith  of  a 

1  Thomas's  History  of  Printing,  ii.  236. 


36  LIFE    OP   JOSEPH   WAKKEN. 

subject,  making  salient  points,  imparting  his  own 
spirit,  and  with  clearness,  precision,  and  force,  say- 
ing much  in  a  few  words.  His  vein  of  the  poetic 
and  his  nervous  style  were  calculated  to  strike  the 
public  mind.  His  productions  contain  many  point- 
ed sentences.  Dr.  Eliot  calls  him  a  fine  writer. 
Many  of  his  articles  appeared  in  the  w  Gazette." 
A  Tory  informer,  after  mousing  about  Edes  and 
Gill's  printing-office,  in  search  of  matter  to  use  in 
court,  in  the  case  of  the  arrest  of  the  popular  lead- 
ers, made  affidavit  that  Warren  had  burned  his  man- 
uscripts. 

Governor  Bernard  watched  the  newspapers  nar- 
rowly, and  represented  in  his  official  letters  that  they 
teemed  with  matter  against  the  new  revenue  laws 
precisely  of  the  same  nature  as  that  which  preceded 
the  former  insurrection,  meaning  the  popular  action 
against  the  Stamp  Act ;  and  that  they  were  calculated 
and  designed  to  raise  the  mob  against  the  new  estab- 
lishment. Six  years  later,  he  prepared  an  elaborate 
narrative  of  the  transactions  in  Boston,  which  begins 
as  follows :  "  The  success  which  had  attended  the 
flagitious  publications  in  the  Boston  newspapers,  on 
the  subject  of  the  Stamp  Act,  in  exciting  the  popular 
tumults  which  followed  the  promulgation  of  that  law, 
was  too  obvious  to  escape  the  attention  of  those  who 
wished  to  see  the  same  opposition  given  to  the  subse- 
quent revenue  laws;  and  therefore,  when  it  became 
known  that  such  laws  were  proposed,  at  least  as  soon 
as  they  were  published,  and  the  concomitant  estab- 
lishment of  the  commissioners  of  the  customs  had 
taken  place,  the  press  again  teemed  with  publications 
of  the  most  daring  nature,  denying  the  authority  of 


CONNECTION  WITH  THE  PRESS.         37 

the  supreme  legislature,   and  tending  to  excite  the 
people  to  opposition  to  its  laws."1 

Bernard  advised  Lord  Shelburne,  Oct.   15,  1767, 
that  he  had  received  the  new  revenue  acts,  and  that 
they  had  been  printed  in  the  journals;   and  he  per- 
sistently represented  that  the   patriots    designed   to 
oppose  them  by  an  insurrection.     He  specified  the 
occasions  on  which  he  expected  the  insurrection  to 
begin,  as  when   the   commissioners   of  the  customs 
should  land,  or  when  the  revenue  acts  should  go  into 
effect;  but  he  had  no  proofs  of  the  existence  of  the 
disloyal  designs  which  he  denounced;  and  it  is  diffi- 
cult not  to  believe  that  he  feigned  the  fear  which  it 
suited  his  purposes  to  express.     A  town-meeting  was 
held  in  Faneuil  Hall,  Oct.  28,  when  the  passive  mode 
of  meeting  the  acts  by  a  non-importation  and  non- 
consumption   agreement  was  adopted.      At  the  ad- 
journment of  this  meeting,  Nov.  20,  the  day  on  which 
the  new  revenue  laws  went  into  effect,  there  was  a 
seditious  hand-bill  posted  under  Liberty  Tree.     w  Un- 
der the  tree,"  Bernard  wrote,  w  was  stuck  up  a  paper 
so   highly  seditious,   that  it  would   be  undoubtedly 
deemed  in  England  an  overt  act  of  high  treason.     It 
contained  an  exhortation  to  the  Sons  of  Liberty  to 
rise  on  that  day,  and  fight  for  their  rights;   stating, 
cthat,  if  they  assembled,  they  would  be  joined  by 
legions;  that,  if  they  neglected  this  opportunity,  they 

1  Governor  Bernard's  Letter  Books,  vol.  viii.  In  1774,  by  command  of  the  . 
king,  he  laid  before  the  privy  council,  for  their  use,  an  elaborate  narrative, 
entitled,  "  State  of  the  Disorders,  Confusion,  and  Misgovernment  which  have 
prevailed,  and  do  still  continue  to  prevail,  in  his  Majesty's  Province  of  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay  in  America,"  since  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act.  This  narra- 
tive was  accompanied  by  a  list  of  three  hundred  and  sixteen  documents ;  the 
date  of  the  last  one  being  a  letter  of  Thomas  Hutchinson,  of  Jan.  28,  1774. 


38  LITE    OF  JOSEPH   WAKREK. 

would  be  cursed  by  all  posterity.'"1  This  circum- 
stance drew  from  James  Otis,  who  was  the  moderator, 
an  extempore  speech,  strongly  denunciatory  of  mobs, 
in  which  he  urged  that  the  opposition  to  burden- 
some measures  should  be  strictly  constitutional ; 2  and, 
in  the  course  of  it,  he  reminded  the  people  that  their 
forefathers  of  the  reign  of  Charles  I.,  for  fifteen  years, 
offered  prayers  to  their  God  and  petitions  to  the 
king,  for  a  redress  of  grievances,  before  they  resorted 
to  force;  and,  in  closing,  he  exhorted  all  good  citi- 
zens to  assist  the  civil  magistrate  in  preserving  the 
peace.  The  speech  was  received  by  all  parties  with 
great  applause;  the  obnoxious  paper  was  removed 
and  disavowed  by  the  patriots,  who  said  that  it  was 
the  device  of  their  enemies ;   and  the  meeting  voted, 

i  Bernard  to  Lord  Shelburne,  Nor.  21,  1767. 

2  This  important  speech  is  not  mentioned  in  Tudor's  "Life  of  James  Otis." 
There  is  a  report  of  it  in  the  "  Evening  Post,"  Nov.  23,  1767.  After  stating  that 
a  resolution  was  offered  in  support  of  good  order,  the  "  Post "  proceeds  :  "  On 
this  occasion,  the  moderator  made  a  speech  to  the  following  purpose  :  — 

"  That  many  people  seemed  to  have  blended  two  things  together  in  their 
minds  which  were  totally  distinct,  —  that  is,  the  duties  laid  upon  many  articles 
imported,  and  the  office  of  the  commissioners  of  the  customs,  —  as  though  the 
commissioners  had  occasioned  those  duties,  and  that  we  must  get  rid  of  the  lat- 
ter in  order  to  avoid  the  former ;  that  it  was  absurd  to  suppose  that  the  commis- 
sioners had  the  least  hand  or  influence  in  laying  or  procuring  those  duties  ;  that 
we  had  from  the  first,  and  for  a  long  course  of  time,  acknowledged  the  authority 
of  the  custom-house  officers  appointed  by  the  Crown,  and  sent  among  us ;  that 
we  had  often  desired  the  establishment  of  a  board  of  commissioners  in  the  planta- 
tions, and  complained  that,  for  want  of  it,  we  were  deprived  of  many  advan- 
tages which  our  fellow-subjects  in  Great  Britain  enjoyed,  who,  if  oppressed  by 
any  undue  severities  of  the  subordinate  officers,  might  have  immediate  redress 
by  application  to  that  board,  which  we  could  not  by  reason  of  our  distance ;  that 
we  ought,  therefore,  to  consider  the  establishment  of  that  board  here  as  a  favor 
and  a  great  advantage,  and  treat  the  commissioners  with  all  due  respect ;  that  if 
the  duties  were  thought  burthensome,  and  we  had  just  reason  to  complain 
of  them,  we  ought  to  behave  like  men,  and  use  the  proper  and  legal  measures 
to  obtain  redress  ;  that  the  means  were  in  our  power  ;  access  to  the  throne  was 
always  open ;  that  there  was  no  doubt  but  our  humble  and  dutiful  petitions  and 
remonstrances  would,  sooner  or  later,  be  heard,  and  meet  with  success,  if  sup- 
ported by  justice  and  reason,  —  but,  let  our  burthens  be  ever  so  heavy,  or  our 


CONNECTION  WITH  THE  PRESS.         39 

unanimously,  a  resolution  against  mobs.  But  this 
did  not  stop  the  flow  of  Bernard's  misrepresentation. 
In  January,  1768,  he  wrote:  "It  seems  to  me  una- 
voidable that  the  whole  power  of  the  Government 
must  be  in  the  hands  of  the  people  before  June  next, 
unless  some  relief,  I  know  not  what,  comes  from 
England.  I  can't  stand  in  the  gap  again,  unless  I 
am  assured  of  being  supported  from  home.  If  I  am 
left  to  myself,  I  must  deliver  up  the  fort,  and  make 
the  best  terms  I  can." x  He  said  that  the  memorable 
"Circular  Letter,"  in  which  Massachusetts,  in  Feb- 
ruary, proposed  united  action  to  the  colonies,  was 
designed  to  raise  a  general  flame. 

In  the  mean  time,  he  kept  on  complaining  of  the 

grievances  ever  so  great,  no  possible  circumstances,  though  ever  so  oppressive, 
could  be  supposed  sufficient  to  justify  private  tumults  and  disorders,  either  to  our 
consciences  before  God  or  legally  before  men  ;  that  our  forefathers,  in  the  begin- 
ning of  the  reign  of  Charles  I.,  for  fifteen  years  together,  were  continually  offer- 
ing up  prayers  to  their  God,  and  petitions  to  their  king,  for  redress  of  grievances, 
before  they  would  betake  themselves  to  any  forcible  measures  ;  that  to  insult 
and  tear  each  other  in  pieces  was  to  act  like  madmen,  and  would  have  no  ten- 
dency to  obtain  redress  of  any  of  our  grievances,  if  we  had  any  to  complain  of; 
that  it  was  observable,  that,  during  the  course  of  the  revolution  which  placed 
King  William  on  the  throne,  there  were  no  tumults  or  disorder ;  and,  when  the 
whole  city  of  London  was  in  motion,  only  a  single  silver  spoon  was  stolen,  and 
that  they  showed  such  resentment  to  this  as  immediately  to  hang  up  the  person 
who  was  guilty  of  the  theft. 

"  Upon  the  whole,  he  concluded  by  recommending  a  quiet  and  proper  be- 
havior, and  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  would  show  their  dislike  and  abhor- 
rence of  all  tumults  and  disorders,  and  do  all  in  their  power  to  assist  the  civil 
magistrates  in  preserving  peace  and  good  order. 

" This  speech  was  much  to  his  honor,  and  greatly  applauded;  and  is  thought 
would  have  a  very  good  effect.  The  conduct  of  the  gentlemen  selectmen,  on 
this  occasion,  was  also  greatly  applauded." 

This  report  elicited  from  Otis  a  card  in  the  "Boston  Gazette"  of  Nov.  30, 
1767,  in  which,  with  explanations  as  to  what  he  said  as  to  the  commissioners,  he 
renews  with  emphasis  his  detestation  of  mobs.  This  speech  and  an  extract  from 
the  speech  made  by  Josiah  Quincy,  jun.,  in  the  Old  South  Church,  Dec.  16, 
1773,  on  the  Tea  Question,  are  the  only  reports,  of  any  length,  of  all  the  speeches 
made  in  the  Boston  public  meetings  from  1768  to  1775. 

i  Letter,  Jan.  14,  1768. 


40  LITE   OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

* 

work  of  the  press.  He  sent  cuttings  from  it  to  the 
ministry,  and  sometimes  files  of  the  "  Gazette ; "  and 
he  suggested  that  legal  proceedings  should  be  com- 
menced against  the  profligate  and  flagitious  popular 
printers.1  Lord  Shelburne  received  the  suggestion 
of  a  prosecution  of  the  journals  with  great  coldness; 
and  in  allusion  to  an  observation  of  Bernard,  that 
their  mischievous  matter  was  contemptible  in  ability 
and  impotent  in  influence,  Lord  Shelburne  said,  with 
singular  good  sense,  that  contemptible  writings  were 
rendered  more  abortive  by  being  left  to  oblivion;  and 
he  gave  sound  advice  in  relation  to  appearing  as  his 
majesty's  governor  in  any  case  as  the  prosecutor.2 

The  popular  leaders  had  accurate  information  of 
the  course  of  Bernard;  and  the  following  article, 
written  by  Warren,  appeared  in  the  "Boston  Ga- 
zette," on  the  twenty-ninth  day  of  February,  1768 : 3 — 

"Messrs.  Edes  and   Gill,  —  Please  insert  the  following :  — 

"  May  it  please  your  ,  We  have  for  a  long  time  known 

your  enmity  to  this  province.  We  have  had  full  proof  of  your  cru- 
elty to  a  loyal  people.  No  age  has,  perhaps,  furnished  a  more 
glaring  instance  of  obstinate  perseverance  in  the  path  of  malice  than 

is  now  exhibited  in  your. Could  you  have  reaped  any  advantage 

from  injuring  this  people,  there  would  have  been  some  excuse  for  the 
manifold  abuses  with  which  you  have  loaded  them.  But,  when  a 
diabolical  thirst  for  mischief  is  the  alone  motive  of  your  conduct, 
you  must  not  wonder  if  you  are  treated  with  open  dislike  ;  for  it  is  im- 
possible, how  much  soever  we  endeavor  it,  to  feel  any  esteem  for  a 

man  like  you. Bad  as  the  world  may  be,  there  is  yet  in  every 

breast  something  which  points  out  the  good  man  as  an  object  worthy 

1  Letter,  Jan.  30,  1768.  2  Shelburne  to  Bernard. 

3  This  article  is  marked  "Dr.  Warren,"  in  Harbottle  Dorr's  file  of  the 
"Boston  Gazette,"  in  the  possession  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society; 
and  it  is  ascribed  to  him  in  "  Kees's  Cyclopaedia  "  and  Loring's  "  Boston  Hun- 
dred Orators." 


CONNECTION  WITH   THE   PRESS.  41 

of  respect,  and  marks  the  guileful,  treacherous  man-hater  for  disgust 
and  infamy. Nothing  has  ever  been  more  intolerable  than  your  in- 
solence upon  a  late  occasion,  when  you  had,  by  your  Jesuitical  insinua- 
tions, induced  a  worthy  minister  of  state  to  form  a  most  unfavorable 
opinion  of  the  province  in  general,  and  some  of  the  most  respectable 
inhabitants  in  particular.  You  had  the  effrontery  to  produce  a  letter 
from  his  lordship,  as  a  proof  of  your  success  in  calumniating  us. 
Surely  you  must  suppose  we  have  lost  all  feeling,  or  you  would  not 
dare  thus  tauntingly  to  display  the  trophies  of  your  slanders,  and  up- 
braidingly  to  make  us  sensible  of  the  inexpressible  misfortunes  which 
you  have  brought  upon  us.  But  I  refrain,  lest  a  full  representation 
of  the  hardships  suffered  by  this  too-long  insulted  people  should  lead 
them  to  an  unwarrantable  revenge.  We  never  can  treat  good  and 
patriotic  rulers  with  too  great  reverence.  But  it  is  certain  that  men 
totally  abandoned  to  wickedness  can  never  merit  our  regard,  be  their 
stations  ever  so  high. 

" '  If  such  men  are  by  God  appointed, 
The  devil  may  be  the  Lord's  anointed.' 

"A  True  Patriot."1 

The  governor  said  that  he  could  not,  with  safety  to 
the  Government,  let  this  article  pass  unnoticed.2  He 
first  consulted,  informally,  several  members  of  the 
council,  who  advised  him  to  lay  it  officially  before 
that  body  and  the  House  of  Representatives,  which 
was  then  in  session  ^  which  he  did,  by  sending  a  simi- 
lar message  (March  1,  1768)  to  each.  He  said  that 
he  usually  treated  the  "Boston  Gazette"  with  the 

1  On  this  day,  Feb.  29,  1768,  the  "  Boston  Chronicle,"  an  Administration 
journal,  stated  that  articles  printed  in  Boston,  in  August,  September,  and  Octo- 
ber last,   "  had  lately  occasioned  much  conversation  in  a  certain  place ; "  and 

that,  "  soon  after  the  meeting  of  the  P 1,  Mr.  G G ,  when  the  house 

was  sitting,  produced  some  American  newspapers,  which,  he  said,  contained 
doctrine  of  a  dangerous  and  alarming  tendency ;  and  proposed  that  the  printer 

should  be  sent  for  and  the  author  inquired  after.     Upon  this,  Mr.  C y  replied, 

that  the  gentleman's  motion  was  contrary  to  the  order  of  the  house ;  that,  beside, 
it  was  only  reasonable,  before  they  sent  for  printers  and  authors  from  such  a 
distance,  they  should  make  reformation  at  home  among  those  who  were  just  at 
hand.     It  was  then  put  off  for  six  months." 

2  Bernard  to  Lord  Shelburne,  March  5,  1768. 

6 


42  LIFE   OF  JOSEPH   WARREN. 

contempt  which  it  deserved,  but  that  he  felt  bound  to 
notice  it,  when  its  publications  were  carried  to  such 
an  extent  as  to  endanger  the  existence  of  the  Govern- 
ment; that  this  paper  was  of  this  character,  and  he 
presented  it  to  them  for  their  serious  consideration, 
that  they  might  act  as  the  majesty  of  the  king,  the 
honor  of  the  general  court,  and  the  interest  of  the 
province,  might  require. 

The  council  received  this  message,  Bernard  says, 
"  at  a  very  full  board,  —  there  being  twenty  present, 
the  whole  number  but  three," — who  appointed  a  com- 
mittee to  prepare  an  answer,  which  was  "unanimously 
agreed  upon  by  the  same  number."1  The  council 
(March  3,  1768)  remarked,  that  the  article  gave  the 
board  a  real  concern,  and  characterized  it  as  a  false, 
scandalous,  and  impudent  libel  on  His  Excellency. 
They  said  it  was  an  insolent  and  licentious  attack  on 
the  king's  representative ;  involved  an  attack  on  Gov- 
ernment itself;  was  subversive  of  all  order  and  de- 
corum; an  insult  on  the  general  court,  on  the  king's 
authority,  on  the  King  of  kings;  and  worthy  only  of 
the  utmost  abhorrence  and  indignation :  and  the  reply 
closed  with  the  assurance,  that  the  council  would 
always  support  the  dignity  of  the  king's  governor. 
It  is  questionable  whether  the  council,  in  this  reply, 
preserved  its  own  dignity;  for,  while  it  affected  to  be 
shocked  by  the  licentiousness  of  the  press,  it  showed 
itself  a  master  of  the  vocabulary  of  invective.  The 
governor  (March  3)  returned  his  most  hearty  thanks 
for  so  decided  an  address,  by  a  message,  in  which  he 
said  that  he  should  not  have  taken  notice  of  the  libel, 
if  he  had  not  apprehended  it  to  be  pregnant  with 
danger  to  the  Government. 

1  Bernard  to  Lord  Shelburne,  March  5,  1768. 


CONJraCTICXtf  WITH   THE   PKESS.  43 

The  house  also  considered  the  governor's  mes- 
sage. Bernard  says:1  "In  the  house,  which  was 
grown  thin,  and  evacuated  by  the  friends  of  Govern- 
ment in  greater  proportion  than  [by]  the  opponents, 
it  had  not  the  same  success.  The  faction  labored 
with  all  their  might  to  prevent  the  paper  being  con- 
sidered. It  was  debated  a  whole  afternoon,  and  ad- 
journed to  the  next  morning."  The  house,  after  such 
deliberation,  agreed  (39  to  30)  upon  an  answer  to  the 
message.  They  said  (March  3)  that  they  had  given 
due  attention  to  the  communication  of  the  governor; 
had  examined  the  paper  which  he  had  transmitted; 
and  expressed  sorrow,  that  any  publication  in  a  news- 
paper, or  any  other  cause,  should  give  His  Excellency 
an  apprehension  of  danger  to  the  being  or  dignity  of 
His  Majesty's  Government  here.  The  house,  how- 
ever, could  not  see  reason  to  admit  of  such  conclu- 
sion from  that  paper.  No  person  was  named /in  it; 
and  as  there  was  nothing  contained  in  it  that  could 
affect  the  majesty  of  the  king,  or  the  honor  of  the 
general  court,  the  house  thought  they  were  justified 
in  taking  no  further  notice  of  it;  remarking,  "The 
liberty  of  the  press  is  a  great  bulwark  of  the  liberty 
of  the  people:  it  is,  therefore,  the  incumbent  duty  of 
those  who  are  constituted  the  guardians  of  the  peo- 
ple's rights,  to  defend  and  maintain  it."  The  answer 
closed  by  an  expression  of  the  opinion,  that  the  pro- 
vision already  made  for  the  punishment  of  abuses  by 
the  press,  in  the  common  course  of  the  law,  was  suffi- 
cient in  the  present  case.  w  The  house,"  Hutchinson 
says,  ?  rather  justified  the  libel  than  condemned  it." 
The   criticism  would   have   been   more  just,  had  it 

i  Bernard's  Letter,  March  5,  1768. 


44  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

read, — The  house  rather  condemned  the  action  of  the 
governor  than  justified  the  contents  of  the  paper.  In 
truth,  the  house  understood  its  position;  and  its  ad- 
mirable answer  is  a  calm  and  strong  word  for  the 
freedom  of  the  press. 

The  governor,  with  reason,  now  asked  the  council 
to  prosecute  the  printers  of  "  A  True  Patriot ; "  but 
this  body  declined  to  proceed  farther  in  the  affair. 
"  This,"  Bernard  wrote,  "  is  one  of  the  consequences 
of  the  fatal  ingredient  in  this  constitution,  —  the  elec- 
tion of  the  council,"  which  he  termed  "  the  canker- 
worm  of  the  Government."  He  next  directed  the 
attorney-general  to  commence  proceedings  against 
the  printers  in  the  courts ;  and  the  article  was  brought 
before  the  grand  jury.  Hutchinson,  as  the  chief- 
justice,  delivered  on  this  occasion  a  charge,  in  which 
he  says,  "I  told  them  in  almost  plain  words,  that 
they  might  depend  on  being  damned,  if  they  did  not 
find  a  bill."  This  charge  received  from  his  friends 
great  praise  for  its  legal  ability.  But  the  grand 
jury,  which  sympathized  with  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, braved  the  penalty  named  by  the  chief- 
justice,  and  refused  to  find  a  bill  against  the  printers.1 

1  It  appears  from  the  following  communication  in  the  "  Gazette  "  of  March 
27,  1769,  written  probably  by  Warren,  that  the  article,  "  A  True  Patriot,"  was 
again  before  the  grand  jury. 

"  Messrs.  Edes  and  Gill,  —  Please  to  insert  the  following :  — 
•  I  am  informed  of  what  passed  with  the  grand  jury  last  week,  relative  to  a 
paper  signed  *  A  True  Patriot,'  published  in  the  supplement  to  your  '  Gazette ' 
of  Feb.  29,  1768.  I  imagined  nothing  more  would  have  been  said  upon  a  subject 
which  has  so  ridiculously  taken  up  the  time  of  many  persons,  who  might  have  been 
more  wisely  employed.  However,  I  know  the  motives  of  those  who  have  again 
brought  it  upon  the  tapis.  It  is  to  be  represented  to  the  ministry  as  an  instance 
of  disregard  to  law  and  good  order.  What  success  plotters  will  have,  time  must 
discover.  In  the  mean  time,  it  may  be  depended  on  that  their  representations 
will  not,  as  in  time  past,  be  suffered  to  go  without  company. 

"T.  N.  Monument-maker." 


CONNECTION  WITH  THE  PRESS.         45 

Warren,   in   two    communications   printed   in   the 
w  Boston  Gazette/'  under  the  signature  of  w  A  True 
Patriot,"  reviewed  with  scathing  severity  these  pro- 
ceedings.    "While  he  disavowed  any  intention  to  de- 
stroy the  dignity  of  authority,   and  remarked  with 
contempt  on  the  doctrines  of  divine  right  and  passive 
obedience,  he  expressed  the  pleasure  with  which  he 
heard  the  voice  of  "  all  orders  of  unplaced  and  inde- 
pendent men,"  who  were  determined  to  support  their 
rights  and  the  liberty  of  the  press.     He  said  that  the 
House  of  Eepresentatives  showed  themselves  reso- 
lute in  the  cause  of  justice;    and  the  grand  jurors 
demonstrated  by  their  action  that  influence  was  not 
able  to  overcome  their  attachment  to  sacred  honor,  a 
free  constitution,  and   their  country.     He  remarked 
of  the  people,  that,  when  they  knew  their  true  inter- 
est, they  would  distinguish  their  friends  from  their 
enemies,  and  would   protect  from  tyrannic  violence 
generous  defenders  in  the  cause  of  justice  and  hu- 
manity; but,  should  a  mistaken  complaisance  lead  to 
a  sacrifice  of  their  privileges,  or  to  a  desertion  of  their 
well-meant  supporters,  they  would  deserve  bondage, 
and  soon  find  themselves  in  chains.     He  said  that  the 
authors  of  some  of  the  misfortunes  under  which  the 
province  groaned,  had  been  detected;   and  he  closed 
in  the  following  words:   w  We  will  strip  the  serpents 
of  their  stings,  and  consign  to  disgrace  all  those  guile- 
ful betrayers  of  their  country.     There  is  only  one  way 
for  men  to  avoid  being  set  up  as  objects  of  general 
contempt,  which  is  — not  to  deserve  it."1 

The  result  of  this  affair  caused  great  chagrin  to  the 

i  One  of  these  papers  is  in  the  "  Boston  Gazette  "  of  March  7 ;  and  the  other, 
in  that  of  March  14. 


46  LIFE   OF  JOSEPH   WAREEN. 

Tories.  Hutchinson  said  it  convinced  him  as  much 
as  any  thing  which  had  occurred,  that  the  laws  had 
lost  their  force;  Bernard  said  it  proved  that  the  Gov- 
ernment could  not  regain  its  authority  without  aid 
from  superior  powers ;  Lord  Hillsborough  said  it  was 
"  but  too  striking  an  evidence  of  the  influence  of  those 
who  sought  to  disturb  the  public  peace,  and  per- 
sisted with  so  much  obstinacy  and  malevolence  in 
sowing  the  seeds  of  disorder  and  discomfort."  *  The 
patriots,  on  the  other  hand,  appreciated  a  triumph 
that  assured  freedom  of  utterance  in  behalf  of  their 
cause.  They  had  grasped  the  idea  that  the  liberty 
of  the  press  and  the  liberty  of  the  land  must  stand 
or  fall  together.  "I  am  no  friend  to  licentious- 
ness," Andrew  Eliot  said,  w  but  the  liberty  of  the  press 
must  be  preserved  sacred,  or  all  is  over;"2  and  the 
exulting  voice  of  the  people  found  expression,  on  fes- 
tive occasions,  in  toasts  to  the  honest  and  independent 
grand  jurors. 

Bernard  did  not  allege  that  his  individual  character 
had  been  injured  in  the  article  signed  "  A  True  Pa- 
triot," but  based  his  action  on  the  ground,  that  it 
tended  to  bring  the  Government  into  contempt.  It 
was  not  until  a  later  period  that  the  distinction  was 
practically  recognized  between  attacks  on  private 
character,  to  gratify  a  malicious  intent,  and  an  expo- 
sure of  official  wrongs,  to  promote  the  common  wel- 
fare.    In  ordinary  times,  there  can  be  no  abridgment 

1  Lord  Hillsborough  to  Bernard,  June  11,  1768. 

2  April  18,  1768,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Society  "  Collections,"  4th  series,  iv.  425. 
He  wrote,  May  13,  1767  :  "  Nothing  is  of  greater  importance  than  to  secure  the 
entire  freedom  of  publishing,  without  fear,  any  censures  upon  public  measures. 
The  liberty  of  the  press  is  the  palladium  of  English  liberty.  If  this  is  gone,  all 
is  gone." 


CONOTX3TION  WITH   THE   PRESS.  47 

of  a  right  to  arraign  measures  of  Administration ;  for 
it  must  be  unrestrained,  or  it  is  no  right : 1  it  is  a  neces- 
sity to  insure  publicity,  that  great  safeguard  against 
corruption ;  and,  if  acts  are  detrimental  to  the  general 
welfare,  their  originators  ought  to  be  brought  into 
contempt.  The  House  of  Representatives  and  the 
grand  jury,  with  an  American  instinct,  proceeded  on 
the  rule  which  is  now  widely  recognized ;  for  the  com- 
mon-law offence  of  libelling  a  Government  is  ignored, 
in  constitutional  systems,  as  inconsistent  with  the 
genius  of  free  institutions.  Political  comment,  in  this 
country  and  in  England,  severer  than  that  which,  in 
the  article  entitled  "  A  True  Patriot,"  disturbed  the 
royal  governor,  now  passes  unnoticed;  and  he  would 
be  regarded  as  quite  an  indifferent  observer,  who 
should  from  this  draw  the  inference  that  the  Govern- 
ment, in  permitting  this  freedom,  compromised  its 
authority,  or  that  the  people,  in  countenancing  it, 
wavered  in  their  loyalty. 

The  first  great  duty  of  the  press  —  that  of  collect- 
ing intelligence  of  passing  events,  and  making  it  com- 
mon property  —  was  an  invaluable  service  rendered 
to  the  popular  cause.  In  addition,  during  the  prepar- 
atory struggle,  when  public  opinion  was  forming  and 
a  thinking  community  achieved  our  Revolution,  before 
a  battle  had  been  fought,2  the  press,  assuming  as  of 
right  to  be  free,  was  keen  in  the  exposure  of  error 
and  injustice,  and  noble  in  the  presentation  of  truth 
and  right.  The  popular  leaders  did  not  veil  the  Tem- 
ple of  Liberty,  but   arraigned   corrupt   officials  and 

1  Livingston's  System  of  Penal  Law,  176. 

2  "  Be  it  remembered,"  Daniel  Webster  remarks,  "  it  was  a  thinking  com- 
munity that  achieved  our  Revolution  before  a  battle  had  been  fought." 


48  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAHKEN. 

dangerous  measures  with  a  power,  which,  though  to 
Toryism  it  seemed  to  be  the  seed  of  disorder,  was 
really  the  kernel  of  national  life.  It  was  a  standing 
marvel  to  the  royal  governor,  that  the  Administration 
would  not  prosecute  a  band  of  printers,  who,  he  said,1 
were  continually  directing  daggers  to  the  heart  of 
their  mother  country  and  sovereign  State,  and  to 
whom  was  very  applicable  the  fable  of  the  trumpeter, 
who  was  told,  on  being  taken  prisoner,  that  he  was 
answerable  for  all  the  mischief  done  by  the  soldiery.2 

i  Letter,  Nov.  25,  1769. 

2  Bernard  advised  Lord  Hillsborough,  June  25,  1769,  that  Messrs.  Edes  and 
Gill,  the  printers  of  the  "  Boston  Gazette,"  had  been  made  "  the  apparent  instru- 
ments of  raising  that  flame  in  America  which  has  given  so  much  trouble ;  "  and 
recommended  their  arrest,  as  the  first  step  towards  calling  the  chiefs  of  the  fac- 
tion to  an  account. 


CONNECTION   WITH   PUBLIC   MEETINGS.  49 


CHAPTEK  IV. 

CONNECTION    WITH    PUBLIC    MEETINGS. 

Public  Meetings.  —  Warren  and  the  Clubs.  —  The  Commissioners 
of  the  Customs.  —  A  Riot  in  Boston.  —  Warren  in  Town-meet- 
ing.—  Public  Opinion. 

1768.     March  to  June. 

"Wahren,  in  1768,  took  a  leading  part  in  the  public 
meetings  that  were  held  in  Boston  to  remonstrate 
against  the  acts  of  the  Administration.  The  people 
had  been  so  long  in  the  habit  of  assembling  to  discuss 
political  questions,  that  the  custom  was  looked  upon 
as  a  right,  and  really  was  a  part  of  American  law, 
written  and  unwritten.  The  officers  of  the  Crown, 
however,  held  that  town-meetings  for  such  objects 
were  illegal.  The  political  education  of  the  people 
of  England  had  been  so  backward,  that,  in  times  of 
excitement,  they  still  resorted  to  tumultuous  and  riot- 
ous assemblages,  in  order  to  overawe  the  deliberations 
of  Parliament.  The  institution  of  public  meetings, 
as  a  regular  mode  of  popular  influence,  forms  a  new 
era  in  constitutional  government.1 

There  was  a  quiet  direction  given  to  the  public 
meetings  of  Boston  by  political  clubs,  which  were 
of  several  years'  standing.     Warren  was  accustomed 

1  May's  Constitutional  History,  ii.  125.  Parliament  was  overawed,  in  1765, 
by  a  riot.  In  Albemarle's  "  Life  of  Rockingham,"  ii.  92,  93,  94,  is  an  account  of 
public  meetings,  in  which  it  is  stated,  "  From  the  summer  of  1769  is  to  be  dated 
the  establishment  of  public  meetings  in  England." 

7 


50  LIFE   OF  JOSEPH  WAKREN. 

to  say  that  nothing  contributed  more  to  promote  the 
great  end  of  society  than  a  frequent  interchange  of 
sentiment  in  friendly  meetings;  and,  as  a  member 
of  some  of  the  clubs  and  the  adviser  of  others,  he 
continued  to  be  connected  with  them  down  to  the 
close  of  his  life,  and  their  ruling  spirits  relied  much 
on  his  judgment. 

The  largest  of  these  clubs  consisted  of  mechanics, 
traders,  and  others,  and  were  named  "The  North 
End  Caucus"  "The  South  End  Caucus,"  and  "The 
Middle  District  Caucus."1  A  smaller  club  consist- 
ed of  lawyers,  clergymen,  and  the  popular  leaders. 
"  From  1768,"  Eliot  says,  "  a  number  of  politicians 
met  at  each  other's  houses,  to  discuss  public  affairs, 
and  to  settle  upon  the  best  methods  of  serving  the 
town  and  the  country.  Many  of  these  filled  public 
offices.  But  the  meetings  were  private,  and  had  a 
silent  influence  on  the  public  body." 2  Warren  was  a 
member  of  this  club,  and  also  of  the  North  End 
Caucus.  Hutchinson,  in  his  history,  says  that  a  cir- 
cle, consisting  of  a  number  of  the  inhabitants,  and 
members  of  the  general  court,  met  at  least  once  a 
week  in  the  evening;  and  at  these  meetings,  be- 
sides determining  what  should  be  done  at  town- 
meetings,  and  agreeing  upon  other  measures,  they 
generally  furnished  the  newspapers  with  speculations 
and  compositions  for  the  service  of  the  cause  in  which 
they  were  engaged; 3  and  he  says,  in  a  letter,  that  he 

1  In  the  records  of  one  of  these  caucuses,  the  word  is  spelt  caucos  ("  Siege 
of  Boston,"  30).  In  the  "Boston  Gazette"  of  1760  are  the  following  sentences : 
"  Nothing  of  the  least  significance  was  transacted  at  a  late  meeting  of  the  New 
and  Grand  Corcas."  —  "  Votes  are  to  be  given  away  by  the  delicate  hands  of  the 
New  and  Grand  Corcas." 

2  Eliot's  Biographical  Dictionary.     8  Hutchinson's  Massachusetts,  iii.  167. 


COISTXECTION  WITH  PUBLIC   MEETINGS.  51 

could  fill  his  sheet  with  acts  of  Government,  come 
into  by  the  town,  the  Cadet  Company,  and  the  clubs, 
remarking,  "We  have  no  sort  of  companies  but  which 
look  upon  it  they  have  a  right  to  do  something  or 
other  in  public  affairs." x  A  Tory  writer,  in  tracing 
the  origin  of  the  popular  movement  in  Boston,  says, 
*  Garrets  were  crowded  with  patriots;  mechanics  and 
lawyers,  porters  and  clergymen,  huddled  promiscu- 
ously into  them;  their  decisions  were  oracular;  and 
from  thence  they  poured  out  their  midnight  reve- 
ries. They  soon  determined  to  form  an  independent 
empire." 2 

Warren's  influence  in  the  clubs  is  noticed  by  Dr. 
Eliot,  in  his  biographical  sketch,  and  by  Paul  Eevere, 
in  his  well-known  military  narrative;  and  his  zeal  in 
promoting  public  meetings  is  seen  in  a  relation  in 
the  Diary  of  John  Adams,  who  writes,  of  1768:  "I 
was  solicited  to  go  to  the  town-meetings,  and  har- 
angue there.  My  friend,  Dr.  Warren,  most  frequently 
urged  me  to  do  this.  My  answer  to  him  always  was, 
<That  way  madness  lies.'  The  symptoms  of  our  great 
friend  Otis,  at  that  time,  suggested  to  Warren  a  suf- 
ficient comment  on  those  words,  at  which  he  always 
smiled,  and  said  it  was  true." 

Warren  is  named  in  the  proceedings  of  a  town- 
meeting  that  was  held  in  March,  when  he  was  ap- 
pointed a  member  of  a  committee  to  prepare  a  letter 
of  thanks  to  the  author  of  "  The  Farmer's  Letters." 
The  town  recognized  the  service  rendered  by  the 
farmer,  John  Dickinson,  in  his  "most  seasonable, 
sensible,  loyal,  and  vigorous  vindication  of  the  rights 
and  liberties  of  America;  "  and  promised  w  warmly  to 

1  Letter,  June  7, 1768.  2  News  Letter,  Jan.  11, 1776. 


52  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

recommend  and  industriously  to  promote  that  union 
among  the  several  colonies,  which  is  so  indispensa- 
bly necessary  for  the  security  of  the  whole."  The 
farmer,  in  a  reply,  complimented  w  the  rank  of  Bos- 
ton," the  wisdom  of  her  counsels,  and  the  spirit  of 
her  conduct. 

Warren  appeared  before  the  public  as  a  popular 
leader  in  a  memorable  town-meeting,  that  was  occa- 
sioned by  the  proceedings  of  the  new  commissioners 
of  the  customs.  This  board  consisted  of  Charles 
Paxton,  Henry  Hulton,  William  Burch,  John  Robin- 
son, and  John  Temple.  ]STot  much  is  said  of  Hulton 
or  Burch,  who  were  simply  placemen;  Robinson  is 
remembered  by  a  savage  assault  on  James  Otis; 
Temple,  who  was  not  in  favor  of  the  creation  of  the 
board,  incurred  the  enmity  of  the  other  members,  by 
disapproving  of  some  of  its  doings;  Paxton,  its  ruling 
spirit,  was  a  bland,  courtier-like,  greedy  partisan,  who 
was  very  obnoxious  to  the  people.  The  members 
were  appointed  to  reside  in  Boston,  and  to  superin- 
tend the  collection  of  the  revenue  on  the  line  of  coast 
extending  from  Labrador  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 
They  held  their  first  board  in  Mr.  Deblois's  great 
room,  in  Hanover  Street,  and  soon  surpassed  Bernard 
in  misrepresentations  of  the  designs  of  the  patriots. 

The  revenue  was  duly  paid;  and  the  members  had 
not  been  injured,  though  Burch  had  been  frightened 
by  a  collection  of  boys  and  others  about  his  house: 
yet  they  asserted  that  their  persons  were  in  danger 
of  violence  from  a  mob,  and  that  British  sovereignty 
was  threatened  with  an  insurrection  of  the  colonies. 
They  would  ask  the  governor  what  support  he  could 
give  them  in  case  of  an  insurrection.    "I  answer,"  Ber- 


CONNECTION   WITH   PUBLIC   MEETINGS.  53 

nard  says  (March  3, 1768),  "none  at  all.  They  desire 
me  to  apply  to  the  general  for  troops.  I  tell  them  I 
cannot  do  it;  for  I  am  directed  to  consult  the  council 
about  requiring  troops,  and  they  will  never  advise  it, 
let  the  case  be  ever  so  desperate.  Indeed,  I  no  more 
dare  apply  for  troops  than  the  council  dare  advise  me 
to  it.  Ever  since  I  have  perceived  that  the  wicked- 
ness of  some  and  the  folly  of  others  will,  in  the  end, 
bring  troops  here,  I  have  conducted  ymy self  so  as  to 
be  able  to  say,  and  swear  to  it,  if  the  Sons  of  Liberty 
shall  require  it,  that  I  have  never  applied  for  troops ; 
and  therefore,  my  Lord,  I  beg  that  nothing  I  now 
write  may  be  considered  such  an  application."  The 
commissioners  were  very  desirous  to  have  a  British 
force  stationed  in  the  town.  "About  a  fortnight 
ago,"  Hutchinson  writes  (March  28,  1768),  "I  was 
in  consultation  with  the  commissioners.     They  were 

very  desirous  the  governor  should for  a  B, . 

If  he  had  done  it,  by  some  means  or  other  it  would 
have  transpired;  and  there  is  no  saying  to  what 
lengths  the  people  would  have  gone  in  their  resent- 
ment." The  commissioners  carried  themselves  so 
arrogantly  in  collecting  a  revenue  which  was  held  to 
be  oppressive,  that  their  conduct  excited  odium  in 
Boston,  and  elicited  censure  in  England.  They  were, 
Samuel  Adams  said,  extremely  disgustful  to  the  peo- 
ple, were  neglected  by  men  of  fortune  and  character, 
and  were  viewed,  in  general,  in  no  better  light  than 
the  late  stamp  commissioners.  Expressions  of  the 
public  feeling  are  seen  in  the  vote  of  the  Independ- 
ent Cadets,  to  the  effect  that  they  would  not  escort 
the  governor,  on  the  day  of  the  election  of  council- 
lors, if  the  commissioners  were  invited  to  dine  with 


54  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH  WABRE^. 

the  governor  and  council;  and  also  by  the  vote  of  the 
town,  refusing  the  royal  governor  the  use  of  Faneuil 
Hall  to  dine  in,  unless  the  commissioners  were  ex- 
cluded.1 

The  commissioners,  soon  after  the  consultation  just 
named,  obtained  a  naval  force  in  Boston  harbor,  by 
misrepresenting  what  occurred  on  the  18th  of  March, 
which  was  the  anniversary  of  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp 
Act,  and  was  celebrated  as  a  holiday.  There  were, 
at  daylight,  hanging  on  Liberty  Tree,  effigies  of 
Commissioner  Paxton  and  Inspector  Williams,  —  the 
last  being  a  cabinet-maker,  had  a  glue-pot  by  his 
side;  but  the  popular  leaders  soon  had  these  re- 
moved. During  the  day,  cannon  were  discharged  in 
the  principal  streets;  public-spirited  citizens  deco- 
rated their  residences  with  flags,  and  received  their 
friends;  a  very  respectable  company  had  a  festive 
season  at  the  British  Coffee  House,  where  one  of  the 
toasts  was,  w  The  c  Boston  Gazette '  and  the  worthy 
members  of  the  house  who  vindicated  the  freedom 
of  the  press : "  in  the*  evening,  sailors  and  appren- 
tices went  through  the  streets,  giving  hearty  huzzas ; 
and  as  they  passed  by  the  Province  House,  where 
Bernard  lived,  he  said  they  disturbed  him  and  his 
family  by  their  noise.  At  ten  o'clock,  a  Whig  report 
says,  "The  town  was  quiet,  without  there  having  been 
riot  or  rumpus;  and  the  whole  conduct  of  the  day 
was  a  complete  exhibition  of  a  decent  and  rational 

1  May  4,  1768.  Upon  a  motion  made  and  seconded,  voted,  that  the  select- 
men be  directed  to  refuse  the  use  of  Faneuil  Hall  to  His  Excellency,  the  governor, 
and  council,  on  the  ensuing  election-day,  unless  it  shall  be  ascertained  that  the 
commissioners  of  the  board  of  customs,  or  their  attendants,  are  not  to  be  invited 
to  dine  there  on  said  day.  The  town  almost  unanimously,  on  the  23d  of  May, 
refused  to  reconsider  this  vote.  —  Boston  Records. 


CONNECTION  WITH   TOBLIC   MEETINGS.  55 

joy." l  The  commissioners  officially  represented,  that 
the  mob  certainly  intended,  on  this  day,  to  oblige  them 
to  resign  their  commissions  nnder  Liberty  Tree ;  that 
the  governor  and  magistrates  had  not  the  least  author- 
ity in  the  town ;  and  they  made  a  demand  on  Commo- 
dore Hood,  who  was  at  Halifax,  for  immediate  aid  to 
secure  the  revenue  and  save  the  honor  of  the  Govern- 
ment. w  The  moment,"  this  officer  says,  "  application 
was  made  to  me  by  the  commissioners  for  assistance 
from  the  king's  ships,  I  ordered  the  c  Romney,'  of  fifty 
guns,  to  Boston,  —  a  lucky  event  for  those  gentle- 
men, as  she  proved  an  asylum  to  them  in  a  time  of . 
need;  and  from  time  to  time  I  continued  to  throw  in 
additional  force,  till  they  said  no  more  was  wanted." 2 
Two  tenders  accompanied  the  "Romney."  Hype- 
rion (Josiah  Quincy,  jun.)  said,  in  the  "Gazette," 
that  the  Tories  had  threatened  the  defenders  of 
America  with  halters,  fire,  and  fagots ;  but  there 
was  nothing  more  serious  than  threats,  or  more 
authentic  than  rumors,  until  this  appearance  of  the 
"  Romney  "  and  her  tenders.  As  they  lay  in  the  har- 
bor, a  press-gang  from  them  seized  several  Massa- 
chusetts citizens;  a  practice,  which,  though  defended 
even  later  by  Junius,  was  repudiated  in  the  colonies 
as  a  relic  of  barbarism. 


1  The  "  Boston  Post  Boy  "  of  March  21  had  only  the  following  as  to  this 
celebration:  "Friday  last,  being  the  anniversary  of  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp 
Act,  a  number  of  gentlemen  met  on  the  occasion,  and  dined  together  at  the 
Bunch  of  Grapes  and  British  Coffee  House  in  this  town."  And  "  The  Chron- 
icle," Tory,  says  the  anniversary  "was  celebrated  by  a  large  company,  who 
met  at  the  British  Coffee  House  and  Colonel  Ingersoll's,  in  King  Street.  A 
numerous  body  of  the  people  assembled  in  the  evening,  and  attempted  to  kindle 
a  bonfire,  but  were  prevented  by  a  number  of  gentlemen,  who  at  length  per- 
suaded them  to  retire  peaceably." 

2  Grenville  Papers,"  iv.  362. 


56  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARKEX. 

Meantime  the  journals  contained  reports,  that  the 
ministry  were  determined  to  maintain  the  powers 
claimed  for  parliament;  and  they  printed  eulogies 
from  abroad  on  the  people  of  New  England  for  the 
spirit  with  which  these  claims  had  been  denied.1  In 
May,  Governor  Bernard  negatived  the  choice,  by  the 
House  of  Representatives,  of  Hancock  and  Otis  as 
councillors.  It  was  the  talk  of  the  town,  that  the 
colonists  were  to  be  taxed,  in  order  to  maintain  a  race 
of  sycophants,  court  favorites,  and  hungry  depend- 
ants; that  needy  lawyers  from  abroad,  or  tools  of 
power  at  home,  would  be  their  judges ;  and  that  their 
governors,  if  natives,  would  be  partisans  rewarded 
for  mercenary  service,  or,  if  foreigners,  would  be 
nobles  of  wasted  fortunes,  and  greedy  for  salaries  to 
replenish  them.  The  people,  who  were  sincere  in 
their  loyalty,  felt  that  they  were  ill-treated;  and  were 
sullen.2  This  was  a  time  of  great  excitement  on 
popular  rights  in  England;  the  Boston  journals,  after 
an  arrival  from  London,  abounded  in  matter  relative 
to  the  Wilkes  controversy;  and,  if  "London3  re- 
sounded the  word  *  liberty'  from  every  corner  and 
every  voice,"  there  was  an  echo  in  every  home  and 
street  in  Boston. 

The  officers  of  the  Crown  regarded  this  temper  of 
the  public  mind  as  affording  fresh  proof  of  the  neces- 
sity of  a  British  force  to  preserve  the  public  peace. 
"Our  politicians,"   Hutchinson  said,  "are  the  most 

1  "  It  is  with  peculiar  satisfaction,  I  can  assure  you,  the  New-England  spirit 
of  patriotism  and  economy  is  greatly  approved  of;  and  I  am  not  alone  in  opinion, 
that,  if  America  is  saved  from  its  impending  danger,  your  country  will  be  its 
acknowledged  guardian."  —  Phil.  Letter  in  Boston  Gazette,  Feb.  22,  1768. 

2  Andrew  Eliot,  4  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  iv.  420. 
*  Boston  paper,  June  6,  1768. 


coirarECTioisr  with  public  meetings.         57 

wrong-headed  people  in  the  world.  Every  step  they 
take  for  relief  has  a  direct  tendency  to  increase  our 
distress.  Their  threats  can  never  intimidate,  but 
certainly  must  incense,  the  parliament;  and  they  are 
determined  to  provoke  a  power  they  cannot  resist:  nl 
and  Bernard  advised  the  ministry,  that  he  was  "  well 
assured  that  it  was  the  intention  of  the  faction  in 
Boston  to  raise  an  insurrection  against  the  Crown 
officials."2  The  popular  leaders  in  vain  averred  that  it 
was  their  object  to  procure,  by  constitutional  methods, 
a  repeal  of  acts  which  they  held  to  be  illegal,  and 
that  they  desired  to  preserve  the  union  between  the 
colonies  and  Great  Britain. 

Information  was  now  laid  before  the  commissioners 
of  the  customs,  of  a  violation  of  the  revenue  laws,  in 
the  case  of  the  sloop  "Liberty,"  owned  by  John  Han- 
cock; and  the  solicitor-general,  Mr.  Lisle,  on  the 
10th  of  June,  advised  her  seizure.  On  hearing  of 
this  intention,  "Warren  said  to  the  comptroller,  Mr. 
Hallowell,  "that,  if  the  seizure  were  made,  there  would 
be  a  great  uproar,  and  that  he  could  not  be  answera- 
ble for  the  consequences."3  The  commissioners,  how- 
ever, gave  directions  for  the  seizure.  The  sloop  lay 
at  Hancock's  Wharf;  and  near  the  hour  of  sunset 
on  this  day,  as  the  laborers  of  the  town  were  going 
from  their  day's  work,  the  revenue  officials  put  upon 
her  the  broad  arrow;  and,  as  though  the  people  would 
not  respect  the  law,  a  boat's  crew  from  the  "Eom- 
ney  "  cut  her  fastenings  from  the  wharf,  and  moored 
her  under  the  guns  of  the  man-of-war.  No  official 
warrant  was  produced;  and,  in  doing  this,  the  British 

i  Letter,  April  19,  1768.  2  Letter,  May  9, 1768. 

8  Hallowell's  Examination,  July  21,  1768. 
8 


58  LITE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

captain  and  his  officers  used  vulgar  and  threatening 
words  to  the  bystanders.  This  was  the  beginning 
of  a  war  of  epithets,  in  the  usual  way  of  brawls, 
between  the  crowd,  which  kept  increasing,  and  the 
custom-house  officers;  and,  by  a  sort  of  natural  law 
of  mobs,  grew  into  a  riot,  in  which  the  offending 
officials  were  pelted  with  dirt  and  stones,  the  win- 
dows of  the  houses  of  the  comptroller  and  inspector, 
Mr.  Irving,  were  broken,  and  the  pleasure-boat  of  the 
collector,  Mr.  Harrison,  was  drawn  out  of  the  water, 
and  carried  to  the  common,  where  above  a  thousand 
people  gathered.  One  of  them,  in  a  harangue,  ex- 
claimed, "  We  will  support  our  liberties,  depending 
upon  the  strength  of  our  arms."  The  boat  was  set  on 
fire.  Hancock,  Samuel  Adams,  and  Warren  had  been 
in  consultation;  and  as  it  is  said  that  Hancock,  and 
others  of  influence,  came  on  to  the  Common  while  the 
boat  was  burning,  the  inference  is  a  fair  one,  that 
the  three  came  together.  Through  their  exertions, 
the  riot  ceased;  the  word  was  passed  round,  "Each 
man  to  his  tent; "  and  the  town,  at  about  eleven 
o'clock,  was  as  quiet  as  usual.  Outrages  had  been 
committed  which  the  popular  leaders  never  attempted 
to  justify,  but  alleged  that  they  were  provoked  by 
the  brutal  language  of  the  commander  of  the  "  Rom- 
ney,"  Captain  Corner,  and  the  arbitrary  conduct  of 
the  officers  of  the  Crown.  This  was  a  slight  affair, 
in  comparison  with  the  contemporary  terrific  mobs  of 
London;  and  Colonel  Barre  said,  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  that,  in  this  riot,  "Boston  was  only  mini 
icking  the  mother-country." 

On  Saturday,  there  was  great  excitement  among 
the  people.     Bernard  says,  that  "the  riot  was  followed 


CONISTECTION   WITH   PUBLIC   MEETINGS.  59 

by  papers,  stuck  upon  Liberty  Tree,  containing  an 
invitation  to  rise,  and  clear  the  country  of  the  com- 
missioners and  their  officers;  " *  and  that  one  of  them 
was  doomed  to  death.     These  were  the  words  of  the 
rash  spirits.     The  commissioners,  who  had  not  been 
harmed,  were  the  most  violent  of  all  the  officials.    As 
they  had  fancied  signs  of  an  insurrection  in  the  hilar- 
ity  of    a   holiday,   they  had    neither    difficulty   nor 
scruple  in  magnifying  a  riot  into  a  rebellion;  and  it 
was  in  vain  that  Bernard,  on  this  day,  entreated  them 
to  change  their  measures.      He  also  laid  the  state 
of  the  town  before  the  council,  who  advised  such  of 
the  members  as  were  justices  of  the  peace  to  make 
inquiry  into  the  facts,  and  report  at  a  future  meeting. 
"Warren,  on  this  day,  exerted  himself  to  allay  the 
excitement;  and,  in  Hancock's  name,  he  proposed  to 
Hallowell,  whose  bruises  confined  him  to  his  house, 
w  that,  if  the  vessel  were  brought  back  to  the  shore, 
he   (Hancock)   would  give  his  bond  that  he  would 
have  her  forthcoming  on  the  trial;"  but  no  agree- 
ment was  concluded. 

On  Sunday,  "Warren  acted  again  as  mediator  be- 
tween the  parties.  Mr.  Harrison,  in  a  note  to  Han- 
cock, said,  that,  if  he  (Hancock)  would  agree  that  the 
"Liberty"  should  be  forthcoming  on  the  trial,  she 
should  be  returned  to  the  shore;  and,  in  the  morning, 
"Warren  informed  Hallowell  that  matters  were  so  far 
settled,  that,  on  the  next  day,  the  "Liberty"  would  be 

i  The  reports  of  this  riot,  in  the  papers,  were  very  brief.  The  "Boston 
Gazette"  of  June  13,  1768,  had  the  following:  "Last  Friday  evening,  some 
commotions  happened  in  this  town,  in  which  a  few  windows  were  broke,  and  a 
boat  was  drawn  through  the  streets,  and  burnt  on  the  Common;  since  which, 
things  have  been  tolerably  quiet,  it  being  expected  that  the  cause  of  the  disturb- 
ance will  be  speedily  removed." 


60  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

restored.  During  the  day,  the  commissioners  kept 
quiet,  though  Bernard  still  urged  them  to  be  concilia- 
tory, while  they  spoke  of  going  to  the  castle.  There 
was  a  consultation  of  the  popular  leaders,  in  the  even- 
ing, at  Hancock's  house,  which  was  filled  with  the 
patriots ;  those  named  as  present  being  Warren,  Sam- 
uel Adams,  and  Otis.  Here  the  affair  of  the  w  Lib- 
erty" was  fully  considered,  and  the  course  of  the 
patriots  was  determined.  At  twelve  o'clock  at  night, 
Warren  went  to  Hallowell's  house,  and  said  to  him, 
"  that  he  had  been  at  Hancock's,  and  was  extremely 
sorry  that  matters  could  not  be  settled  as  he  told  him 
in  the  morning;  for  Mr.  Hancock  had  taken  the  ad- 
vice of  his  counsel  and  friends,  and  would  have  noth- 
ing to  do  with  the  business,  but  would  let  it  take  its 
course,  and  would  give  nothing  under  his  hand."  It 
was  held  by  the  patriots,  that  the  seizure,  as  no  legal 
process  had  been  filed,  was  illegal. 

On  Monday  morning,  labor  throughout  the  town 
was  mostly  suspended;  the  inhabitants  gathered  in 
various  places  under  their  leaders ;  and  things  wore  a 
threatening  aspect,  as  the  outrage  committed  by  the 
press-gang  was  connected  in  the  public  mind  with 
the  seizure  of  the  "  Liberty."  The  name  of  the 
sloop,  the  popularity  of  her  owner,  and  the  aversion 
to  the  board  of  commissioners,  contributed  to  inflame 
the  people.1  There  were  reports,  that,  on  certain  con- 
tingencies, the  country  was  coming  into  Boston  to 
begin  an  insurrection;  though  Hutchinson,  character- 
izing this  as  madness,  said  he  could  not  bring  himself 
to  believe  that  any  number  of  people  worth  regard- 
ing had  a  serious  thought  of  this  sort,  or  would  dare 

i  Gordon's  History,  i.  232. 


••     CONNECTION   WITH   PUBLIC   MEETINGS.  61 

to  fire  on  the  king's  representatives.  Early  in  the 
day,  four  of  the  commissioners,  on  the  pretext  that 
their  persons  were  not  safe,  notified  the  governor,  by 
a  card,  that  they  were  going  on  board  the  "  Romney," 
and  asked  for  orders  for  their  admission  to  the  castle, 
whither  they  soon  went,  with  their  families.  Temple 
and  several  of  the  chief  officers  remained  in  the 
town.1  In  the  afternoon,  by  a  hand-bill,  the  Sons  of 
Liberty  requested  those  who,  in  this  time  of  distrac- 
tion and  oppression,  wished  well  to  the  town  and  the 
province,  and  who  would  promote  peace,  good  order, 
and  security,  to  assemble  on  the  next  day  (Tuesday), 
at  ten  o'clock  in  the  forenoon,  at  Liberty  Hall,  under 
Liberty  Tree;  and  the  journals  say,  that  the  expecta- 
tion of  this  meeting  kept  the  town  in  peace.  A  red 
flag  was  now  hoisted  above  Liberty  Tree. 

On  Tuesday  morning,  though  it  rained,  so  many 
people  flocked  into  Boston  from  the  neighboring 
towns,  that  there  was  a  larger  assemblage  at  Liberty 
Tree,  over  which  still  waved  the  red  flag,  than  had 
ever  been  seen  in  the  town.  The  senior  member  of 
the  board  of  selectmen  was  the  moderator,  who  was 
surrounded  by  the  popular  leaders ;  but,  it  being  un- 
comfortable in  the  streets,  the  meeting,  before  passing 
any  votes,  adjourned  to  Faneuil  Hall.  On  re-assem- 
bling here,  it  was  resolved,  as  the  call  had  been 
informal  and  there  was  not  a  legal  town-meeting,  to 
adjourn,  to  meet  at  the  same  place,  at  three  o'clock  in 

1  It  is  stated  in  the  "Boston  Evening  Post,"  March  20,  1769,  that,  when  the 
four  commissioners  retired  to  the  castle,  "  the  following  gentlemen  did  not  fall  in 
with  their  plan,  hut  resided  safely  in  Boston,  and  went  daily  to  the  castle  to  do 
business  :  the  Hon.  Mr.  Temple,  a  commissioner  ;  Samuel  Venner,  Esq.,  secre- 
tary ;  Charles  Stuart,  Esq.,  receiver-general ;  John  Williams,  Esq.,  inspector- 
general  ;  William  Wooten,  Esq.,  inspector-general ;  David  Lysle,  Esq.,  solicitor- 
general;  Messrs.  McDonald  and  Lloyd,  principal  clerks. 


62  LITE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREK. 

the  afternoon;  and  accordingly  the  selectmen  issued 
a  warrant  for  a  meeting.  Meantime  the  governor, 
at  his  country-seat,  Jamaica  Plain,  Roxbury,  received 
such  startling  advices  from  his  friends,  as  to  the 
doings  of  the  Sons  of  Liberty,  that  he  sent  one  of  his 
own  sons  into  town,  to  desire  the  immediate  attend- 
ance of  the  Lieutenant-governor,  Hutchinson,  as  he 
(Bernard)  was  in  expectation  of  very  important  news 
from  town,  and  of  such  a  nature  that  he  would  be 
obliged  to  withdraw  to  the  castle. 

Faneuil  Hall,  at  three  o'clock,  could  not  contain 
the  people  who  assembled.  It  was  the  largest  town- 
meeting  ever  known.  Those  inside  the  hall  organ- 
ized by  choosing  James  Otis  for  moderator.  The 
patriot,  since  the  argument  on  the  question  on  writs 
of  assistance,  had  been  the  popular  idol.  The  Tories 
affected  to  consider  his  manly  word,  in  the  November 
meeting,1  against  mobs  and  for  social  order,  as  in 
favor  of  the  measures  of  the  Administration;  and  he 
had  met  the  ordeal  of  being  eulogized  by  his  political 
opponents.  On  entering  the  hall,  the  meeting  gave 
him  a  warm  reception;  there*  being  w great  clapping 
of  hands  "  as  he  passed  through  the  crowd  to  take  the 
chair.  No  other  business  was  transacted  here;  a 
motion  being  carried  to  adjourn,  for  the  better  accom- 
modation of  the  people,  to  the  Old  South  Church. 

In  the  church,  the  moderator  spoke  from  the  pulpit 
on  the  questions  of  the  day.  Hutchinson  says,  that, 
after  haranguing  the  people  some  time,  he  suffered 
them  to  harangue  one  another;  and  Bernard  says, 
that  some  "made  wild  and  violent  proposals,  but 
were  warded  off;  "  one  being,  that  every  captain  of  a 

1  See  page  38. 


CONNECTION  WITH   PUBLIC   MEETINGS.  63 

man-of-war  who  came  into  the  harbor  should  be  un- 
der the  command  of  the  general  court.  A  petition, 
to  be  presented  to  the  governor,  was  submitted  to  the 
meeting.  It  averred  that  a  people  had  the  funda- 
mental right  to  make  their  own  laws;  that  the  late 
acts  of  parliament  were  in  direct  violation  of  this 
right;  that  menaces  had  been  thrown  out  fit  only  for 
barbarians ;  that  the  state  of  the  town  was  as  though 
war  had  been  declared  against  it.  It  expressed  the 
hope  that,  as  the  commissioners  had  relinquished 
their  office  of  their  own  motion,  they  would  not  re- 
new it;  and  it  requested  the  governor  to  order  the 
"Romney"  to  be  removed  from  the  harbor.  "To 
contend  with  our  parent-state,"  are  its  words,  w  is,  in 
our  idea,  the  most  shocking  and  dreadful  extremity; 
but  tamely  to  relinquish  the  only  security  we  and  our 
posterity  retain  of  the  enjoyment  of  our  lives  and 
properties  is  so  humiliating  and  base,  that  we  cannot 
support  the  reflection."  And  it  expressed  the  opinion, 
that  it  was  in  the  power  of  the  governor  to  prevent 
the  distressed  and  justly  incensed  people  "from  effect- 
ing too  much,  and  from  the  shame  and  reproach  of 
attempting  too  little."  It  is  related,  in  the  town- 
records,  that  the  petition  was  adopted,  "after  very 
cool  and  deliberate  debates  upon  the  distressed  cir- 
cumstances of  the  town  and  critical  condition  of 
affairs."  A  committee  was  now  appointed,  consisting 
of  John  Rowe,  John  Hancock,  and  Warren,  to  ascer- 
tain when  the  governor  would  receive  the  petition; 
and,  on  their  reporting  that  he  was  at  his  country- 
seat,  a  committee  of  twenty-one,  Warren  being  one, 
was  directed  to  wait  on  him  immediately.  A  com- 
mittee, of  which  Warren  was  a  member,  was  chosen 


64  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

to  prepare  a  letter  to  the  Massachusetts  agent  in 
London,  Mr.  De  Berdt;1  another  committee,  con- 
sisting of  Warren,  Benjamin  Church,  and  Samuel 
Adams,  was  appointed  to  prepare  resolves  expressing 
the  feeling  that  was  excited  by  the  removal  of  the 
"  Liberty  "  from  Hancock's  Wharf,  and  characterizing 
the  ill  consequences  that  would  follow  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  troops  into  Boston.  The  moderator,  on 
adjourning  the  meeting  until  the  next  afternoon  at 
four  o'clock,  earnestly  enjoined  an  adherence  to  peace 
and  order.  "  The  grievance  the  people  labor  under," 
James  Otis  said,  "might  in  time  be  removed;  if  not, 
and  we  are  called  on  to  defend  our  liberty  and  privi- 
leges, I  hope  and  believe  we  shall,  one  and  all,  resist 
unto  blood ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  pray  Almighty 
God  it  may  never  so  happen." 

The  reports  of  these  transactions  that  were  carried 
to  the  governor,  at  Jamaica  Plain,  strengthened  his 
impression  that  an  insurrection  was  at  hand;  and  as 
he  was  awaiting,  in  the  afternoon,  the  arrival  of  his 
confidential  adviser  (Hutchinson) ,  he  must  have  been 
surprised  to  see  on  the  road,  moving  towards  his 
house,  not  a  noisy  populace,  pell-mell,  flourishing 
pikes  and  liberty  caps,  but  a  train  of  eleven  chaises, 
from  which  alighted  at  his  door  the  respectable  com- 
mittee2 from  the  meeting;  among  whom  were  Otis, 
Samuel  Adams,  and  Warren.  "I  received  them," 
Bernard  says,  "with  all  possible  civility;  and,  having 

1  This  was  the  same  committee  who  presented  the  petition  to  the  governor. 

2  The  committee  were  James  Otis,  John  Hancock,  John  Rowe,  Joshua  Hen- 
shaw,  John  Ruddock,  Joseph  Jackson,  Samuel  Pemberton,  Henderson  Inches, 
Thomas  Young,  Joseph  Warren,  Thomas  Cushing,  Samuel  Adams,  Benjamin 
Church,  Samuel  Quincy,  Edward  Payne,  Daniel  Malcolm,  Richard  Dana,  Mela- 
tiah  Bourne,  Benjamin  Kent,  Royal  Tyler,  Josiah  Quincy. 


CONNECTION"  WITH  PUBLIC   MEETINGS.  65 

heard  their  petition,  I  talked  very  freely  with  them, 
but  postponed  giving  a  formal  answer  till  the  next 
day,  as  it  should  be  in  writing.  I  then  had  wine 
handed  round;  and  they  left  me  highly  pleased  with 
their  reception,  especially  that  part  of  them  which 
had  not  been  used  to  an  interview  with  me."  Con- 
sidering the  governor's  state  of  mind,  the  committee 
could  not  have  been  more  highly  pleased  when  they 
left  than  he  was  when  they  arrived;  but  his  pertur- 
bation was  over  when  Hutchinson,  soon  after  this 
interview,  came  in,  and  the  governor  was  convinced 
that  there  was  no  insurrection,  and  that  there  was  no 
occasion  for  him  to  take  the  awkward  step  of  retiring 
to  the  castle,  or,  indeed,  for  any  unusual  political 
action. 

On  the  next  day,  Wednesday,  at  the  adjournment 
of  the  meeting,  at  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  in 
the  Old  South  Church,  the  answer  of  the  governor 
to  the  town's  petition  was  read.  He  said  that  his 
official  station  made  him  a  very  incompetent  judge  of 
the  rights  which  the  people  claimed  as  set  against  the 
acts  of  parliament;  and  on  this  subject  he  expressed 
no  opinion.  He  stated,  that  he  had  no  control  over 
the  board  of  customs,  and  was  bound  to  support  their 
authority;  but  he  promised  to  remove  the  inconveni- 
ences of  impressments.  He  said  that  he  should  think 
himself  most  highly  honored,  if,  in  the  lowest  degree, 
he  could  be  an  instrument  in  promoting  a  perfect 
conciliation  between  the  colonies  and  Great  Britain. 
This  answer,  on  the  face  of  it  proper  and  reasonable 
and  conciliatory  throughout,  was  unusually  satisfac- 
tory to  the  patriots.  The  moderator,  Otis,  made  it  still 
more  acceptable,  by  acknowledging  the  polite  treat- 


66  LIFE   OF  JOSEPH  WAEEEN. 

ment  which  the  committee  received  from  the  gov- 
ernor, and  by  declaring  that  he  believed  Bernard  was 
a  well-wisher  to  the  province.  An  elaborate  report 
was  now  read  from  the  committee  appointed  to  pre- 
pare a  letter  to  be  sent  to  the  agent  in  England, 
Mr.  De  Berdt,  which  is  a  spirited  paper,  and  bears 
Warren's  ardent  impress.  It  went  over  the  whole 
question  of  the  public  grievances;  gave  full  details 
of  the  recent  stirring  events  ;  and  put,  as  the  ground- 
work of  the  whole  difficulty,  an  unconstitutional  im- 
position of  taxes  for  raising  a  revenue.  This,  the 
letter  says,  was  oppression;  and  it  came  down  on 
the  people  like  an  armed  man,  though  they  were  the 
subjects  of  an  empire  which  was  the  toast  of  nations 
for  freedom  and  liberty.  It  severely  arraigned  the 
commissioners  of  the  customs,  and  the  swarm  of 
placemen  under  them,  who  were  supported  out  of  this 
pilfered  revenue,  which  it  characterized  as  booty 
drained  from  the  merchant,  the  mariner,  the  farmer, 
and  the  tradesman.  The  meeting,  having  accepted 
this  spirited  letter,  and  appointed  a  committee,1  with 
"Warren  as  the  chairman,  to  prepare  instructions  to 
the  representatives,  adjourned,  to  meet  on  the  17th 
of  June,  in  Faneuil  Hall. 

This  meeting  was  viewed  with  great  interest  by 
the  officers  of  the  Crown.  Bernard  immediately  sent 
an  elaborate  narrative  of  what  had  occurred  to  Lord 
Hillsborough,2  and  again  urged  the  council  to  adopt 
measures  to  prevent  an  insurrection;  Hutchinson  de- 
clared, that  the  petition  to  the  governor  was  the  most 

1  The  committee  were  Joseph  Warren,  Richard  Dana,  Benjamin  Church, 
John  Adams,  John  Howe,  Henderson  Inches,  Edward  Payne. 

2  Letter,  June  16,  1768. 


CONNECTION   WITH   PUBLIC   MEETINGS.  67 

extraordinary  thing  that  had  appeared;1  the  commis- 
sioners represented,  in  a  letter  to  the  lords  of  the 
treasury,  that  there  had  been  matured,  by  a  corre- 
spondence carried  on  between  the  local  assemblies, 
an  extensive  plan  of  resistance  to  the  authority  of 
Great  Britain,  and  nothing  but  a  military  force  could 
prevent  a  revolt  of  the  town,  which  might  spread 
through  the  provinces;  and  Paxton  wrote,  that,  un- 
less two  or  three  regiments  were  sent  to  Boston,  it 
was  the  opinion  of  all  the  friends  of  the  Adminis- 
tration that  the  town  would  be  in  rebellion.2  On  this 
day,  the  patriots,  in  a  hand-bill,  urged  a  general  at- 
tendance of  the  citizens  at  the  adjourned  meeting,  as 
"the  fate  of  the  province  and  of  all  America  depended 
on  the  measures  to  be  adopted."3 

On  the  17th  of  June,  the  people  again  met  in  town- 
meeting,  in  Faneuil  Hall.  Warren,  chairman  of  the 
committee,  reported  instructions  to  the  representa- 
tives,4 which  declared  that  the  principle  of  the  Stamp 
Act  was  revived  in  the  Revenue  Act;  proclaimed  the 
unalterable  resolution  to  vindicate  invaluable  rights 
at  the  hazard  of  fortune  and  life ;  expressed  the  deter- 
mination to  maintain  loyalty  and  duty  to  their  most 
gracious  sovereign,  a  reverence  and  due  subordina- 
tion to  the  British  Parliament  as  the  supreme  legis- 
lature, in   all   cases  of  necessity,  for  the   preserva- 

i  Letter,  June  16,  1768.  2  Letter,  June  20,  1768. 

8  The  citation  is  from  Hutchinson's  letter.     This  is  one  of  the  hand-bills  :  — 

Boston,  June  16,  1768. 

It  is  thought  by  the  real  friends  to  liberty,  that  the  fate  of  America  depends 
on  the  steady  and  firm  resolution  of  the  town  of  Boston,  at  the  adjournment  of 
their  meeting  to-morrow.-  It  is  earnestly  wished  and  instructed,  that  the  well- 
disposed  inhabitants  would  excite  each  other  to  give  their  punctual  attendance  at 
so  important  a  crisis.  A  Thousand. 

4  This  paper  was  drawn  up  by  John  Adams. 


68  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

tion  of  the  whole  empire,  and  a  sincere  and  cordial 
affection  for  their  parent-country.  The  representa- 
tives were  instructed  to  propose  action  in  the  legis- 
lature against  impressments;  to  urge  an  inquiry  into 
the  authors  of  the  rumors,  that  troops  were  to  be 
ordered  to  Boston;  and  to  recommend  for  adoption 
a  resolution  to  the  effect,  "  That  any  such  person 
who  shall  solicit  or  promote  the  importation  of  any 
troops  at  this  time  is  an  enemy  to  the  town  and 
province,  and  a  disturber  of  the  peace  and  good 
order  of  both."  These  instructions  were  unanimously 
adopted.  It  is  related  by  Hutchinson,  that  a  much 
higher  toned  resolve  was  introduced,  which  was  to 
the  effect,  that  whoever  had,  by  any  means,  promoted 
the  introduction  of  troops,  w  was  a  tyrant  in  his  heart, 
a  traitor,  and  an  open  enemy  to  his  country; "  but 
this  motion,  though  supported  by  "William  Cooper, 
the  town-clerk,  and  others,  was  rejected.  The  meet- 
ing on  this  day  was  dissolved. 

In  the  transactions  that  occasioned  this  town-meet- 
ing, and  in  the  whole  of  its  proceedings,  Warren 
appears  by  the  side  of  Otis,  Hancock,  and  Samuel 
Adams.  He  was  a  member  of  all  its  committees,  was 
the  chairman  of  three  of  them,  and,  probably,  pre- 
pared some  of  the  documents  which  it  issued.  This 
indicates  the  public  confidence  he  had  gained. 

The  petition  which  the  town  presented  to  the  gov- 
ernor was  regarded  as  the  most  important  action  of 
the  meeting.  Its  author  is  not  named.  It  contains 
the  principle  as  to  the  inherent  right  of  taxation, 
and  of  internal  government  in  the  local  legislatures, 
which  was  held  by  Warren  and  Samuel  Adams.  If 
the   governor   saw   the   reach   of  this   principle,    he 


CONNECTION   WITH   PUBLIC   MEETINGS.  69 

evaded  a  discussion  of  it  in  his  reply.  This  was  so 
conciliatory  that  it  was  used  against  him  in  British 
political  circles,  where  he  was  accused  of  giving  way 
to  a  popular  clamor;  and  it  required  explanation  by 
his  friends  to  remove  the  unfavorable  impression. 
Six  years  later,  he  said,  in  his  narrative  prepared 
for  the  privy  council,  K  Whether  proceedings  of  this 
nature,  in  a  town-meeting,  legal  only  to  the  purposes 
of  the  election  of  officers  and  the  management  of 
the  prudential  concerns  of  the  town,  are  or  are  not 
criminal,  or,  if  criminal,  what  is  the  criminality,  must 
be  submitted."  In  an  elaborate  report,  the  same  year 
(1774),  in  the  House  of  Lords,  it  was  singled  out 
of  the  accumulated  matter;  and  it  was  said,  "In  this 
petition  the  town  disavowed  the  legislative  authority 
of  this  country,  and  asserted  that  it  would  be  better 
for  them  to  struggle  against  it  than  tamely  to  relin- 
quish their  rights." 

A  contemporary  judgment  on  this  meeting,  in  com- 
mending the  heartiness  with  which  the  citizens  came 
forth  to  give  their  presence  to  the  support  of  the 
patriot  cause,  lamented  the  necessity  of  their  action. 
"  Unhappy  for  families,"  are  the  words,  w  unhappy  for 
towns,  unhappy  for  the  province,  that  so  many  valua- 
able  freeholders,  honest  tradesmen,  and  husbandmen, 
of  every  kind  and  denomination,  should  be  laid  under 
a  necessity,  by  the  laws  of  nature  and  the  ties  of  duty, 
to  future  generations,  to  quit  their  useful  operations 
and  turn  politicians." *     But  happy  was  it  when  pub- 

i  American  Gazetteer,  1768,  p.  123.  A  letter,  dated  London,  Aug.  5,  1768, 
addressed  to  a  person  in  Philadelphia,  and  copied  into  the  "  Boston  Post  Boy  " 
of  Oct.  24,  gives  an  idea  of  the  impression  which  the  popular  action,  in  oppo- 
sition to  arbitrary  power,  was  now  making  on  the  friends  of  liberty  in  Eng- 
land.    "  The  conduct  of  the  Boston  people  has  raised  a  fresh  cry  against  the 


70  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARRENS 

lie  liberty  was  in  danger,  that  its  possessors,  animated 
by  such  motives,  turned  politicians  to  protect  it. 
Their  movement  derived  dignity  and  importance  from 
the  idea  of  freedom  at  its  base  and  its  wide  rela- 
tions. It  was  in  harmony,  in  principle  and  in  object, 
with  the  views  of  a  great  people.  It  was  an  illustra- 
tion of  an  intelligent  American  opinion,  appearing  as 
an  actor  on  the  public  stage.  And  hence  it  indicated, 
not  a  mere  ripple  on  the  top  of  shallow  waters,  but 
the  ground-swell  of  an  ocean-tide  of  irresistible  and 
providential  power. 

Americans.  .  .  .  For  my  own  part,  I  know  not  of  any  people,  since  the  ruin  of 
the  Roman  Commonwealth,  that  seem  to  me  to  entertain  more  just  ideas 
of  liberty,  or  breathe  forth  a  more  true  spirit  of  independence,  than  what  the 
brave  sons  of  North  America  do.  The  petitions  of  her  merchants,  the  remon- 
strances and  resolves  of  their  assemblies,  and,  in  a  word,  all  their  public  trans- 
actions display  a  manly  resolution,  a  quick  discerning,  that  is  not  to  be 
equalled  by  any  body  of  people  in  the  world.  This  cannot  but  engage  my 
good  wishes  for  their  preservation  and  prosperity,  whatever  extremities  things 
may  be  pushed  to." 


PROTEST   AGAINST   A   STANDING   ARMY.  71 


CHAPTER  Y. 

PROTEST  AGAINST  A   STANDING   ARMY. 

Town-meetings. — The  Massachusetts  Circular  Letter.  —  British 
Troops  ordered  to  Boston.  —  The  Public  Feeling.  —  A  Town- 
meeting.  —  A  Convention.  —  Effect  of  the  Popular  Movement. 

1768.     June  to  October. 

Warren  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  town-meeting 
that  was  occasioned  by  the  decision  of  the  ministry 
to  station  a  British  force  in  Boston.  So  marked  was 
the  effect  of  the  regular  action  of  popular  power, 
in  the  formation  of  public  opinion,  that  Hutchinson 
wrote,  June  18,  "  Ignorant  as  they  be,  yet  the 
heads  of  a  Boston  town-meeting  influence  all  public 
measures."  Ignorance  had  no  such  power.  The 
band  of  popular  leaders,  who  were  guiding  the  pa- 
triot cause  so  discreetly,  were  of  such  character  and 
intelligence,  that,  besides  members  of  congress,  judges, 
and  state  officers,  they  supplied  four  governors  of 
Massachusetts  and  one  president  of  the  United  States; 
and  among  them  were  names  honorably  connected 
with  literature  and  science. 

An  event  now  occurred  which  increased  the  excite- 
ment in  the  town,  and  strengthened  the  popular  cause. 
The  Circular  Letter,  which  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives sent  to  the  assemblies  of  the  other  colonies, 
proposing  unity  of  action,  was  said  by  the  Tories 
to  have  been  designed  to  raise  a  general  flame  and  to 


72  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN". 

organize  a  confederacy;  and,  on  the  allegation  that  it 
was  dangerous  to  the  king's  prerogative,  Governor 
Bernard  was  instructed  by  Lord  Hillsborough  to 
demand'  the  house  to  rescind  it.  This  was  an  ex- 
citing period.  K  Our  people,"  Hutchinson  said,  June 
19,  "seem  to  be  more  infatuated  than  ever;  and  I 
cannot  say  what  further  extravagance  they  may  rule." 
As  Governor  Bernard  imagined  what  might  occur 
when  he  should  execute  the  order  which  he  had  in 
hand,  he  said,  June  18,  "I  don't  know  whether  I 
shan't  be  obliged  to  act  like  the  captain  of  a  fire-ship, 
—  provide  for  my  retreat  before  I  light  my  fuse. 
There  seems  at  present  a  determination  to  resist 
Great  Britain."  In  this  mood,  he  sent  in  the  royal 
order.  But  the  patriots,  in  their  circular,  simply  in- 
vited their  brother  patriots  to  join  in  a  petition  for  a 
redress  of  grievances;  and,  this  being  clearly  consti- 
tutional, the  house  refused,  by  the  vote  of  ninety-two 
to  seventeen,  to  rescind  the  circular,  when,  as  the 
penalty,  the  governor  first  prorogued  and  then  dis- 
solved the  legislature.  This  question  was  declared 
to  have  been  the  most  important  which  an  American 
assembly  had  ever  acted  on.  As  this  magnificent 
"  ISTo  "  of  Massachusetts  resounded  through  the  colo- 
nies, it  elicited  a  response  which  filled  the  hearts  of  the 
Boston  patriots  with  joy.  It  showed  a  spirit  of  unity 
in  the  colonies  in  support  of  common  rights.  K  The 
action  of  the  other  colonies,"  Hutchinson  wrote, 
"  keeps  up  the  spirit  of  our  demagogues.  I  am  told 
Adams  and  Cooper  say  it  is  the  most  glorious  day 
they  ever  saw." 

The  decision  of  the  ministry  to  station  a  British 
force  in  Boston  was  made  before  the  June  riot.     On 


PROTEST   AGAINST   A   STANDING  ARMY.  73 

the  8th  of  this  month,  Lord  Hillsborough  ordered 
General  Gage,  who  commanded  the  king's  forces  in 
America,  to  send  at  least  one  regiment  to  Boston, 
and  to  garrison  Castle  "William;  and,  on  the  11th, 
Lord  Hillsborough  advised  Bernard  of  this  measure, 
saying  it  had  been  done  "upon  the  most  mature 
consideration  of  what  had  been  represented  by  him- 
self (Bernard)  and  the  commissioners  of  the  cus- 
toms." In  an  elaborate  despatch,  dated  the  30th  of 
July,  Lord  Hillsborough  directed  Bernard  to  institute 
an  inquiry  into  the  conduct  of  any  persons  who  had 
committed  any  act  of  overt  resistance  to  the  laws, 
with  the  view  of  arresting  them,  and  transporting 
them  to  England  for  trial  in  the  King's  Bench. 

Meantime  the  commissioners  had  made  the  June 
riot  the  occasion  of  a  demand  on  General  Gage  for 
the  protection  of  troops,  and  on  Commodore  Hood 
for  additional  men-of-war.  The  general  was  evi- 
dently surprised  at  the  silence  of  the  governor, 
but  immediately  tendered  to  him  all  the  force  for 
which  he  (Bernard)  might  make  a  requisition.  But 
the  governor  declined  to  make  such  requisition,  and 
wrote  to  Gage>  "  My  not  applying  for  troops  is  no 
argument  that  they  are  not  wanted.  It  is  above 
three  months  ago  since  I  informed  the  secretary  of 
state  of  my  situation,  and  utter  inability  to  preserve 
the  peace  of  the  town,  or  support  the  authority  of 
Government;  but  the  letter  went  too,  late  to  expect 
an  answer  by  this  mail.  I  must  beg  that  you  will 
keep  this  letter  to  yourself  as  much  as  you  can;  that 
is,  wholly  so  on  this  side  of  the  water,  for  obvious 
reasons."  The  commissioners  succeeded  better  with 
Hood,  who  immediately*  on  receiving  their  request, 

1*0- 


74:  LIFE    Or   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

sent  two  more  ships  to  Boston.  This  prompt  action, 
he  said,  secured  the  castle  from  all  attempts  at  a 
surprise,  though  Hutchinson  thought  there  would 
have  been  no  danger  of  such  a  consummate  piece  of 
Quixotism,  if  there  had  not  been  a  man-of-war  in 
America.1 

As  additional  ships  appeared  in  the  harbor,  and 
reports  multiplied  that  military  power  was  to  be 
used  to  enforce  the  new  revenue  laws  and  the  vio- 
lations of  the  right  of  internal  Government,  there  was 
roused  the  traditionary  English  hatred  of  standing 
armies,  which  had  ever  been  mercenary  instruments 
of  despotic  power;  and  the  people  were  very  bitter 
and  suspicious  towards  all  whom  they  supposed  to  be 
concerned  in  the  applications  for  troops.  There  is 
no  report  of  any  saying  of  Warren  in  this  hour  of 
passion.  A  like  fiery  spirit,  his  friend  Josiah  Quincy, 
jun.,  said,  "  Before  all  the  freeborn  sons  of  the  North 
will  yield  a  general  and  united  submission  to  any 
*  tyrannic  power  on  earth,  fire  and  sword,  famine  and 
slaughter,  desolation  and  ruin,  will  ravage  the  land."2 
The  intrepid  Samuel  Adams  said,  "  Before  the  king 
and  parliament   shall   dragoon   us,  and  we   become 

1  Hutchinson  wrote,  July  27, 1768,  "Four  of  the  commissioners  of  the  customs 
thought  themselves  in  danger,  and  took  shelter  in  the  castle.  Some  people  were 
so  foolish  as  to  say  that  they  might  he  taken  from  thence,  and  we  have  had  the 
castle  surrounded  ever  since  with  men-of-war.  We  have  such  people  among  us  : 
hut  an  attempt  upon  the  castle  would  be  the  most  consummate  piece  of  Quix- 
otism ;  and,  mad  as  we  are,  I  cannot  think  we  are  mad  enough  for  it,  if  there  had 
not  been  a  man-of-war  in  America.  Mobs,  a  sort  of  them  at  least,  are  constitu- 
tional, and  we  have  reason  enough  to  fear  mobs  ;  and  our  misfortune  is,  that  the 
authority  of  Government  is  so  weak,  that  we  are  not  able  to  check  them  when 
they  rise,  but  are  forced  to  leave  them  to  their  natural  course.  We  cannot  con- 
tinue a  great  while  in  this  state.  Government  must  be  aided  from  without,  or 
else  it  must  entirely  subside." 

2  Life  of  Josiah  Quincy,  jun.,  16. 


PROTEST   AGAINST   A   STANDING   ARMY.  75 

slaves,  we  will  take  up  arms,  and  spend  our  last  drop 
of  blood."  The  calm  Andrew  Eliot  said,  "You  can- 
not conceive  of  our  distress,  —  to  have  a  standing 
army!  "What  can  be  worse  to  a  people  who  have 
tasted  the  sweets  of  liberty?"  In  a  letter  it  was 
said,  "  "We  are  frequently  threatened  with  a  naval  and 
military  force  to  execute  the  late  acts  of  parliament; 
but  fifty  thousand  troops,  with  fifty  men-of-war,  will 
never  be  able  to  oblige  us  to  import,  ]puy,  or  consume 
English  goods."1  Hutchinson  said,  "Many  of  the 
common  people  were  in  a  frenzy,  and  talked  of  dying 
in  defence  of  their  liberties,"  while  "too  many  above 
the  vulgar  countenanced  and  encouraged  them." 

It  is  a  curious  coincidence,  that,  at  the  time  (July 
30),  Lord  Hillsborough  was  justifying  this  use  of 
force,  on  the  ground  that  "  Boston  was  in  the  pos- 
session  of  a   licentious   and   unrestrained   mob,"  so 
that  neither  the  council  nor  the  House  of  Eepresenta- 
tives  could  proceed  in  their  deliberations  with   the 
freedom  that  was  incident  to  their  constitution,  the 
council,    containing    friends    of  the   Administration, 
unanimously  decided  against  making  any  application 
for  troops,  on  the  ground  that  the  civil  power  did  not 
need  them.     This  decision  was  made  in  July,  when 
the  governor,  first  enjoining  an  oath  of  secrecy,  laid 
before  a  very  full  council  a  formal  tender,  by  General 
Gage,    of  troops,  when   they   should  be   called  for. 
Bernard,  in  advising  Lord  Barrington  of  this  vote, 
says    (July  30),  "Though  I  was  prepared  for  this 
answer,  I  was  not  for  the  high  strain  of  the  present 
popularity  with  which  this  question  was  treated;  from 
whence  I  am  convinced  that  I  am  no  longer  to  de- 

1  American  Gazette,  127,  in  a  letter,  dated  Boston,  Aug.  18,  1768. 


76  LITE    OE    JOSEPH   WARREN. 

pend  upon  the  council  for  the  support  of  the  small 
remains  of  royal  and  parliamentary  power  now  left; 
the  whole  of  which  has  been  gradually  impeached, 
arraigned,  and  condemned  under  my  eye." 

There  was  a  brilliant  celebration  of  the  14th  of 
August,  which  was  the  third  anniversary  of  the  up- 
rising against  the  Stamp  Act,  when  the  appearance 
of  the  town  was  not  unlike  that  of  Boston  on  a 
Fourth  of  July.  Bernard  did  not  fail  to  extract  out 
of  this  celebration  additional  signs  of  a  riotous  spirit 
in  the  town.  There  was  a  great  procession,  and  Ber- 
nard (Aug.  29)  said  that  one  person  in  it  had  been 
the  foremost  man  in  a  riot,  who  was  celebrating 
his  mob  exploits ;  and  two  of  the  principal  merchants 
rode  in  the  foremost  chariots,  who  in  this  way  were 
countenancing  mobs.  If  these  merchants  were  John 
Hancock  and  Thomas  Cushing,  or  James  Bowdoin 
and  William  Phillips,  they  were  the  last  persons  who 
would  have  countenanced  riots.  Candid  observers 
saw  the  truth,  and  said,  in  the  British  press,  that  the 
popular  leaders  were  much  more  concerned  at  any 
riots  than  the  friends  of  the  Administration,  who 
seem  pleased  with  them,  because  they  sustained  their 
representation  that  troops  were  a  necessity  to  keep 
the  people  in  order.1 

A  long  correspondence  between  civil  and  military 
officials,  relative  to  the  introduction  of  troops,  came 
to  a  result  in  August.  The  representations  of  the 
state  of  the  town,  by  Bernard,  Hutchinson,  and  others, 

1  London  Chronicle,  April  22,  1769,  has  a  letter  which  says  :  "  T  was  at 
Boston  last  October,  and  found  that  the  patriot  leaders  of  the  opposition  were 
much  more  concerned  at  any  mobs  that  happened  than  the  Government  people. 
These  last  seemed  pleased  with  them,  as  countenancing  their  representations,  — 
the  necessity  of  sending  soldiers  to  keep  them  in  order." 


PROTEST   AGAINST   A   STANDING   A3*MY.  77 

were  direct  to  the  point,  that  it  was  under  the  domin- 
ion of  a  mob.  But  William  Knox,  of  London,  a 
keen  observer,  after  looking  closely  into  American 
affairs  down  to  the  24th  of  this  month,  wrote  to  his 
friend,  Mr.  Grenville,  that  all  was  quiet  at  Boston, 
and  that  the  non-importation  agreement  went  no 
further  than  to  avoid  importing  articles  on  which 
duties  had  been  laid.  He  says,  "I  looked  over  all 
the  Boston  newspapers,  and  did  not  find  one  rash  or 
violent  expression;  and  the  entries,  inwards  and  out- 
wards, at  the  custom-house,  were  as  many  as  usual. 
There  are  advertisements  also  for  the  sale  of  Eng- 
lish goods  and  Madeira  wines,  and  notices  of  the 
meeting  of  county  courts,  and  such  sort  of  things  as 
are  commonly  transacted  in  times  of  tranquillity."1 
On  the  31st  of  August,  General  Gage,  at  New  York, 
sent  his  aide-de-camp,  Captain  Sheriff,  to  Boston,  on 
the  pretence  of  private  business,  bearing  a  letter  ad- 
dressed to  Bernard,  stating  that  one  regiment,  the 
Fourteenth,  had  been  ordered  from  Halifax  to  Bos- 
ton, but  that  it  would  be  left  for  him  to  say  whether 
the  order  made  out  for  the  Twenty-ninth  regiment 
should  be  withheld  or  transmitted.  General  Gage, 
in  requesting  a  reply  to  this  letter,  said,  "  The  con- 
tents of  this,  as  well  as  of  your  answer,  and  every 
thing  I  now  transact  with  you,  will  be  kept  a  pro- 
found secret,  at  least  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic." 
Bernard  received  this  letter  on  Saturday  evening, 
September  Third. 

"When  the  public  had  nothing  but  rumors  as  to  the 
coming  of  troops,  there  appeared  in  the  "Boston 
Gazette  "  of  Sept.  5,  a  communication  with  the  cap- 

1  The  Grenville  Papers,  iv.  367. 


78  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN". 

tion  of  " Header,  attend!"  which,  under  a  series 
of  queries,  urged  that  in  theory  the  acts  of  the 
Administration,  by  breaking  the  compact  between  the 
colonies  and  the  mother  country,  had  dissolved  their 
union.  It  arraigned  with  great  severity  the  course 
of  the  Crown  officials.  As  the  governor  had  dis- 
solved the  legislature,  it  was  proposed  that  the  towns 
of  the  province  should  be  invited  to  elect  delegates 
authorized  to  meet  and  consider  public  affairs,  remon- 
strate to  the  king,  and  declare  that  there  was  noth- 
ing this  side  of  eternity  which  they  dreaded  more 
than  being  broken  off  from  his  Government.  "If 
an  army,"  it  read,  "should  be  sent  to  reduce  us  to 
slavery,  we  will  tell  them  that  we  are  willing  and 
desirous  to  be  their  fellow-subjects.  "We  are  Eng- 
lishmen, and  claim  the  privileges  of  Englishmen;  but 
we  are  never  willing  to  be  slaves  to  our  fellow-sub- 
jects; and,  if  this  will  not  satisfy  them,  we  will  put 
our  lives  in  our  hands,  and  cry  to  the  Judge  of  all 
the  earth,  who  will  do  right." 

This  communication  caused  a  great  sensation  in 
official  circles,  and  led  to  important  action.  Bernard 
says,  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Hillsborough,  "In  the  *  Bos- 
ton Gazette '  of  the  5th  instant  appeared  a  paper, 
containing  a  system  of  politics  exceeding  all  former 
exceedings.  Some  took  it  for  the  casual  ravings  of 
an  occasional  enthusiast.  But  I  persuaded  myself 
that  it  came  out  of  the  cabinet  of  the  faction,  and 
was  preparatory  to  some  actual  operations  against  the 
Government.  In  this  persuasion,  I  considered,  that, 
if  the  troops  from  Halifax  were  to  come  here  on  a 
sudden,  there  would  be  no  avoiding  an  insurrection, 
which  would  at  least  fall  upon  the  Crown  officers,  if 


PifcOTEST   AGAINST   A   STANDING  ARMY.  79 

it  did  not  not  amount  to  an  opposition  to  the  troops. 
I  therefore  thought  it  would  be  best  that  the  ex- 
pectation of  the  troops  should  be  gradually  commu- 
nicated, that  the  heads  of  the  faction  might  have  time 
to  consider  well  what  they  were  about,  and  prudent 
men  opportunity  to  interpose  their  advice."  Accord- 
ingly he  says  that  he  "  took  an  occasion  to  mention  to 
one  of  the  council,  in  the  way  of  discourse,  that  he 
had  private  advice  that  troops  were  ordered  to  Bos- 
ton, but  had  no  public  orders  about  it." 

When  passion  was  moving  a  community  so  power- 
fully, and  when  this  community  was  a  type  of  the 
indignant  feeling,  in  all  the  colonies,  at  the  encroach- 
ments of  arbitrary  power,  "Warren  again  appeared 
on  the  public  stage  as  a  popular  leader.  The  ques- 
tion in  reality  to  be  met  and  decided  was,  whether  the 
American  cause  was  to  be  wrecked  on  the  rock  of  a 
premature  insurrection,  or  whether  it  was  to  be  led 
on  by  cautious  and  wise  steps,  under  the  dominion 
of  law,  until  it  should  develop  into  the  majesty  of  a 
successful  revolution.1 

Before  Thursday  night,  Bernard  says,  the  intelli- 
gence which  he  communicated  to  a  member  of  the 
council  spread  all  over  the  town.  A  petition  to  the 
selectmen  was  now  numerously  signed,  praying  for  a 
town-meeting.  *  Your  petitioners,"  it  says,  after  re- 
citing the  governor's  declaration,  w  apprehensive  that 
the  landing  of  troops  in  the  town,  at  this  particular 

1  Bernard,  July  11,  1768,  wrote  to  John  Pownal,  for  years  Under-Secretary  of 
state  to  Lord  Hillsborough,  "  We  are  now  just  entering  into  the  critical  situation 
which  I  have  long  ago  foreseen  must  come  sooner  or  later ;  that  is,  the  time  of 
trial,  whether  this  town,  &c,  will  or  will  not  submit  to  Great  Britain,  when  she  is 
in  earnest  in  requiring  submission.  Hitherto  the  Sons  of  Liberty  have  tri- 
umphed." 


80  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

juncture,  will  be  a  matter  of  great  uneasiness,  and 
perhaps  be  attended  with  consequences  much  to  be 
dreaded,  humbly  beg  the  town  may  be  forthwith 
legally  convened  to  request  of  His  Excellency  the 
grounds  of  such  declaration,  and  to  consider  the  most 
wise  and  prudent,  and  most  considerate,  loyal,  and 
salutary  measures  to  be  adopted  on  such  an  occa- 
sion." The  selectmen  issued  the  usual  warrant  for  a 
meeting,  to  be  held  on  the  following  Monday,  in 
Faneuil  Hall.  K  A  town-meeting,"  Bernard  promptly 
advised  Hillsborough,  K  is  appointed  for  Monday.  I 
hope  it  will  be  for  the  best;  but  I  can't  be  answerable 
for  events  in  so  precarious  a  body  as  a  popular 
assembly." 

On  Saturday,  the  governor  and  his  friends  were 
much  disturbed  by  signs  and  reports  which  they 
judged  indicated  an  insurrection.  Somebody  had  put 
a  turpentine  barrel  in  the  skillet  that  hung  at  the  top 
of  the  beacon-pole  on  Beacon  Hill,  which  was  alleged 
to  be  the  signal  for  a  rising;  and  it  was  reported 
that  Samuel  Adams  said,  "On  lighting  the  beacon, 
the  people  of  the  town  would  be  joined  by  thirty 
thousand  men  from  the  country,  with  bayonets  fixed." 
Bernard  subsequently  said  that  the  plan  was  for  five 
hundred  men,  who  had  been  enrolled  for  this  purpose, 
to  capture  the  castle,  to  seize  the  governor  and  lieu- 
tenant-governor, take  possession  of  the  treasury,  set 
up  their  standard,  and  put  in  force  the  old  charter.1 
The  belief  in  this  plan  explains  the  haste  of  members 
of  the  council  in  asking  the  governor  to  call  a  meet- 

1  "  It  is  now  known,"  Bernard  wrote,  Dec.  23,  1768,  "  that  the  plan  was  to 
seize  the  governor  and  lieutenant-governor,  and  take  possession  of  the  treasury, 
and  then  set  up  their  standard." 


PROTEST   AGAINST  A   STANDr^G   ARMY.  81 

ing  of  that  body,  which  was  held  before  night,  at 
a  private  residence,  half-way  between  Boston  and 
Jamaica  Plain.  Here,  after  grave  debate,  it  was 
voted  to  request  the  selectmen  to  cause  the  tar  bar- 
rel to  be  taken  down.  On  the  evening  of  this  day, 
several  of  the  popular  leaders  met  at  Warren's  house, 
—  James  Otis  and  Samuel  Adams  being  named  as 
present,  —  where  resolutions  were  drawn  up  and 
other  preparation  was  made  for  Monday's  meeting. 
This  was  reported  to  Bernard,  who  advised  Lord 
Hillsborough,  that,  "  at  this  very  small  private  meet- 
ing at  the  house  of  one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  faction,  it 
was  resolved  to  surprise  and  take  the  castle  on  the 
Monday  night  following;"  and  he  also  named  "a 
large  private  meeting  "  of  the  patriots,  on  the  night 
before,  at  which,  he  says,  it  was  "  the  general  opinion 
that  they  should  raise  the  country  and  oppose  the 
troops."  In  stating  these  as  reports,  Bernard  indi- 
cated doubts  of  their  accuracy,  in  which  he  was  more 
just  to  the  popular  leaders  than  he  was  in  his  subse- 
quent positive  averment,  that  there  was  a  deep-laid 
plot;  for,  whatever  may  have  been  the  gasconade  of 
the  rash  in  the  patriot  ranks,  it  was  certainly  the  ob- 
ject of  the  wise  among  them  to  guide  the  deep  and 
general  indignation  at  the  prospect  of  a  standing 
army  into  a  safe  channel  of  action,  and  to  turn  this 
insult,  offered  to  their  loyalty,  to  the  benefit  of  the 
common  cause. 

On  Sunday,  the  selectmen  were  called  together  to 
consider  the  request  of  the  council,  in  the  matter  of 
the  tar  barrel;  but  it  was  regarded  as  too  trivial  an 
affair  to  be  acted  upon.     When  the  council  directed 

Sheriff  Greenleaf  to  take  the  barrel  down,  Hutchin- 

11 


82 


LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 


son  says,  that,  *  in  the  most  private  manner  he  could, 
he  executed  his  order,  taking  six  or  seven  men  with 
him,  just  at  dinner-time;  and  in  about  ten  minutes, 
luckily  as  he  thought,  effected  his  purpose."1  This 
transaction  was  the  subject  of  several  affidavits  in  the 
papers. 

On  Monday,  the  journals  called  the  attention  of  the 
freeholders  and  other  inhabitants  to  the  notification 
for  the  town  to  assemble  at  nine  o'clock,  a.m.,  in 
Faneuil  Hall,  and  desired  a  universal  and  punctual 
attendance.2  At  this  hour,  the  gathering  was  so  large 
that  Bernard  said  the  faction  appeared  with  all  its 
forces;  by  which  he  meant  the  people.  He  also  said 
that  very  few  of  the  principal  gentlemen  attended, 
and  only  as  anxious  and  curious  spectators ;  by  whom 
he  meant  the  Tory  party.  James  Otis  was  chosen 
the  moderator,  and  the  Rev.  Dr.  Cooper  opened  the 
meeting  with  prayer.  The  petition  of  the  citizens  was 
read,  when  it  was  voted,  that,  as  the  governor  had 
intimated  his  apprehensions  that  troops  were  daily 
expected,  Thomas  Cushing,  Richard  Dana,  Samuel 
Adams,  Joseph  "Warren,  John  Rowe,  John  Hancock, 
and  Benjamin  Kent,  be  a  committee  to  wait  on  him, 
and  humbly  request  that  he  would  be  pleased  to  com- 
municate to  the  town  the  grounds  he  might  have  for 
expecting  the  arrival  of  troops.  The  meeting  now 
adopted  a  petition,  praying  that  he  would  issue  pre- 


1  Hutchinson's  Massachusetts,  iii.  203. 

2  The  freeholders  and  other  inhabitants  of  this  town,  qualified  as  the  law 
directs,  are  to  meet  at  Faneuil  Hall,  at  nine  o'clock  this  day,  to  take  into  consid- 
eration what  measures  are  most  proper  to  be  adopted  under  the  present  critical 
aspect  of  the  times,  agreeable  to  a  petition  of  a  number  of  the  inhabitants  for 
that  purpose ;  and  'tis  desired  there  may  be  a  universal  and  punctual  attend- 
ance. —  Boston  Gazette,  Sept.  12. 


PROTEST   AGAINST   A   STANDING   ARMY.  83 

cepts  forthwith  for  a  general  assembly,  in  order  that 
measures  might  be  taken  to  preserve  their  rights  and 
privileges;  and  it  asked  the  favor  of  an  immediate 
answer.  A  large  committee,  of  which  Warren  was 
a  member,1  was  then  appointed  to  consider  public 
affairs,  and  to  recommend  suitable  measures  to  meet 
the  present  emergency.  The  town  records  say,  that 
"  a  vote  of  the  honorable  board  (the  council) ,  respect- 
ing a  tar  barrel,  which  was  the  other  night  placed  on 
the  skillet  on  Beacon  Hill,  by  persons  unknown,  was 
communicated  to  the  town,  but  not  acted  on."  The 
meeting  was  then  adjourned  to  the  next  day.  Ber- 
nard says  that  the  speeches  of  this  meeting  were  much 
of  the  same  purport  as  the  sentiment  of  the  commu- 
nication already  noticed  in  the  "  Gazette  "  of  the  5th 
instant. 

At  the  adjournment  of  the  meeting,  on  Tuesday, 
the  committee  appointed  to  wait  on  the  governor 
reported  his  reply;  in  which,  in  spite  of  his  file  of 
official  letters  on  the  subject  of  troops,  he  coolly  stated 
that  his  apprehensions  of  an  arrival  of  some  of  his 
majesty's  troops  arose  from  information  of  a  private 
nature,  and  that  he  had  received  no  public  letters 
notifying  him  of  their  coming,  or  asking  quarters  for 
them;  and  that,  the  business  of  calling  another  assem- 
bly being  before  the  king,  he  could  not  act  in  the 
matter  until  he  received  the  royal  commands.  The 
committee  on  public  affairs  now  reported  a  declaration 
and  a  series  of  resolves.  They  aver,  as  a  principle  of 
society  founded  in  nature  and  reason,  that  consent, 

1  The  committee  consisted  of  James  Otis,  Samuel  Adams,  John  Ruddock, 
Thomas  Cushing,  John  Hancock,  Richard  Dana,  John  Rowe,  Samuel  Quincy, 
Joseph  Warren,  William  Molineux,  John  Bradford,  Daniel  Malcom,  William 
Greenleaf,  Adino  Paddock,  Thomas  Boylston,  Arnold  Wells.  —  Town  Records. 


84  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WAKEE^. 

either  by  the  individual  or  by  his  representative, 
through  his  own  free  election,  should  be  the  basis  of 
law;  they  cite,  in  support  of  their  position,  the  prece- 
dent of  1688,  which  gave  the  crown  to  William  and 
Mary;  they  claim,  that,  by  charter  and  birthright,  the 
fathers  held  certain  rights  and  customs  to  as  great  an 
extent  as  though  they  were  born  in  England;  and 
they  declare  the  purpose,  by  all  legal  and  constitu- 
tional means,  to  defend  these  immunities  at  the  utmost 
peril  of  their  lives  and  fortunes.  They  affirm  that 
these  rights  were  violated  when  money  was  levied 
within  the  province,  for  the  use  of  the  Crown,  in  any 
other  way  than  by  the  general  court,  and  when  a  stand- 
ing army,  unauthorized  by  the  assembly,  should  be 
kept  among  them  to  enforce  laws  which  the  people 
had  not  made.  This  paper,  the  town  records  say, 
was  several  times  distinctly  read;  and  a  glimpse  of 
the  scenes  in  Faneuil  Hall,  as  it  was  considered,  is 
supplied  in  the  official  letters  of  Bernard.  He  had 
friends  in  the  meeting,  who  reported  to  him  some  of 
the  words  that  were  uttered.  He  says  that  the  read- 
ing of  the  report  was  followed  by  a  set  of  speeches 
by  the  chiefs  of  the  faction,  and  no  one  else,  who 
succeeded  one  another  in  such  method,  that  it  ap- 
peared as  if  they  were  acting  a  play;  every  thing,  as 
to  matter  and  order,  seeming  to  have  been  precon- 
certed beforehand,  —  which  was  a  compliment  to  the 
foresight  of  the  patriots,  who  met  on  the  previous 
Saturday  evening  at  the  house  of  "Warren,  and  to  the 
good  sense  of  the  people,  in  coinciding  with  these 
wise  exponents  and  champions  of  their  cause. 

It  is  not  strange,  that,  where  speech  was  free,  some 
of  the  speakers  exhibited  a  zeal  and  indignation  which 


PROTEST   AGAINST   A   STANDING   ARMY.  85 

outran  discretion,  and  which  had  to  be  met  and 
checked.  The  Tory  observers  did  not  fail  to  report  to 
Bernard  the  bitter  terms  which  embodied  the  chafings 
of  such  spirits;  nor  did  Bernard  scruple  to  transmit 
them  to  the  ministry  as  the  real  exponents  of  the 
meeting.  One  man  cried  out,  "  The  people  wanted  a 
head;"  but  he  was  overruled.  An  old  man  protested 
against  every  thing  but  the  people's  rising  immedi- 
ately, and  taking  power  into  their  own  hands;  but  he 
was  soon  silenced.  One  man,  very  profligate  and 
abandoned,  Bernard  says,  and,  if  so,  could  be  of  little 
account  with  the  Bostonians,  argued,  in  a  short, 
startling  argument,  in  favor  of  massacring  enemies. 
"Liberty,"  he  said,  "is  as  precious  as  life:  if  a  man 
attempts  to  take  away  my  liberty,  I  have  a  right  to 
take  his  life; "  and  he  argued,  that,  when  a  people's 
liberties  were  threatened,  they  were  in  a  state  of 
war,  and  had  a  right  to  defend  themselves.  Bernard 
adds,  that  he  carried  these  arguments  so  far,  that  his 
own  party  were  obliged  to  stop  him.  The  position 
was  taken,  that  the  people  had  a  right  to  oppose 
with  arms  a  military  force  sent  to  compel  them  to 
submit  to  unconstitutional  acts;  and  it  was  urged 
that  both  town  and  country  ought  to  arm  against 
their  enemies.  There  had  been  in  England  some  talk 
of  a  war  with  France;1  and  Bernard  says  this  fact 
was  not  only  used  as  a  cover  for  the  frequent  use  of 
the  word  "  enemy,"  but  as  an  argument  for  the  imme- 
diate delivery  of  four  hundred  muskets  that  lay  in 

i  London,  July  13.  "  One  day  last  week,  a  wager  of  a  thousand  guineas  to 
twenty  was  laid,  that  war  would  be  declared  between  Great  Britain,  on  the  one 
part,  and  France  and  Genoa  on  the  other,  before  the  3d  of  August."  Another 
paragraph  says,  "There  was  great  talk  in  England  of  a  war  with  France."  — 
Boston  News  Letter,  Sept.  8,  1768. 


86  LITE    OF   JOSEPH    WAREKX. 

boxes  on  the  floor  of  the  hall.  It  was  said  "the 
enemy  might  be  here  before  the  convention  met;" 
and  a  motion  was  made  that  these  muskets  be  deliv- 
ered at  once.  The  moderator,  James  Otis,  skilfully 
parried  this  plausible  proposition,  as,  pointing  to  the 
boxes,  he  said,  "  There  are  the  arms ;  when  an  attempt 
is  made  against  your  liberties,  they  will  be  delivered : 
our  declaration  wants  no  explication."  On  the  ques- 
tion being  put  on  the  acceptance  of  the  report,  the 
vote  was  unanimous  in  the  affirmative ;  and  the  record 
remains  to  the  honor  of  Boston  among  all  posterity.1 
It  was  judged  that  the  crisis  required  other  meas- 
ures. The  people,  deprived  of  their  general  court, 
were  on  the  eve  of  military  rule;  to  submit  tamely, 
they  said,  was  to  consent  to  be  slaves,  and  to  bring 
upon  themselves  the  curses  of  posterity;  while  to  act 
rashly  would  imperil  a  common  cause,  and  create  a 
justification  for  the  presence  of  a  standing  army. 
Hence  the  meeting  adopted,  unanimously,  a  preamble 
and  resolutions,  declaring  that,  —  as  the  parliament  of 
William  and  Mary  enacted,  that,  for  the  redress 
of  grievances  and  the  preservation  of  the  laws,  par- 
liaments ought  to  be  held  frequently;  and  as  present 
grievances  threatened  the  destruction  of  their  natural 
and  charter  rights,  and  as  the  governor  was  unable  to 
convene  the  general  court,  which  was  an  assembly  of 
the  States  of  the  province, — therefore  the  town  would 
make  choice  of  a  ?  committee"  to  act  with  such  com- 
mittees as  might  be  joined  from  the  other  towns,  w  in 
order  that  such  measures  might  be  consulted  and 
advised  as  His  Majesty's  service  and  the  peace  and 
safety  of  his  subjects  in  this  province  might  require." 

1  Bancroft,  vi.  198. 


PROTEST   AGAINST   A   STANDING  ARMY.  87 

The  four  representatives  elect,  James  Otis,  John 
Hancock,  Thomas  Cushing,  and  Samuel  Adams,  were 
named  as  this  committee.  The  selectmen  were  directed 
to  write  to  the  selectmen  of  the  several  towns  within 
the  province,  inform  them  of  the  above  vote,  and  pro- 
pose that  a  convention  be  held  in  Faneuil  Hall,  on  the 
22d  of  the  same  month,  at  ten  o'clock  before  noon. 

The  remainder  of  the  proceedings  of  the  meeting 
may  be  briefly  stated.  It  recommended  the  citizens 
to  observe  a  good  and  wholesome  law  of  the  province, 
requiring  each  to  have  a  well-fixed  firelock,  musket, 
accoutrements,  and  ammunition;  listened  with  high 
satisfaction  to  the  reading  of  a  letter  from  the  New- 
York  merchants,  on  their  agreement  relative  to  a 
non-importation  of  British  goods ;  directed  the  select- 
men to  request  the  ministers  to  set  apart  the  suc- 
ceeding Tuesday  as  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer; 
ordered  the  proceedings  to  be  printed  in  the  news- 
papers, and  copies  to  be  sent  by  express  to  the  several 
towns  of  the  province ;  and  it  then  dissolved. 

The  journals  contain  no  comments  on  this  meeting. 
Strangers  in  town  said  that  it  was  "  one  of  the  most 
regular  they  ever  attended;  for  every  thing  was  con- 
ducted with  the  utmost  good  order  and  decorum." 
Hutchinson,  in  his  history,  says  of  the  movement,  "  It 
must  be  allowed  by  all  that  its  proceedings  had  a 
greater  tendency  towards  a  revolution  in  Government 
than  any  preceding  measure  in  any  of  the  colonies. 
The  inhabitants  of  one  town  alone  took  upon  them 
to  convene  an  assembly  from  all  the  towns,  that,  in 
every  thing  but  in  name,  would  be  a  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, which,  by  the  charter,  the  governor  had 
the  sole  authority  of  convening.     The  projectors  of 


88  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH  WARREIST. 

the  plan  depended  upon  their  influence  over  this 
assembly  to  keep  it  under  such  restraints  as  they 
judged  proper." 

It  happened  that  there  had  been  a  fresh  arrival 
from  London;  and,  when  the  meeting  dissolved, 
the  Boston  journals  abounded  in  details,  taken  from 
the  British  press,  of  the  sensation  which  the  June 
meeting  occasioned  in  England;  the  fall  in  the  price 
of  stocks,  the  indignation  in  court  circles,  the  mid- 
night cabinet  councils,  the  despatch  of  additional 
ships  and  troops  to  Boston,  and  all  the  varied  expres- 
sion of  the  public  anger.  The  truthful  memorial1 
presented  to  the  ministry,  in  behalf  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Boston,  containing  a  touching  expression  of  loyalty 
to  the  Crown,  made  no  impression  in  the  court  circles 
or  on  the  public  mind;   and  the  ministry  determined 

1  "  A  memorial  in  behalf  of  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  showeth :  — 
"  That  they  bear  the  same  sentiments  of  loyalty  and  duty  towards  our  gracious 
king,  and  the  same  reverence  for  the  great  council  of  the  nation,  the  British 
parliament,  as  ever ;  and  therefore  are  not  willing  their  conduct  should  appear  in 
an  odious  light  to  the  ministry.  The  principal  occasion  of  the  late  tumults  arose 
from  the  haughty  conduct  of  the  commissioners,  and  other  officers  appointed  by 
them.  The  '  Romney '  man-of-war,  having  moored  before  the  town,  intimidated 
the  coasting  vessels  bringing  provisions,  firewood,  &c. ;  committed  many  acts  of 
violence  and  outrage  ;  and,  in  particular,  by  cutting  away  a  vessel  from  Mr.  Han- 
cock's wharf,  detaining  her  several  days,  without  any  legal  process  being  filed 
against  her,  &c.  This  irritated  the  people,  who  patrolled  the  streets  in  a  tumul- 
tuous manner,  broke  several  windows  to  the  value  of  about  £5  sterling,  burnt  a 
pleasure-boat  belonging  to  the  collector,  and  then  dispersed  about  eleven  o'clock 
at  night.  All  which  will  more  fully  appear  by  twelve  affidavits  of  different 
persons  who  were  eye-witnesses  of  the  proceedings  hereunto  annexed.  Three 
days  after  this,  the  commissioners  made  a  voluntary  abdication  of  their  office, 
and  went  on  board  the  '  Romney '  man-of-war.  And,  from  all  the  affidavits, 
it  does  appear,  that  the  cause  of  such  tumult  was  entirely  from  the  imprudent 
and  violent  proceedings  of  the  officers,  particularly  from  the  master  of  the 
'  Romney,'  who  frequently  ordered  the  marines  to  fire,  and  abused  everybody 
who  advised  a  cooler  conduct." 

The  above  memorial  was  presented  to  the  Administration,  with  the  twelve 
affidavits  (immediately  upon  hearing  the  reports  which  were  so  prejudicial  to  the 
town),  by  Dennis  De  Berdt,  Esq.,  agent  for  the  assembly.  —Amer.  Gazette,  1768. 


PROTEST   AGATNTST   A   STANDING   ARMY.  89 

to  proceed  with  severity  against  Boston,  and  to  en- 
deavor to  divide  the  colonies. 

This  threatening  tone  occasioned  no  change  in  the 
purposes  of  the  popular  leaders  of  Boston.  On  the 
14th,  the  selectmen  issued  circulars  to  the  towns,  and 
invited  them  to  send  delegates  to  the  proposed  "  Com- 
mittee of  Convention."  They  briefly  described  the 
melancholy  and  very  alarming  circumstances  to  which 
the  province  and  all  America  were  reduced,  and  urged 
the  expediency  of  assembling  gentlemen,  having  the 
greatest  public  "confidence,  to  give  sound  and  whole- 
some advice,  and  thus  happily  prevent  any  sudden 
and  unconnected  measures  which  the  people,  in 
their  anxiety  and  even  agony  of  mind,  might  be  in 
danger  of  falling  into.  The  Crown  officials  pro- 
nounced this  proceeding  to  be  treasonable,  and  col- 
lected some  of  the  circulars  having  the  autographs 
of  the  selectmen,  to  be  used  in  case  of  arrests.  Ber- 
nard (Sept.  16)  wrote  to  Lord  Hillsborough,  w  How 
large  their  meeting  will  be,  and  what  they  will  do 
at  present,  can  only  be  guessed  at.  But,  as  they 
have  hitherto  pursued  the  dictates  of  the  paper  in 
the  "Boston  Gazette,"  it  is  supposed  they  will  go 
through  with  them,  and  exclude  the  Crown  officers, 
and  resume  the  first  original  charter,  which  has  no 
ingredient  of  royalty  in  it.  It  certainly  will  be  so,  if 
it  is  not  prevented  by  power  from  without;  and  I 
much  doubt  whether  the  force  already  ordered  by 
General  Gage,  namely,  two  regiments,  will  be  suffi- 
cient. For  my  own  part,  if  I  had  any  place  of  pro- 
tection to  resort  to,  I  would  publish  a  proclamation 
against  ,the  assembling  of  the  convention;  but  I  dare 

12 


90  LIFE   OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

not  take  so  spirited  a  step,  without  first  securing  my 
retreat." 

The  circular  of  the  selectmen  stated,  that  the  Feb- 
ruary circular  of  the  House  of  Representatives  "  im- 
plied nothing  more  than  a  right  in  the  American 
subjects  to  unite  in  humble  and  dutiful  petitions  to 
their  gracious  sovereign,  when  they  found  themselves 
aggrieved; "  and  they  now  proposed  only  to  act  in  a 
constitutional  way.  The  manner  in  which  this  cir- 
cular was  received  served  to  show  the  temper  of  the 
country.  As  the  people  met  in  town-meetings  to 
choose  "  committees,"  they,  in  some  places,  dedicated, 
with  enthusiasm,  trees  to  liberty;  and,  in  others,  they 
listened  to  the  reading  of  Cato's  Letters,  to  Magna 
Charta,  to  Dissertations  on  Liberty,  and  the  Bill  of 
Rights.  This  order  of  facts  shows  how  clearly  the 
American  Revolution  was  the  child  of  the  English 
Revolution,  which  was  guided  by  the  great  politics 
of  Eliot,  Pym,  and  Hampden. 

On  the  day  fixed  for  the  convention,  Sept.  22,  this 
novel  election  was  going  on.  It  was  Coronation  Day, 
when  Boston  was  accustomed  to  be  resonant  with 
royalty.  On  this  legal  holiday,  there  were  salutes 
from  Castle  "William  and  the  town  batteries ;  the 
militia  and  the  Ancient  and  Honorable  Artillery  had 
their  parades  and  fired  their  volleys  in  the  capital 
streets;  and  at  noon,  by  invitation  of  the  governor, 
the  principal  citizens  went  to  the  council  chamber,  in 
the  Town  House,  to  drink  the  king's  health.  It  is 
not  mentioned  that  committees  elected  to  the  conven- 
tion were  invited  to  this  festivity,  or  were  present; 
but,  at  the  dedication  of  liberty  trees,  the  first  toast 
was  "The  king:"   and  there  was  no  inconsistency 


PROTEST  AGAINST  A   STANDING  ARMY.  91 

between  the  purposes  entertained  by  the  patriots  and 
this  pledge  of  fidelity  to  the  flag  of  their  country;  for 
the  king,  or  the  sovereignty  which  they  cheerfully 
recognized,  was  looked  upon  as  the  constitutional 
protector  of  the  rights  and  liberties  which  they  en- 
joyed and  meant  to  preserve. 

On  this  day,  above  seventy  delegates,  from '  sixty- 
six  towns,  assembled  in  Faneuil  Hall,  as  a  K  Com- 
mittee of  Convention."  It  was  a  fine  representation 
of  the  intelligence  and  patriotism  of  the  province, 
and  was  really  but  a  mode  of  popular  action  now  of 
every-day  occurrence,  and  indispensable  in  carrying 
on  self-government.  Thomas  Cushing,  the  speaker 
of  the  house,  a  citizen  of  great  weight  of  personal 
character,  and  ever  temperate  in  speech  and  action, 
was  elected  chairman;  and  Samuel  Adams,  the  clerk 
of  the  house,  was  made  the  secretary.  The  first  day's 
business  was  mainly  the  adoption  of  a  petition  to  the 
governor,  in  which,  disclaiming  any  pretence  of  being 
a  law-making  body,  they  prayed  for  a  meeting  of 
the  general  court.  But  the  Crown  oflicials  saw  in 
this  novel  spectacle  a  dangerous  phase  of  popular 
action,  and  the  governor  declined  to  receive  the  peti- 
tion. On  the  second  day  of  the  session  of  the  con- 
vention, the  governor,  through  the  chairman,  sent 
to  it  a  proclamation,  in  which  he  assumed,  that  the 
organization  was,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  a  law- 
making body;  charged  the  Boston  selectmen  with 
ignorance  of  the  law,  and  with  committing  a  grave 
offence  in  issuing  the  call;  and  warned  the  members 
to  disperse,  as  the  king  was  determined  to  maintain 
his  sovereignty  over  the  province ;  and  the  usurper  of 
any  of  its  rights  would  repent  of  his  rashness.     The 


92  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

intrepid  Samuel  Adams,  holding  this  untruthful  and 
irritating  paper  in  his  hand,  read  and  commented 
upon  each  paragraph  with  great  severity;  and,  after 
he  had  finished,  he  threw  it  from  him  in  a  manner 
strongly  expressive  of  his  indignation  and  contempt.1 
On  the  third  day,  the  convention,  by  a  well-timed 
message  in  reply  to  this  proclamation,  calmly  assured 
the  governor,  that  neither  the  delegates  nor  their  con- 
stituents proposed  to  do,  or  to  consent  to,  any  thing 
oppugnant  to  or  inconsistent  with  the  regular  execution 
of  Government  in  the  province ;  and  this  was  urged 
earnestly  and  truthfully.  The  governor,  however, 
declined  to  receive  this  communication.  Having  sat 
with  open  doors  three  days,  the  convention  adjourned 
until  Monday.     Thus  far  Otis  had  been  absent. 

Monday's  journals  were  laden  with  matter  which 
must  have  been  of  the  deepest  interest  to  the  dis- 
tressed population.  They  contained  a  report  of  the 
three  days'  sessions  of  the  convention,  and  the  papers 
that  had  passed  between  it  and  the  governor.  They 
stated  that  the  number  of  members  had  increased 
daily  since  Thursday,  and  that  towns  were  still  hold- 
ing meetings  to  choose  delegates.  They  printed  the 
letters  of  officials  relative  to  the  introduction  of 
troops,  and  the  menacing  street-talk'  of  the  rash 
among  the  Tories,  who  threatened  the  patriots,  when  a 
standing  army  should  arrive,  with  the  pillory  and  the 
whipping-post,  and  the  loss  of  their  ears  or  their  heads. 
And  why?  "Hyperion"  (Josiah  Quincy,  jun.)  glo- 
riously said  on  that  morning,  in  the  press,  "  An  ill- 
timed  oppugnation  of  the  commissioners'  authority; 
a  manly  boldness  in  delivering  patriotic  sentiments  to 

1  Samuel  Adams  Wells,  MS.  Life  of  Adams,  i.  162. 


PROTEST   AGAINST  A   STANDING   ARMY.  93 

the  world;  and  an  open  daring  to  discuss  the  rights 
of  mankind,  the  liberty  of  the  press,  and  freedom  of 
speech,  —  are  those  unpardonable  crimes  for  which 
the  scaffold  alone  can  work  an  expiation." 

The  convention,  on  re-assembling  this  day,  sat  with 
closed  doors,  Otis  being  present;  and  it  continued  its 
deliberations,  by  successive  adjournments,  three  days. 
It  received  so  many  additions,  that,  before  dissolving, 
it  contained  delegates  from  ninety-six  towns  and  six 
districts.  According  to  Dr.  Eliot,  there  were  three 
parties  in  the  convention:  one  party,  fearful  of  the 
legality  of  the  meeting,  would  gladly  have  done  noth- 
ing; another  party  would  have  laid  no  restraint  on 
the  people,  but  left  them  to  act  for  themselves;  a 
third  party  desired  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  troops, 
and  then  assume  the  direction  of  affairs.  Fortu- 
nately, the  same  discretion  that  controlled  the  town- 
meetings  guided  the  deliberations  of  the  convention. 
As  a  result,  it  agreed  upon  an  address,  which  briefly 
restated  the  rights  of  the  colonists;  earnestly  dis- 
claimed any  intention  to  assume  the  work  of  Govern- 
ment; and  avowed  a  firm  adherence  to  the  principles 
of  the  constitution,  and  the  peace  and  good  order  of 
society.  The  convention  then  dissolved.  The  rash 
were  undoubtedly  disappointed;  but  the  wise  re- 
garded the  result  as  salutary.  "By  the  mere  act 
of  assembling,"  Bancroft  remarks,  "the  object  of  the 
convention  was  accomplished.  It  was  a  bold  and 
successful  attempt  to  show,  that,  if  the  policy  of  sup- 
pressing the  legislature  should  be  persisted  in,  a  way 
was  discovered  by  which  legislative  Government  could 
still  be  instituted,  and  a  general  expression  of  opinion 
and  concentration  of  power  be  obtained." 


94:  LIFE   OF  JOSEPH   WARREN. 

Warren,  though  not  a  delegate  to  this  convention, 
was  a  member  of  all  the  committees  of  the  town- 
meeting  which  determined  to  call  it;  and  probably 
the  plan  was  carried  out  that  was  matured  at  the  con- 
sultation of  the  popular  leaders,  at  his  residence,  on 
the  evening  of  the  Tenth  of  September. 

The  assertion,  by  the  municipality  and  by  the  pro- 
vincial assembly,  of  their  constitutional  rights,  in 
the  transactions  which  have  been  described,  greatly 
moved  the  public  mind  of  the  colonies,  K  awakened  an 
attention  in  the  very  soul  of  the  British  empire,"1 
and  even  occupied  the  time  of  continental  cabinets. 
Though  the  judgment  passed  on  this  popular  action 
by  the  conservative  and  the  progressive  schools  was 
as  opposite  as  the  poles,  yet  they  agreed  in  ascribing 
to  it  a  marked  effect  on  the  progress  of  events.  Both 
recognized  the  appearance  of  a  new  agency  in  the 
formation  of  public  opinion.  The  Tory  said  that  it 
was  in  the  town-meeting  that  the  flame  of  discord 
and  rebellion  was  first  lighted  up  and  disseminated 
over  the  colonies;  the  "Whig  said  that  the  spark  in 
the  breast  of  the  individual  American,  that  blazed 
more  conspicuously  in  the  public  meeting,  was  that 
almost  divine  spirit  which  evidenced  the  approach  of 
an  independent  and  free  republic.2 


1  Samuel  Adams,  in  the  Boston  Gazette,  1769. 

2  A  Tory  judgment  reads,  "  The  town-meeting  at  Boston  is  the  hot-bed  of 
sedition.  It  is  there  that  all  their  dangerous  insurrections  are  engendered ;  it  is 
there  that  the  flame  of  discord  and  rebellion  was  first  lighted  up,  and  dissemi- 
nated over  all  the  provinces."  —  Sagittarius's  Letters,  1774,  p.  68. 

A  Whig  judgment  reads,  "  That  almost  divine  spirit  which  evidenced  the 
approach  of  an  independent  and  free  republic  in  America  blazed  from  a  small 
spark,  kindled  by  heaven  in  the  breast  of  every  American  individually,  to  a  more 
conspicuous  blaze  in  the  meeting  of  town  inhabitants.  Thence  it  kindled  into 
conventions,  and  finally  collected  itself  in  that  luminous  body  called  the  Con- 


PROTEST   AGAINST  A   STANDING   ARMY.  95 

I  have  not  the  space  to  present  in  detail  the  conse- 
quences of  the  popular  proceedings.  They  were  the 
subject  of  cabinet  consultations,  severe  comment  by 
the  British  press,  exciting  debates  in  both  houses  of 
parliament,  and  threatening  resolves.  Lord  North 
then  made  the  memorable  declaration,  "Whatever 
prudence  or  policy  might  hereafter  induce  us  to  re- 
peal the  paper  and  glass  act,  I  hope  we  shall  never 
think  of  it  till  we  see  America  prostrate  at  our  feet," 1 
—  words  that  sunk  deep  into  the  popular  heart,  and 
will  be  transmitted  from  age  to  age  as  an  embodiment 
of  a  spirit  of  arbitrary  power. 

This  K  September  rebellion,"  as  British  officials 
termed  it,  was  declared  to  have  given  the  Govern- 
ment great  advantage,  because  it  enabled  it  to  sepa- 
rate the  case  of  Boston  and  Massachusetts  from  all 
the  other  towns  and  colonies.2  Bernard  now  urged, 
in  letter  upon  letter,  that  this  occasion  should  be  seized 
on  to  justify  a  forfeiture  of  the  charter  of  Massachu- 
setts and  a  re-organization  of  the  local  Government; 

gress  ;  from  whence  light  and  firmness  are  diffused  to  every  State  and  senate  on 
the  continent."  —  Boston  Gazette,  Jan.  27,  1777. 

1  This  famous  remark  of  Lord  North  was  printed  in  the  "  Massachusetts 
Gazette,"  Feb.  9,  1769,  in  a  letter  from  London,  dated  Nov.  10,  1768,  giving  an 
account  of  the  proceedings  in  the  House  of  Commons.  "Lord  N***h,  the 
c***c**l*r  of  the  e*c**q**r,  said  that  whatever  prudence  or  policy  might  here- 
after induce  us  to  repeal  the  late  paper  and  glass  act,  he  hoped  we  should  never 
think  of  it  till  we  saw  America  prostrate  at  our  feet.     These  were  his  very  words." 

2  A  letter  from  London,  Nov.  19,  1768,  says,  "  The  news  of  the  last  defiance 
of  the  king's  authority  came  just  before  the  meeting  of  the  parliament,  to  open 
the  eyes  of  the  nation,  and  to  let  them  see  the  desperate  lengths  which  your 
incendiaries  would  lead  your  people  into.  Nothing  could  have  been  done  to  give 
the  Government  here  such  an  advantage  over  the  colony,  as  their  separating 
and  distinguishing  their  case  from  that  of  all  the  other  colonies,  and  the  town  of 
B  n  from  all  other  places,  as  none  but  the  B  n  s  ct  n  have  assumed 
to  themselves  the  royal  prerogative  of  calling  a  convention,  and  none  but  the 
province  of  M  ts  have  dared  to  meet  in  direct  contradiction  to  the  king's 
authority."—  Mass.  Gazette,  Jan.  26,  1769. 


96  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

and  even  Lord  Camden,  of  the  cabinet,  suggested 
"as  there  was  no  pretence  for  violence  anywhere 
but  in  Boston,"  that  Massachusetts  should  be  select- 
ed out  from  the  other  colonies,  and  that  punishment 
should  be  levelled  against  it  as  "  the  ringleading 
province ; "  while  British  lords  urged  in  parliament 
the  necessity  of  altering  the  law  fundamentally  as  to 
jurors,  the  council,  and  the  municipality,  —  avowals 
that  were  marked  by  the  patriots  ;  and  they  fore- 
shadowed the  measures  which,  seven  years  later,  were 
the  occasion  of  the  morning  guns  of  Lexington  and 
Concord. 

The  ministry  determined  to  use  force  in  the  colo- 
nies, in  order  to  check  the  rising  popular  power.  "  I 
am  convinced,"  Lord  Barrington  wrote  to  Bernard, 
Feb.  12,  1769,  "the  town-meeting  in  Boston,  which 
assembled  the  Stajtes  of  the  province  against  the 
king's  authority,  and  armed  the  people  to  resist  his 
forces,  was  guilty  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors, 
if  not  of  treason;  and  that  Mr.  Otis,  the  moderator 
(as  he  is  improperly  called)  of  that  meeting,  together 
with  the  selectmen  of  Boston,  who  signed  the  letters 
convoking  the  convention,  should  be  impeached.  This 
would  carry  terror  to  the  wicked  and  factious  spirits 
all  over  the  continent,  and  would  show  that  the  sub- 
jects of  Great  Britain  must  not  rebel  with  impunity 
anywhere.  Five  or  six  examples  are  sufficient;  and 
it  is  right  they  should  be  made  in  Boston,  the  only 
place  where  there  has  been  actual  crime."  In  the 
spirit  of  this  citation,  the  Duke  of  Bedford  moved 
and  carried  in  parliament  an  address  to  the  king, 
urging  His  Majesty  to  put  tin  force  against  the  men 
of  Boston  a  statute  of  Henry  VIII. ;   take  them  to 


PEOTEST   AGAINST   A   STANDING   ARMY.  97 

England,  and  try  them  before  a  special  commission. 
*  Thus  was  it  designed,"  Lord  Mahon  says,  "  to  draw 
forth  the  mouldering  edict  of  a  tyrant  from  the  dust 
where  it  had  long  lain,  and  where  it  ever  deserved  to 
lie,  and  to  fling  it  —  instead  of  bread,  a  stone  —  not 
merely  at  the  guilty,  but  also  at  the  innocent,  whom 
it  equally  despoiled  of  their  rightful  native  juries 
Such  a  proposal,  made  at  such  a  time,  to  me  appears 
at  least  utterly  unjustifiable."1 

The  popular  leaders  understood  their  position. 
They  did  not  intend  to  create  a  rebellion,  and  aimed 
only  to  preserve  their  constitutional  rights.  The 
truth  was  seen  and  expressed  by  candid  observers; 
and  it  was  precisely  said  of  this  period,  "  The  Amer- 
ican colonies  aspire  not  to  independence,  but  to 
equality  of  rights  with  the  mother  country." 2  The 
men  of  Boston  were  neither  thrown  off  their  balance 
by  the  eulogies  of  friends,  nor  cowed  by  the  threats 
of  their  enemies.  They  averred  in  the  press,  that 
there  was  not  w  a  person,  either  in  or  out  of  parlia- 
ment, who  has  justly  stated  or  proved  one  single  act 
of  that  town,  as  a  public  body,  to  be,  I  will  not  say 
treasonable  and  seditious,  but  even  at  all  illegal;  nor 
is  it  in  the  power  of  any  man,  either  on  this  or  the 
other  side  of  the  Atlantic,  to  do  it."  And  they  said, 
"It  is  the  part  this  town  has  taken  on  the  side  of 
liberty,  and  its  noble  exertions  in  favor  of  the  rights 
of  America,  that  has  rendered  it  so  obnoxious  to  the 
tools  of  power."3 

When  Samuel  Adams,  "Warren,  and  their  associates 

1  Lord  Mahon's  History  of  England,  v.  241. 

2  The  French  diplomatist,  Durand,  said  this  to  Choiseul.  —  Bancroft,  vi.  96. 
8  Boston  Gazette,  January,  1769. 

13 


98  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

were  guiding  popular  action,  freedom  had  hardly  be- 
gun to  achieve  its  modern  civic  triumphs.  England, 
which  had  supplied  a  grand  armory  of  principles  in 
the  republican  school  of  patriots  and  statesmen  of  her 
Revolution,  had  not  attained  a  just  municipal  life,1  or 
the  public  meeting,  or  practical  freedom  of  the  press, 
or  publicity  in  the  law-making  body;  and  more  citi- 
zens gathered  in  the  largest  public  meetings  in  Bos- 
ton than  had  a  voice  in  all  Great  Britain  in  the 
choice  of  a  majority  of  the  members  of  parliament. 
In  France,  a  few  citizens  in  each  town,  by  virtue 
of  money  paid  by  their  ancestors  by  some  one  of 
the  old  kings,  held  the  right  of  governing  the  other 
citizens  for  ever;2  and  the  people,  for  a  hundred 
and  forty  years,  had  not  appeared  for  a  single  instant 
on  the  public  stage.3  In  Germany,  serfdom  had  not 
been  abolished,4  and  there  was  but  a  feeble  glimmer, 
here  and  there,  of  an  open  verbal  discussion  of  public 
measures,  an  unfettered  press,  or  of  political  free- 
dom.6 The  spirit  of  progress  was  active  in  all  these 
countries ;  but  it  is  no  more  than  simple  justice  to  the 
popular  leaders  and  the  people  of  America  to  recollect 
the  status  of  the  political  world  in  their  day,  in  order 
to  be  properly  grateful  for  their  pioneer  stand  in 
behalf  of  customs  and  principles  so  vital  as  to  under- 
lie all  free  institutions,  and  as  wide  in  their  applica- 
tion as  our  common  humanity. 

1  The  Municipal  Keform  Bill  was  passed  in  1836. 

2  I)e  Tocqueville's  Old  Regime,  61.  3  lb.,  218.  4  lb.,  38. 
5  Schlosser's  Eighteenth  Century. 


THE   MASSACRE   AKD   A   CIVIC   TRIUMPH.  99 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  BOSTON  MASSACRE  AND  A  CIVIC  TRIUMPH. 

An  Army  in  Boston.  —  The  Question  of  Removal. — Town-meet- 
ings.—Thomas  Hutchinson.  —  The  Citizens  and  the  Troops.— 
The  Boston  Massacre.  —  The  Sixth  of  March.  — The  Removal 
of  the  Troops. 

October,  1768,  to  March,  1770. 

"Warrex  took  a  part  in  all  the  town-meetings  that 
were  held  during  the  seventeen  months1  that  succeed- 
ed the  September  convention.  This  was  an  interest- 
ing period,  when  arbitrary  power,  true  to  its  threat, 
used  a  standing  army  as  an  instrument  to  overawe 
the  inhabitants  of  a  single  town,  with  the  hope  of 
intimidating  the  free  people  of  the  colonies. 

A  fleet  of  British  men-of-war  arrived  in  the  har- 
bor, and  were  moored  around  Boston.  They  were 
prepared  for  action  on  the  first  day  of  October,  by 
having  their  guns  loaded  and  spring^  put  on  their 
cables;  and  the  two  regiments  which  were  on  board, 
— the  Fourteenth  and  the  Twenty-ninth,  —  and  a  por- 
tion of  the  Fifty-ninth,  with  a  train  of  artillery,  were 
supplied  with  sixteen  rounds  of  powder  and  ball. 
About  eleven  o'clock,  the  commander  of  these  troops, 

1  An  account  of  the  events  in  Boston  during  this  period  of  seventeen  months 
will  be  found  in  the  "  Atlantic  Monthly  "  for  June  and  August,  1862,  and  Novem- 
ber, 1863. 


100  LIEE    OF   JOSEPH   WAEKEN. 

Lieutenant-colonel  Dalrymple,  went  privately  on  shore, 
walked  over  the  peaceful  town,  sought  in  vain  Gov- 
ernor Bernard,  who  had  gone  to  Jamaica  Plain,  and, 
much  disappointed  at  the  appearance  of  things,  re- 
turned to  the  fleet.  At  noon,  he  landed  his  force  on 
the  Long  Wharf,  marched  up  King  Street,  and  then 
to  the  Common.  If  the  unusual  spectacle  occasioned 
no  scene  of  war,  it  inspired  no  feeling  of  terror. 
"Our  harbor  is  full  of  ships  and  our  town  full  of 
troops,"  Hutchinson  wrote;  "the  red -coats  make  a 
formidable  appearance,  and  there  is  a  profound  silence 
among  the  Sons  of  Liberty."  The  Sons  chose  to 
labor  and  to  wait,  and  the  troops  could  not  attack  the 
liberty  of  silence. 

A  long  and  irritating  controversy  now  occurred 
between  the  Crown  officials  and  the  municipal  and 
provincial  authorities,  relative  to  providing  quarters 
for  these  troops,  in  which  the  patriots,  by  standing  on 
the  terms  of  the  law,  won  a  great  victory.  "Warren's 
name  does  not  occur  in  connection  with  this  contest. 
Bernard,  in  a  letter  (Oct.  30),  gives  an  idea  of  it,  and 
of  his  own  mortification  at  its  result.  "  The  account, 
up  to  this  time,"  he  says,  "will  end  in  my  having 
employed  myself  from  Sept.  19  to  Oct.  26,  that  is, 
thirty-eight  days,  in  endeavoring  to  procure  quarters 
for  the  two  regiments  here  to  no  purpose.  For, 
having  during  this  time  been  bandied  about  from  one 
to  another,  I  at  length  got  positive  refusals  from 
every  one  I  could  apply  to ;  that  is,  the  council,  the 
selectmen,  and  the  justices  of  the  peace;  upon  which 
the  general  (Gage),  who  came  here  on  purpose,  has 
found  himself  obliged  to  hire  and  fit  up  buildings  at 
the  expense  of  the  Crown." 


THE   MASSACRE   ANT>   A   CIVIC   TRIUMPH.        101 

General  Gage  came  from  New  York  on  a  visit. 
In  a  short  time,  two  regiments,  —  the  Sixty-fourth 
and  Sixty-fifth,  —  direct  from  Ireland,  landed  in  the 
town;  Commodore  Hood,  the  commander  of  the  naval 
forces  in  the  American  seas,  came  from  Halifax;  and 
General  Pomeroy,  colonel  of  the  Sixty-fourth,  arrived 
in  December,  and  took  the  command  of  the  land-force. 
He  was  an  excellent  officer,  and  became  popular  with 
the  citizens.  The  two  regiments  that  last  arrived 
were  quartered  in  commodious  stores  on  Wheel- 
wright's Wharf:  a  portion  of  the  troops  that  first 
arrived  were  quartered  in  a  house  owned  by  James 
Murray,  and  hence  the  name  "Murray's  Barracks," 
which,  from  its  connection  with  the  massacre,  be- 
came historic.  The  main  guard  was  located  in  King 
Street,  directly  opposite  the  Town  House;  and  here 
were  planted  two  field-pieces  pointing  towards  this 
building,  in  which  the  courts  met  and  the  legislature 
held  its  sessions.  Detachments  were  posted  at  the 
land  avenue  into  the  town  and  at  the  ferryways. 
"  Our  town  is  now  a  perfect  garrison,"  the  patriots 
said,  as  this  rough  experiment  on  their  free  municipal 
life  began. 

This  presence  of  force  created  a  local  issue  of  the 
deepest  interest,  in  which  Warren  entered  with  his 
accustomed  zeal.  The  popular  leaders,  disclaiming 
any  scheme  of  rebellion,  held  that  to  quarter  among 
them  in  time  of  peace  a  standing  army,  without  the 
consent  of  the  general  court,  was  as  violative  of  the 
constitution  of  Massachusetts,  and  as  harrowing  to 
the  feelings  of  the  people,  as  it  would  be  contrary 
to  the  Bill  of  Rights  and  the  English  Constitution, 
and  irritating  to  the  British  people,  if  an  army  were 


102  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREJST. 

posted  in  London  without  the  consent  of  parliament. 
They  therefore  opposed  a  continuance  of  the  troops 
in  the  town,  as  being  against  constitutional  right  and 
an  impeachment  of  their  loyalty.  The  question  of 
their  removal  entered  largely  into  the  politics  of  the 
day;  and  a  steady  pursuit  of  this  object  from  October, 
1768,  to  March,  1770,  gave  unity,  directness,  and  an 
ever-painful  foreboding  to  the  local  politics,  until  the 
flow  of  blood  created  a  crisis.  The  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, in  reviewing  this  period,  declared  that 
there  resulted  from  the  quartering  of  this  military 
force  in  Boston  a  scene  of  confusion  and  distress 
which  ended  in  the  blood  and  slaughter  of  His  Ma- 
jesty's good  subjects. 

I  have  only  space  to  glance  at  the  meetings  in 
which  Warren  took  a  part,  and  to  refer  generally 
to  the  aspect  of  the  town,  until  the  crisis,  which  was 
brought  on  by  the  event  known  as  the  "  The  Boston 
Massacre."  "Warren  mingled  with  his  fellow-citizens 
on  the  memorable  evening  of  the  Fifth  of  March,  and 
took  a  part  in  the  great  town-meeting  on  the  follow- 
ing day.  He  also  delivered  two  of  the  commemora- 
tive discourses  on  the  massacre.  He  became  in  this 
way  identified  with  these  scenes. 

Warren  was  a  member  of  an  important  committee, 
appointed  at  the  annual  March  meeting  of  1769, 
which  adopted  a  petition  to  the  king,  praying  for  a 
removal  of  the  troops.  This  paper,  with  the  strongest 
declarations  of  attachment  to  constitutional  rights, 
expressed  the  warmest  loyalty  to  the  Crown;  and  it 
pronounced  those  relations  ill-grounded  which  repre- 
sented the  town  as  held  to  its  allegiance  and  duty  to 
the  best  of  sovereigns  only  by  the  bond  of  terror  and 


THE   MASSACRE   AND   A   CIVIC    TRIUMPH.         103 

the  force  of  arms.  The  meeting  appointed  a  noble 
committee  to  consider  the  expediency  of  vindicating 
the  town  from  the  misrepresentations  to  which  it  had 
been  exposed;  the  members  being  James  Otis,  Sam- 
uel Adams,  Thomas  Cushing,  Richard  Dana,  Joseph 
Warren,  John  Adams,  and  Samuel  Quincy. 

Governor  Bernard  now  received  (April  20)  from 
Lord  Hillsborough,1  who  had  recently  been  appointed 
first  lord  of  trade,  a  letter,  enclosing  the  address  of 
the  House  of  Lords  to  the  king,  in  relation  to  the 
proceedings  of  the  town,  with  the  king's  severe  an- 
swer. The  minister  instructed  the  governor  to  take 
the  most  effectual  methods  for  procuring  the  fullest 
information  that  could  be  obtained,  "touching  all 
treasons  or  misprision  of  treason,"  committed  in  the 
province  since  the  30th  of  December,  1767,  and  to 
transmit  the  same,  together  with  the  names  of  the 
persons  who  were  the  most  active  in  the  commission 
of  such  offences.  Thus  the  governor  was  clothed 
with  all  the  power  for  which  he  applied,  to  inflict 
censure  on,  as  he  said,  the  heads  of  the  faction  which 
had  harassed  the  province  for  three  years. 

"Warren,  at  the  May  town-meeting,  was  one  of  the 
committee  appointed  to  prepare  the  customary  instruc- 
tions to  the  representatives.  This  paper,  besides 
delineating  the  public  grievances,  claimed  for  each 
subject  in  America  equality  of  political  rights  with 

1  The  appointment  of  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough  to  the  post  of  the  first  lord 
of  trade  is  an  event  much  to  the  satisfaction  of  those  concerned  in  our  colonies, 
as  well  as  to  the  mother-country  in  general ;  being  universally  acknowledged  a 
judicious  choice  in  the  ministry,  as  that  amiable  nobleman's  character  and 
abilities  will  add  lustre  to  their  recommendation. 

John  Pownall,  Esq.,  secretary  to  the  lords  of  trade,  is  appointed  under- 
secretary of  state  to  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough.—  Boston  Evening  Post,  Sept.  6, 
1768. 


104  LITE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN*. 

each  subject  in  England,  and  for  the  general  court 
the  dignity  of  a  free  assembly.  It  averred  that  the 
first  labors  of  the  assembly  ought  to  be  an  endeavor 
to  procure  a  removal  of  "  those  cannon  and  guards, 
and  that  clamorous  parade,  that  had  been  daily  about 
the  Court  House  since  the  arrival  of  His  Majesty's 
troops." 

"Warren  took  part  in  a  town-meeting  in  June, 
which  was  called  to  consider  the  subject  of  the  re- 
moval of  the  troops,  and  was  held  under  peculiar 
circumstances.  The  military  force  was  now  under 
the  command  of  Hon.  Alexander  Mackay,  colonel  of 
the  Sixty-fifth  Regiment,  and  a  member  of  parlia- 
ment. He  was  a  major-general;  and,  on  his  arrival 
(April  30),  it  was  announced  that  "the  command 
of  the  troops  of  the  eastern  district  of  America" 
devolved  on  him.  The  ministry,  without  consulting 
Governor  Bernard,  authorized  General  Gage,  if  he 
should  think  it  best,  to  withdraw  the  troops  from 
Boston;  when  General  Mackay  was  ordered  to  re- 
move the  Sixty-fourth  and  Sixty-fifth  Eegiments  from 
the  town.  The  first  notice  Bernard  had  of  this  order 
was  the  reception  (June  10)  of  a  letter  from  General 
Gage,  advising  him  of  the  order,  and  asking  him 
(Bernard)  whether  even  the  remainder  were  neces- 
sary to  preserve  the  public  peace.  The  report  of  this 
order,  at  which  Bernard  expressed  great  surprise, 
and  other  reports,  he  says,  exalted  the  Sons  of  Lib- 
erty as  though  the  bells  had  rung  for  a  triumph; 
while  there  was  consternation  among  the  Crown 
officials  and  adherents  of  the  Administration,  who 
strongly  urged  a  retention  of  the  troops.  "Warren 
was   one  of  the  leading  petitioners,  a  hundred  and 


THE    MASSACRE   AND    A   CIVIC   TRIUMPH.        105 

forty-two  in  number,  for  a  town-meeting,  to  urge  a 
removal  of  the  troops.  This  meeting  declared  that 
the  law  of  the  land  made  ample  provision  for  life  and 
property,  and  that  the  presence  of  the  troops  was  an 
insult.  This  availed  nothing.  The  governor,  who 
was  much  embarrassed  by  the  request  of  General 
Gage,  replied,  after  some  hesitation,  that  to  remove  a 
portion  of  the  two  regiments  would  be  detrimental  to 
His  Majesty's  service;  to  remove  both  of  them  would 
be  quite  ruinous  to  the  cause  of  the  Crown;  but  that 
one  regiment  in  the  town  and  one  at  the  castle  might 
be  sufficient.  Of  course,  General  Gage,  if  he  paid 
any  respect  to  the  governor's  advice,  could  do  no  less 
than  order  both  regiments  to  remain. 

Governor  Bernard  received  (June  10)  the  king's 
command  to  repair  to  England,  and  lay  before  him 
the  state  of  the  province.  He  now  said  that  "the 
Boston  faction  "  had  taken  possession  of  the  general 
court  in  such  a  manner  that  there  were  not  ten  mem- 
bers in  both  branches  who  dared  to  contradict  it.  As 
he  left  Boston  (July  31,  1769),  the  general  joy  was 
manifested  by  congratulations  among  the  people,  sa- 
lutes from  Hancock's  "Wharf,  the  Union  flag  flying 
above  Liberty  Tree,  and  bonfires  kindled  on  the  hills.1 
He  had  been  a  bad  governor,  but  not  worse  than  the 
cause  which  he  was  required  to  uphold.  He  had 
been  arbitrary,  but  was  not  so  imperious  as  were  his 
instructions.     He  had  been  vascillating,  but  not  to 

1  The  Union  flag  was  displayed  from  Liberty  Tree,  where  it  was  kept  flying 
till  Friday.  Colors  were  also  flung  out  from  most  of  the  vessels  in  the  harbor, 
and  from  the  tops  of  the  houses  in  town.  The  bells  were  rung  and  cannon  were 
incessantly  fired  until  sunset.  In  the  evening,  there  was  a  bonfire  on  Fort  Hill, 
and  another  on  the  heights  of  Charlestown.  The  general  joy  in  this  city  was 
soon  diffused  through  the  neighboring  towns,  who  gave  similar  demonstrations 
of  it.  —  Boston  Gazette,  Aug.  7,  1769. 

14 


106  LITE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

the  extent  of  the  vascillation  of  the  ministry,  who,  in 
line  upon  line,  approved  of  all  his  proceedings,  with 
the  exception  of  the  conciliatory  reply  to  the  June 
town-meeting.  As  in  England  he  reviewed  his  ca- 
reer, he  wrote,  with  an  increase  of  wisdom,  but  with 
evident  chagrin,  "  I  was  obliged  to  give  up,  a  victim 
to  the  bad  policy  and  irresolution  of  the  Supreme 
Government." 

It  was  now  semi-officially  announced,1  that  the  lieu- 
tenant-governor would  administer  the  functions  of 
the  executive  office  until  the  return  of  the  chief 
magistrate  to  his  post.  These  officials  had  been 
personal  friends  and  political  associates.  Indeed,  so 
close  had  been  their  private  and  public  relations,  that 
Bernard  ascribed  the  origin  of  his  administrative 
difficulties  to  his  adoption  of  the  quarrels  of  Hutch- 
inson. The  governor,  in  urging  his  friend  as  his 
successor  in  office,  represented  that  Hutchinson  was 
well  versed  in  the  local  affairs ;  knew  the  motives  of 
the  governor;  warmly  approved  of  the  policy  of  the 
ministry;  had  been,  on  critical  occasions,  a  trusted 
confidential  adviser;  and,  in  fact,  had  become  so  thor- 
oughly identified  with  public  affairs,  that,  of  the  two 
officials,  he  (Hutchinson)  was  the  most  hated  by  the 
faction.  The  governor  favored  this  appointment  as  a 
measure  that  would  be  equivalent  to  an  indorsement 
of  his  own  Administration.  "  It  would  be,"  he  said, 
"  a  peculiarly  happy  stroke ;  for,  while  it  would  dis- 

1  We  are  assured  that  the  order  for  Sir  Francis  Bernard,  Bart.,  to  return  to 
England,  is  expressed  to  he,  to  attend  the  king  as  governor,  to  report  to  him  the 
present  state  of  the  province  ;  that  it  contains  directions  for  the  administration 
of  the  Government  during  his  absence ;  and  that  there  is  no  intimation  of  any 
intention  at  present  of  superseding  his  commission.  We  hear  that  he  proposes 
to  embark  about  the  end  of  July.  —  Boston  Post  Boy,  June  19,  1768. 


THE    MASSACRE    AND    A    CIVIC    TRIUMPH.         107 

courage  the  Sons  of  Liberty,  it  would  afford  another 
great  instance  of  rewarding  faithful  servants  to  the 
Crown." 

Thomas  Hutchinson,  descended  from  one  of  the 
most  respected  families  of  New  England,  and  the  son 
of  an  honored  merchant  of  Boston,  was  now  fifty- 
seven  years  of  age.  He  was  a  pupil  at  the  Old 
North  Grammar  School,  and  was  graduated  at  Har- 
vard College.  He  then  entered  upon  a  mercantile  life. 
He  was  not  successful  as  a  merchant.  Thus  early, 
however,  he  evinced  the  untiring  industry  that  marked 
his  whole  career.  He  had  a  decided  political  turn, 
and,  with  uncommon  natural  talent,  had  the  capacity 
and  the  ambition  for  public  life.  An  irreproachable 
private  character,  pleasing  manners,  common-sense 
views  of  things,  and  politics  rather  adroit  than  high- 
toned,  secured  him  a  run  of  popular  favor  and  execu- 
tive confidence  so  long,  that  he  had  now  (1769)  been 
thirty-three  years  uninterruptedly  engaged  in  public 
affairs ;  and  he  confessed  to  his  friends  that  this  con- 
cern in  politics  had  created  a  hankering  for  them 
which  a  return  to  business-pursuits  could  not  over- 
come. 

His  fame  at  the  beginning  of  the  Revolutionary 
controversy  was  at  its  zenith ;  for,  according  to  John 
Adams,  "he  had  been  admired,  revered,  rewarded, 
and  almost  adored;  and  the  idea  was  common,  that  he 
was  the  greatest  and  best  man  in  America."  He  had 
reason  to  be  gratified  at  the  tokens  of  public  appro- 
bation which  he  had  received.  He  had  been  so  faith- 
ful to  the  municipal  interests  as  a  selectman,  that  the 
town  had  intrusted  him  with  an  important  mission  to 
England,  which  he  satisfactorily  executed;  his  wide 


108  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WARREN. 

commercial  knowledge,  familiarity  with  constitutional 
law  and  history,  decided  ability  in  debate,  and  reputed 
disinterestedness,  had  given  him  large  influence  as  a 
representative  in  the  general  court;  he  had  evinced 
as  councillor  an  ever-ready  zeal  for  the  prerogative, 
and  won  the  most  confidential  relations  with  so  obse- 
quious a  courtier  as  Bernard;  as  judge  of  probate,  he 
was  attentive,  accurate,  kind  to  the  widow,  and  won 
general  commendation;  and,  as  a  member  of  the  supe- 
rior court,  he  administered  the  law,  in  the  main,  satis- 
factorily. He  had  been  chief  justice  for  nine  years, 
and  for  eleven  years  the  lieutenant-governor.  He 
had  also  prepared  two  volumes  of  his  History,  which, 
though  rough  in  narrative,  is  a  valuable  authority; 
and  his  volume  of  w  Collections  "  was  now  announced. 
He  was,  and  had  been  for  years,  the  master- 
spirit of  the  Tory  party.  It  is  an  anomaly  that  he 
should  have  attained  to  this  position.  He  knew, 
from  practical  knowledge  as  a  merchant,  the  intolera- 
ble injustice  of  the  old  mercantile  system;  and  yet  he 
sided  with  its  friends.  He  had  dealt,  as  a  politician,  to 
a  greater  degree  than  most  men,  with  the  rights  and 
privileges  which  the  people  prized,  conceded  that  they 
had  made  no  ill  use  of  them,  and  yet  urged  that 
they  ought  to  be  abridged.  As  a  patriot,  when  he 
loved  his  native  land  wisely,  he  remonstrated  against 
the  imposition  of  the  Stamp  Tax;  and  yet  he  grew 
into  one  of  the  sturdiest  of  the  defenders  of  the 
supremacy  of  parliament  in  all  cases  whatsoever.  He 
exhibited  the  usual  characteristics  of  public  men,  who, 
from  unworthy  considerations,  change  their  principles 
and  desert  their  party.  'No  man  urged  a  more  arbi- 
trary course ;  no  man  passed  more  discreditable  judg- 


THE    MASSACRE   AND   A   CIVIC    T1UUMP1I.         109 

ments  on  his  patriot  contemporaries;  and  if,  in  this 
way,  he  won  the  smiles  of  the  conrt  which  he  was 
swift  to  serve,  he  earned  the  hatred  of  the  land  which 
he  professed  to  love.  The  more  his  political  career  is 
studied,  the  greater  will  be  the  wonder  that  one  who 
was  reared  on  republican  soil,  and  had  antecedents  so 
honorable,  should  have  become  so  complete  an  expo- 
nent of  arbitrary  power. 

Hutchinson  was  not  so  blinded  by  party  spirit,  or 
by  love  of  money  or  of  place,  as  not  to  see  the  living 
realities  of  his  time:  for  he  wrote  that  a  thirst  for 
liberty  seemed  to  be  the  ruling  passion,  not  only  of 
America,  but  of  the  age;  and  that  a  mighty  empire 
was  rising  on  this  continent,  the  progress  of  which 
would  be  a  theme  for  speculative  and  ingenious  minds 
in  distant  ages.  It  was  the  vision  of  the  cold  and 
clear  intellect  distrusting  the  march  of  events  and  the 
capacity  and  intelligence  of  the  people.  He  had  no 
heart  to  admire,  he  had  not  even  the  justice  to  recog- 
nize, the  greatness  around  him  that  was  making 
an  immortal  record;  the  sublime  faith,  the  divine 
enthusiasm,  the  dauntless  resolve,  the  priceless  con- 
sciousness of  being  in  the  right,  that  were  the  life 
and  inspiration  of  the  lovers  of  freedom.  He  con- 
ceded, however,  that  the  body  of  the  people  were 
honest,  and  said  they  acted  on  the  belief,  inspired  by 
wrong-headed  leaders,  that  their  liberties  were  in 
danger.  While,  with  the  calculation  of  the  man  of 
the  world,  he  dreaded,  and  endeavored  to  stem,  still, 
with  a  statesman's  foresight,  he  appreciated,  and  held 
in  respect,  the  mysterious  element  of  public  opinion. 
He  felt  that  it  was  rising  as  a  power.  He  saw  this 
power  already  intrenched  in  the  impregnable  lines  of 


110  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WAKKEX. 

free  institutions.  He  desired  to  know  its  springs, 
and  was  a  close  and  at  times  a  shrewd  observer,  as 
well  from  a  habit  of  research  in  tracing  the  cur- 
rents of  the  past,  as  from  occupying  a  position  which 
made  it  a  duty  to  watch  the  growth  of  the  present. 
His  letters,  very  voluminous,  deal  with  causes  as  well 
as  with  facts,  and  are  often  fine  recognitions  of  the 
life-giving  power  of  vital  political  ideas,  from  the  pen 
of  a  subtle  and  determined  enemy. 

One  of  these  ideas  was  local  self-government.  He 
defined  its  basis  to  be,  "  The  opinion,  that  every 
colony  has  a  legislature  within  itself,  the  acts  and 
doings  of  which  are  not  to  be  controlled  by  parlia- 
ment, and  that  no  legislative  power  ought  to  be  exer- 
cised over  the  colonies  except  by  their  respective 
legislatures."1  He  said  that  this  opinion  was  the 
Alpha  and  Omega  of  the  troubles  between  Great 
Britain  and  her  colonies.  He  termed  it  a  grave 
political  error,  detrimental  to  the  public  peace,  and 
equivalent  to  a  denial  of  the  authority  of  parliament. 
He  averred  that  it  was  a  principle  of  independence 
that  was  fatal  to  the  integrity  of  the  empire.  He 
stated  that  K  this  false  opinion  was  broached  at  the 
time  of  the  Stamp  Act," 2  and  that  it  had  spread  so 
rapidly  that  it  bid  fair  to  be  as  generally  received  as 
the  maxim  of  no  taxation  without  representation; 
and  he  urged,  that,  unless  this  doctrine  was  checked, 
the   dependence  of  the  colonies  on  England  would 

i  Letter,  Aug.  27, 1772.  He  wrote,  in  a  letter,  March  27, 1768,  "  The  authority 
of  parliament  to  make  laws  of  any  nature  whatsoever,  to  have  force  in  the  colo- 
nies, is  denied  with  the  same  freedom  their  authority  to  tax  the  colonies  has 
been  for  two  or  three  years  past.  This  is  a  new  doctrine ;  but  it  spreads  every 
day,  and  bids  fair  to  be  as  generally  received  as  the  other." 

2  Letter,  Oct.  23,  1772. 


THE   MASSACRE   AXD   A   CIVIC    TRIUMPH.         Ill 

cease.  He  suggested,  as  the  remedial  policy,  a  prose- 
cution of  its  champions,  and  their  punishment  by 
fines,  imprisonments,  and  disqualifications  for  public 
trusts.  He  proposed  that  parliament  should  adopt 
this  course  towards  communities  who  enjoyed  a  free 
municipal  life,  provincial  legislatures,  the  public  meet- 
ing, and  a  free  press,  in  the  vain  hope  of  rooting  out 
a  custom  which  liberal  thinkers  recognize  as  the  basis 
of  free  government. 

Another  vital  idea  was  the  Union.  The  patriots 
now  held  "  that  the  whole  force  of  American  politics 
was  collected  in  this  line.  By  uniting,  we  stand; 
by  dividing,  we  fall."  This  doctrine  was  regarded  by 
Hutchinson  as  fatal  to  a  continuance  of  the  connec- 
tion with  England ;  and,  to  counteract  it,  he  advocated 
the  policy  of  forming  several  unions.  He  suggested 
one  union  for  the  Canadas,  one  for  the  ]STew-England 
provinces,  one  for  the  middle  colonies  from  New 
York  to  Virginia,  and  one  for  the  Carolinas,  with 
separate  governments  for  each.  In  his  view,  the 
formation,  in  this  way,  of  several  unions  would  tend  to 
diminish  the  political  strength  of  the  colonies,  and 
to  incline  them  to  retain  their  dependence  on  Eng- 
land, which  he  regarded  to  be  the  best  for  their  per- 
manent welfare ;  while  one  solid  union  tended  directly 
to  independence.  Holding  these  views,  he  closely 
watched  and  commented  freely  on  any  signs  of  dis- 
union. When  the  Tory  partisans  said  that  the  Sons 
of  Liberty  of  Boston  were  despised  by  the  Sons  of 
Liberty  of  the  other  colonies,  he  would  write  in  a 
hopeful  strain.  He  had  a  better  basis  for  his  pro- 
phecies in  the  criminations  and  divisions  that  grew 
out  of  the  non-importation  scheme,  when  he  would 


112  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WAEREX. 

exultingly  say  that  the  Union  was  broken,  and  express 
the  hope  that  it  would  never  be  restored.  His  reason- 
ings and  prophecies  on  this  theme,  seen  for  years  in 
his  letters,  are  solid  compliments  to  the  foresight  and 
statesmanship  which  kept  the  popular  movement  true 
to  the  idea,  as  a  kindling  guiding-star,  that  the  Amer- 
ican people,  though  cast  by  circumstances  into  the 
forms  of  separate  communities,  were  destined  by  the 
law  of  geographical  affinity  and  of  material  interests, 
to  be  infolded  in  one  Union,  to  live  under  one  con- 
stitution, and  to  have  but  one  national  flag. 

Warren  had  much  political  intercourse  with  Hutch- 
inson during  the  succeeding  five  years.  Their  aims 
were  as  divergent  as  their  principles  were  antago- 
nistical,  and  their  career  presents  striking  contrasts. 
Indeed,  seldom  are  seen  more  marked  exhibitions  of 
wisdom  in  youth,  and  folly  in  age,  than  are  supplied 
in  the  views  of  Warren,  as,  at  twenty-five,  he  analyzed 
the  genius  of  his  countrymen,  and  labored  with  the 
steady  aim  of  preserving  their  rights ;  and  the  utter- 
ances of  Hutchinson,  as,  at  threescore,  he  aimed  at 
preserving  the  colonies  in  a  state  of  dependence  on 
England,  and  urged  the  necessity  of  an  abridgment 
of  colonial  liberties.  Warren's  thought  was  suited  to 
the  condition  of  the  people,  and  in  harmony  with  the 
progressive  spirit  of  the  age;  Hutchinson,  siding 
more  and  more  with  the  principles  and  designs  of  a 
cold  and  selfish  British  aristocracy,  urged,  as  appli- 
cable to  communities  enjoying  well-nigh  the  entire 
cluster  of  the  liberties,  a  policy  that  must  be  judged 
incompatible  with  the  spirit  of  a  free  Government. 

When  Hutchinson  became  the  acting  governor,  the 
ministry  had  announced  that  they  intended  to  pro- 


THE   MASSACRE    AND   A   CIVIC    TRIUMPH.         113 

pose,  at  the  next  session  of  parliament,  a  repeal  of  a 
portion  of  the  revenue  acts  wholly  on  commercial 
considerations ;  and  the  popular  leaders  in  the  colo- 
nies were  pressing  with  great  zeal  an  adherence 
to  the  non-importation  agreement,  in  the  hope  of 
obtaining  a  repeal  of  the  whole  act,  on  the  ground 
of  constitutional  right.  In  pursuance  of  these  ob- 
jects, the  merchants  of  Boston  had  held  a  public 
meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall,  which,  after  passing  spirited 
resolves,  adjourned  to  meet  on  a  future  day.  Hutch- 
inson was  now  asked  to  employ  the  troops  to  disperse 
this  meeting.  He  had  urged  their  introduction;  had 
predicted  that  their  presence  would  make  the  Boston 
saints  as  tame  as  lambs ;  had  ascribed  to  their  timely 
landing  the  service  of  preventing  a  great  catastrophe ; 
and  considered  them  to  be  necessary  for  the  future 
vindication  of  the  national  authority..  Though  he 
said  that  "  the  confederacy  of  the  merchants  was  cer- 
tainly a  very  high  offence," 1  he  shrunk  from  the  arbi- 
trary work  of  directing  foreign  bayonets  against  the 
right  of  public  meeting.  The  patriotic  merchants 
were  not  interrupted  in  their  proceedings.  "I  am 
very  sensible,"  Hutchinson  wrote  to  Lord  Hillsbor- 
ough, "that  the  whole  proceeding  is  unwarrantable; 
but  it  is  so  generally  countenanced  in  this  and  in 
several  of  the  colonies,  and  the  authority  of  Govern- 
ment is  so  feeble,  that  an  attempt  to  put  a  stop  to  it 
would  have  no  other  effect  than  still  further  to  inflame 
the  minds  of  the  people.     I  can  do  no  more  than 

1  Letter  to  Jackson,  Oct.  4,  1769.  On  the  6th,  he  suggested  an  act  of  parlia- 
ment, disqualifying  all  officials  who  had  been  concerned  in  these  combinations 
from  holding  any  public  office. 


114  LIEE    OF   JOSEPH    WARKEX. 

represent  to  your  lordship,  and  wait  for  such  instruc- 
tions as  may  be  thought  proper." 

Warren,  I  have  stated,  was  a  member  of  a  com- 
mittee that  was  appointed  to  consider  the  expediency 
of  vindicating  the  town  from  the  misrepresentations  of 
the  Crown  officials,  which  reported  at  a  town-meeting 
in  October.  The  town  then  made  an  "  Appeal  to  the 
"World,"  which  was  drawn  up  mostly  by  Samuel 
Adams,  and  was  a  candid  and  manly  State  paper. 
The  committee  who  were  appointed  to  circulate  this 
appeal  consisted  of  Thomas  Cushing,  Samuel  Adams, 
Joseph  Warren,  Richard  Dana,  Joshua  Henshaw, 
Joseph  Jackson,  and  Benjamin  Kent;  names  that  have 
shed  lustre  on  the  country.  They  said,  in  their  Cir- 
cular Letter  which  accompanied  fhe  Appeal,  that  w  the 
people  will  never  think  their  grievances  redressed  till 
every  revenue  act  is  repealed,  the  board  of  commis- 
sioners dissolved,  and  the  troops  removed."  Reason 
and  truth,  imbued  with  the  cardinal  quality  of  sin- 
cerity, uttered  in  this  way,  exerted  a  marked  influence 
in  the  formation  of  public  opinion.  Hutchinson  felt 
the  force  of  this  consideration.  "  We  find,  my  lord, 
by  experience,"  he  wrote  to  Lord  Hillsborough,  Oct. 
19,  1769,  "  that  associations  and  assemblies,  pretend- 
ing to  be  legal'  and  constitutional,  assuming  powers 
that  belong  only  to  established  authority,  prove  more 
fatal  to  this  authority  than  mobs,  riots,  or  the  most 
tumultuous  disorders;  for  such  assemblies,  from  erro- 
neous or  imperfect  notions  of  the  nature  of  Govern- 
ment, very  often  meet  with  the  approbation  of  the 
body  of  the  people;  and,  in  such  case,  there  is  no  in- 
ternal power  which  can  be  exerted  to  suppress  them. 
Such  case  we  are  in  at  present,  and  shall  probably 


the  massacre  a^d  a  civic  triumph.      115 

continue  in  it  until  the  wisdom  of  parliament  delivers 
us  from  it."  This  is  a  significant  recognition  of  the 
effect  of  the  regular  action  of  popular  power  as  it 
was  guided  by  the  leading  patriots. 

Warren  this  year  (1769)  was  one  of  a  committee 
to  transmit  the  thanks  of  the  town  to  Colonel  Barre, 
and  one  of  the  signers  of  the  letters  which  the  patriots 
sent  to  Franklin  and  Wilkes. 

The  next  mention  of  Warren,  besides  an  appear- 
ance in  a  law-case/  is  in  connection  with  the  masonic 
order.  This  year  the  St.  Andrew's  Lodge,  of  which 
he  was  a  member,  united  with  two  lodges,  which  con- 
sisted of  members  who  belonged  to  the  British  regi- 
ments then  in  Boston,  in  sending  a  petition  to'  the 
Earl  of  Dalhousie,  Grand  Master  of  Masons  in  Scot- 
land, for  a  grand  lodge ;  and  they  received  from 
him  a  commission,  w  appointing  Joseph  Warren,  Esq., 
Grand  Master  of  Masons  of  Boston,  New  England, 
and  within  one  hundred  miles  of  the  same."2  He 
was  installed  (Dec.  27)  at  the  Masons'  Hall,  in  the 
Green  Dragon  Tavern,  which  was  in  Union  Street; 
and  among  the  grand  officers  of  this  second  Grand 
Lodge  on  the  American  continent  were  Thomas 
Crafts  and  Paul  Revere,  two  zealous  patriots;  and 
Captains  French  and  Molesworth,  two  officers  of  the 
Twenty-ninth  Regiment.3,   There  was  on  this  occasion 

1  The  "Boston  Gazette  "  of  Dec.  18, 1769,  has  the  following  paragraph  :  "Last 
week  an  interesting  trial  came  on  before  the  supreme  court,  now  sitting  here  ; 
wherein  Dr.  Joseph  Warren,  administrator  on  the  estate  of  Nathaniel  Wheel- 
wright, Esq.,  late  of  Boston,  deceased,  was  plaintiff,  for  the  recovery  of  part  of 
the  estate  which  the  said  Nathaniel  had  made  over  to  Charles  W.  Apthorp,  Esq. 
The  trial  lasted  four  days,  and  we  hear  the  jury  brought  in  their  verdict  in  favor 
of  the  administrator." 

2  Moore's  Masonic  Memoir  of  Joseph  Warren,  109. 

3  By  virtue  of  a  commission  lately  received  from  the  Right  Honorable  and 
Most  Worshipful,  the  Earl  of  Dalhousie,  Grand  Master  of  Ancient,  Free,  and 


116  LIFE    OP    JOSEPH    WAEREN. 

"  an  elegant  oration,"  of  course  by  the  Grand  Master, 
and  a  joyous,  festive  season. 

Soon  after  this  masonic  promotion,  "Warren  took 
part  in  the  great  town-meeting  which  was  occasioned 
by  the  firing  of  the  troops  on  the  citizens,  when  the 
sixteen-months'  question  of  their  removal  was  forced 
to  a  conclusion. 

I  have  mentioned  the  departure  from  the  town  of 
the  Sixty-fourth  and  Sixty-fifth  Regiments,  leaving 
the  Fourteenth  and  the  Twenty-ninth.  Their  gen- 
eral, Mackay,  soon  after,  left  for  England;  when  the 
command  devolved  on  Lieutentant-colonel  Dalrymple, 
under  whom  they  landed.  He  said  that  the  arrival  of 
the  land  and  naval  forces  was  the  most  seasonable 
thing  that  was  ever  known.  "  Had  we  not,"  he  wrote 
to  Commodore  Hood,  "  arrived  so  critically,  the  worst 
that  could  be  apprehended  must  have  happened." 
Hood,  who  had  returned  to  Halifax,  characterized 
Dalrymple  as  a  very  excellent  officer,  quite  the  gen- 
tleman, knowing  the  world,  having  a  good  address, 
and  with  all  the  fire,  judgment,  coolness,  integrity, 
and  firmness  that  a  man  could  possess. 

This  military  force  was  sufficiently  large  to  be  a 
perpetual  fret  to  the  citizens,  but  too  small  to  render 
essential  service  in  case  of  an  insurrection;  and  the 
Crown  officials  thought  it  best  to  refrain  from  making 
arrests.  The  popular  leaders,  with  touching  declara- 
tions of  loyalty  to  the  king,  averred  that  they  aimed 

Accepted  Masons  in  Scotland,  on  Wednesday,  was  solemnized,  at  a  Grand  Lodge 
of  Ancient,  Free,  and  Accepted  Masons  in  this  town,  held  at  Masons'  Hall,  the 
instalment  of  the  Most  Worshipful  Joseph  Warren,  Esq.,  provincial  Grand  Master 
of  Ancient,  Free,  and  Accepted  Masons  in  North  America.  On  the  occasion, 
there  was  an  elegant  oration.  After  the  instalment,  there  was  a  grand  entertain- 
ment. —  Boston  Gazette,  Jan.  1,  1770. 


THE    MASSACRE    AND    A    CIVIC    TRIUMPH.         117 

only  at  a  change  of  the  measures  of  the  Administra- 
tion. The  Tories,  however,  continued  to  represent 
the  town  to  be  a  nest  of  disorder  and  rebellion. 
Hutchinson,  when  the  executive  responsibility  rested 
upon  him,  seems  to  have  felt  that  this  misrepresenta- 
tion had  been  carried  to  a  suicidal  extent;  for  he  now 
advised  Lord  Hillsborough,  that,  "  in  matters  that  had 
no  relation  to  the  dispute  between  the  kingdom  and 
the  colonies,  Government  retained  its  vigor,  and  the 
administration  of  it  was  attended  by  no  unusual 
difficulty."  This  is  high  authority,  and  the  evidence 
is  to  the  point  and  conclusive.  The  same  truth  was 
urged  by  the  popular  leaders  in  calm  and  candid 
reasonings.  In  appeals  to  public  opinion,  made 
through  the  board  of  selectmen,  the  town-meeting, 
the  legislature,  and  the  council,  they  analyzed  the 
events  of  the  Eighteenth  of  March,  to  show  that  they 
were  trivial;  and  held  that  the  riots  of  the  Tenth  of 
June  and  other  tumults  were  exceptional:  they  also 
pointed  to  the  good  order  of  the  town  as  habitual 
and  general  ;  and  claimed  that,  in  their  political 
action,  they  had  not  taken  a  single  unconstitutional 
step.  It  was  a  marvel  to  them,  that  the  ministry, 
to  use  the  words  of  Samuel  Adams,  should  employ 
troops  only  "to  parade  the  streets  of  Boston,  and, 
by  their  ridiculous  merry-andrew  tricks,,  to  become 
the  objects  of  contempt  of  the  women  and  children." 

Much  had  occurred,  for  sixteen  months,  in  con- 
nection with  the  troops,  to  irritate  the  inhabitants. 
Horse-racing  on  the  Common,  by  the  soldiers  on 
Sundays,  and  military  parades  in  the  streets,  grated 
on  the  feelings  of  a  church-going  people;  and  formal 
complaints  were   made  to  the  commanders,  on  one 


118  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN". 

occasion,  that  the  Yankee  tune,  "Yankee  Doodle," 
and,  on  another,  "]Nancy  Dawson,"  was  played  by 
the  band,  about  meeting-time,  by  order  of  officers. 
These  practices,  however,  were  stopped.  High-spir- 
ited citizens,  on  being  challenged  in  their  walks  by 
the  sentinels,  could  not  control  their  temper;  the  vio- 
lent would  have  their  say;  there  were  many  personal 
quarrels ;  yet,  in  all  the  brawls  between  the  citizens 
and  the  soldiers,  fist  had  been  met  with  fist,  and  club 
with  club,  and  not  a  gun  had  been  fired  in  an  affray. 
Often  cases  were  carried  into  the  courts.  The  pres- 
ence of  this  force  was  deplored  on  purely  local 
grounds.  "  The  troops,"  Dr.  Cooper  said  (Jan.  1, 
1770) ,  "  greatly  corrupt  our  morals,  and  are  in  every 
sense  an  oppression.  May  Heaven  soon  deliver  us 
from  this  great  evil ! " 

During  this  period,  the  exigency  that  would  justify 
the  troops  in  firing  on  the  people  was  acutely  dis- 
cussed in  the  journals.  "What  shall  I  say?"  runs  an 
article  in  the  w  Gazette."  K I  shudder  at  the  thought. 
Surely  no  provincial  magistrate  could .  be  found  so 
steeled  against  the  sensations  of  humanity  and  jus- 
tice as  wantonly  to  order  troops  to  fire  on  an  unarmed 
populace,  and  more  than  repeat  in  Boston  the  tragic 
scene  exhibited  in  St.  George's  Fields."  Hutchinson, 
in  a  letter,  states  the  conclusions  that  were  reached : 
w  Our  heroes  for  liberty  say  that  no  troops  dare  to  fire 
on  the  people  without  the  order  of  the  civil  magistrate, 
and  that  no  civil  magistrate  would  dare  to  give  such 
orders.  In  the  first  part  of  their  opinion,  they  may  be 
right;  in  the  second,  they  cannot  be  sure  until  they 
have  made  the  trial."  It  was  feared  that  such  a  step 
would  produce  a  collision  between  the  citizens  and 


THE    MASSACRE   AXD   A   CIVIC    TRIUMPH.         119 

the  troops.  "  I  have  been  in  constant  panic,"  Frank- 
lin wrote  to  Dr.  Cooper,  "since  I  heard  of  troops 
assembling  in  Boston,  lest  the  madness  of  mobs,  or 
the  interference  of  soldiers,  or  both,  when  too  near 
each  other,  might  occasion  some  mischief  difficult  to 
be  prevented  or  repaired,  and  which  might  spread  far 
and  wide." 

Hutchinson  had  the  same  fears,  and  repeatedly  re- 
fused to  use  the  troops  to  repress  popular  agitation. 
On  one  occasion,  when  the  merchants  were  holding  a 
public  meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall,  on  matters  connected 
with  the  non-importation  agreement,  prominent  Tories 
urged  that  it  was  best  to  bring  things  to  a  crisis;  and 
that  chronic  local  irritant,  the  commissioners  of  the 
customs,  now  more  odious  than  ever  by  the  assault 
of  one  of  them  on  Otis,  said,  that  "  there  could  not 
be  a  better  time  to  try  the  strength  of  the  Govern- 
ment." The  nature  of  the  assembly  may  be  inferred 
from  the  high  character  of  its  presiding  officer,  Wil- 
liam Phillips,  of  educational  fame  as  well  as  revolu- 
tionary renown.  Hutchinson  shrunk  from  directing 
the  foreign  bayonet  against  such  a  public  meeting. 
He  said  that  many  of  the  civil  magistrates  made  a  part 
of  the  body  that  was  to  be  suppressed,  and  that  there 
could  not  have  been  a  worse  occasion  to  call  out  the 
troops.  " I  think,"  are  his  words,  w  any  thing  tragical 
would  have  set  the  whole  province  in  a  flame,  and 
may  be  spread  farther." 

The  fears  expressed  by  Franklin  and  Hutchinson, 
of  a  general  movement,  show  that  the  events  which 
w^ere  transpiring  in  Boston  had  more  than  a  local 
bearing.  When  the  king,  in  a  speech  from  the 
throne,  repeated  the  calumny  as  to  disobedience  to 


120  LIFE    OE   JOSEPH   WAKREN. 

law,  that  was  uttered  by  the  local  Crown  officials,  in 
their  letters,  it  is  not  strange  that  the  patriots  in  the 
colonies  regarded  the  town  as  a  type  of  their  cause, 
and  that  all  eyes  were  turned  on  this  question  of  a 
removal  of  the  troops.  "  In  this  day  of  constitutional 
light,"  a  New- York  essay,  reprinted  in  a  Boston 
journal,  runs,  w  it  is  monstrous  that  troops  should  be 
kept,  not  to  protect  the  right,  but  to  enslave  the  con- 
tinent." 

During  the  last  portion  of  February  and  the  first 
days  of  March,  the  Boston  journals  contained  an  un- 
common quantity  of  inflammatory  matter:  among  it, 
relations  of  the  cutting-down  the  Liberty  Pole  in 
New  York  by  the  military,  and  its  replacement  by 
the  people;  of  McDougal's  imprisonment  there,  for 
free  comment  in  the  press,  on  the  New- York  assem- 
bly, because  it  voted  supplies  for  the  British  troops; 
the  funeral,  in  Boston,  of  the  boy  Snider,  who  was 
killed  by  an  informer;  and  the  great  letter  of  Junius 
to  the  king.  The  bitterness  between  the  citizens  and 
soldiers  was  now  very  great.  The  feeling  also  was 
strong  against  Tory  importers,  who  feared  an  assault 
in  their  houses,  and  slept  with  loaded  guns  by  their 
bedsides.  Some  of  them  were  allowed  a  file  of  sol- 
diers to  protect  them.  These  facts  show  the  inflamed 
state  of  the  public  mind,  when  the  leaders  of  both 
political  parties  were  called  on  to  meet  a  paroxysm 
without  a  parallel  in  the  former  history  of  the  colo- 
nies. 

The  Fourteenth  Regiment  was  quartered  in  Mur- 
ray's Barracks,  which  were  but  a  short  distance  north 
of  King  Street,  and  near  the  Brattle-street  Church; 
the  Twenty-ninth  Regiment  was  quartered  in  Water 


THE    MASSACRE    AND    A    CIVIC    TRIUMPH.         121 

and  Atkinson  Streets,  which  were  a  little  south  of 
King  (State)  Street.  The  main  guard  was  located 
directly  opposite  the  door,  on  the  south  side  of  the 
Town  House,  in  this  street,  where  the  two  field- 
pieces  were  planted  on  the  landing  of  the  troops. 
There  is  much  said  about  this  main  guard.  Its  loca- 
tion had  been  very  galling  to  the  people.  Hutchin- 
son, in  January,  1770,  when  he  expected  the  general 
court  would  meet,  obtained  permission  of  General 
Gage  to  remove  this  guard  to  another  place;  but,  as 
this  body  did  not  then  convene,  they  remained.  The 
soldiers  detailed  for  daily  guard-duty  were  regularly 
brought  here,  and  thence  marched  to  their  posts. 

It  was  said,  in  the  "  Boston  Gazette,"  that  soldiers 
had  pricked  the  citizens  with  bayonets,  and  had  res- 
cued offenders  against  the  laws  by  force  from  the 
hands  of  the  magistrates.  There  was,  in  February, 
an  increase  of  personal  quarrels.  None,  however, 
were  of  importance.  But,  on  Friday,  the  2d  of 
March,  as  two  soldiers  were  at  Gray's  ropewalk, 
which  was  not  far  from  the  quarters  of  the  Twenty- 
ninth  Regiment,  they  were  insulted  by  one  of  the 
workmen.  Sharp  altercation  followed,  and  the  sol- 
diers went  off,  but  soon  returned  with  a  party  of  their 
comrades,  when  there  was  a  challenge  to  a  boxing- 
match  ;  which  grew  into  a  fight,  the  ropemakers  using 
their  woulding  -  sticks ;  and  the  soldiers,  clubs  and 
cutlasses.  It  proved  to  be  the  most  serious  quarrel 
that  had  occurred.  Lieutenant-colonel  Carr,  com- 
mander of  the  Twenty-ninth,  which,  Hutchinson  said, 
was  composed  of  such  bad  fellows  that  discipline 
could   not   restrain   them,  made   a   complaint  to  the 

lieutenant-governor   relative    to    the  provoking  con- 
ic 


122  LITE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN". 

duct  of  the  ropemaker  which  brought  on  the  affray; 
and  thus  this  affair  became  the  occasion  of  political 
consultation,  which  tended  to  intensify  the  animosity 
between  the  parties. 

On  Saturday,  the  report  was  circulated,  that  the 
parties  engaged  in  this  affray  would  renew  the  fight 
on  Monday  evening.  On  Sunday,  Carr  and  other 
officers  went  into  the  ropewalk,  giving  out  that  they 
were  searching  for  a  sergeant  of  their  regiment. 
Though  on  these  days  there  was  much  irritation,  the 
town  was  comparatively  quiet. 

On  Monday,  the  lieutenant-governor  laid  the  com- 
plaint of  Carr  before  the  council,  and  asked  the 
advice  of  this  body,  which  gave  rise  to  debate  about 
the  removal  of  the  troops;  members  freely  express- 
ing the  opinion,  that  the  way  to  prevent  collisions 
between  the  military  and  the  people  was  to  withdraw 
the  two  regiments  to  the  castle.  No  important  action 
was  taken  by  the  council,  although  the  apprehension 
was  expressed  that  the  affair  at  the  ropewalk  might 
grow  into  a  general  quarrel.  And  it  is  worthy  of 
remark,  that,  ominous  as  the  signs  were,  the  lieutenant- 
governor  took  no  precautionary  measures,  not  even 
the  obvious  step  of  having  the  troops  kept  in  their 
barracks.  His  letters,  and,  indeed,  his  whole  course, 
up  to  the  eventful  evening  of  this  day,  indicate  confi- 
dence in  the  opinion,  that  there  was  no  intention,  on 
the  part  of  the  popular  leaders,  to  molest  the  troops ; 
and  that  the  troops,  without  an  order  from  the  civil 
authority,  would  not  fire  on  the  citizens. 

]STor  was  there  now,  as  zealous  Tories  alleged,  any 
plan  formed  by  the  popular  leaders,  or  by  any  persons 
of  consideration,  to  expel  the  troops  by  force  from 


THE    MASSACRE    AOT)    A    CIVIC    TRIUMPH.         123 

the  town,  much  less  the  obnoxious  commissioners 
of  the  customs.  Nor  is  there  any  evidence  to  sup- 
port the  allegation  on  the  other  side,  that  the  Crown 
officials,  civil  or  military,  meditated  or  stimulated  an 
attack  on  the  inhabitants.  The  patriots  regarded 
what  had  occurred,  and  what  was  threatened,  like 
much  that  had  taken  place  during  the  last  seventeen 
months,  as  the  motions  of  a  rod  of  power  needlessly 
held  over  the  people  to  overawe  them,  serving  no 
earthly  good,  but  souring  their  minds  and  imbittering 
their  passions;  while  the  Crown  officials  represented 
this  chafing  of  the  free  spirits  at  the  incidents  of 
military  rule  as  a  sign  of  the  lost  authority  of  Gov- 
ernment, and  of  a  desire  for  independence.  Among 
the  fiery  spirits  on  both  sides  constituting  the  mob- 
element,  the  ropewalk  affair  was  regarded  as  a  drawn 
game ;  and  a  renewal  of  the  fight  was  desired,  on  the 
ground  that  honor  was  at  stake.  I  To  inspirit  the 
Whigs,  to  use  Dr.  Gordon's  words,  c*  The  newspapers 
had  a  pompous  account  of  a  victory  obtained  by  the 
inhabitants  of  New  York  over  the  soldiers  there  in  an 
affray;  while  the  Boston  newspapers  could  present 
but  a  tame  relation  of  the  result  of  the  affray  here." 
These  facts  account  satisfactorily  for  the  intimations 
and  warnings  given  during  the  day  to  prominent 
characters  on  both  sides,  and  for  the  hand-bill  that 
was  circulated  by  the  soldiers  in  the  afternoon,  pro- 
posing concert  of  action  between  the  Fourteenth  and 
the    Twenty-ninth  Regiments.1      The  course  things 

1  Hand-bill,  in  writing,  posted  up  by  the  soldiers  in  the  afternoon  : 

"  Boston  March  ye  5;  1770. 
"  This  is  to  Inform  ye  Kebellious  People  in  Boston  that  ye  Soldjers  in  ye  14th 
and  29th  Regiments  are  determined  to  Joine  together  and  defend  themselves 
against  all  who  shall  Opose  them     Signd  Ye  Soldjers  of  ye  14th  &  29th 

"  Regiments." 


124  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WARREN. 

took  fully  justifies  the  remark  of  Gordon,  that  "every- 
thing tended  to  a  crisis;  and  it  is  rather  wonderful 
that  it  did  not  exist  sooner,  when  so  many  circum- 
stances united  to  hasten  its  approach." 

There  was  a  layer  of  ice  on  the  ground,  a  slight 
fall  of  snow  during  the  day,  and  a  young  moon  in  the 
evening.  At  an  early  hour,  as  though  something  un- 
common was  expected,  parties  of  boys,  apprentices, 
and  soldiers,  strolled  through  the  streets;  and  neither 
side  was  sparing  of  insult.  Ten  or  twelve  soldiers 
went  from  the  main  guard,  in  King  Street,  across  this 
street  to  Murray's  Barracks,  in  Brattle  Street,  about 
three  hundred  yards  from  King  Street;  and  another 
party  came  out  of  these  barracks,  armed  with  clubs 
and  cutlasses,  bent  on  a  stroll.  A  little  after  eight 
o'clock,  quite  a  crowd  collected  near  the  Brattle-street 
Church,  many  of  whom  had  canes  and  sticks.  After 
wretched  abuse  was  bantered  on  both  sides,  things 
grew  into  a  fight.  As  it  became  more  and  more 
threatening,  a  few  IS~orthenders  ran  to  the  Old  Brick 
Meeting-house,  on  what  is  now  Washington  Street, 
at  the  head  of  King  Street,  and  lifted  a  boy  into  a 
window,  who  rang  the  bell.  About  the  same  time, 
Captain  Goldfinch,  of  the  army,  who  was  on  his  way 
to  Murray's  Barracks,  crossed  King  Street,  near  the 
Custom  House,  at  the  corner  of  Exchange  Lane  (now 
Exchange  Street),  where  a  sentinel  had  long  been 
stationed.  The  captain,  as  he  was  passing,  was  taunted 
by  a  barber's  apprentice,  as  a  mean  fellow,  for  not  pay- 
ing for  dressing  his  hair;  when  the  sentinel  ran  after 
the  boy,  and  gave  him  a  severe  blow  with  his  musket. 
The  boy  went  away  crying,  and  told  several  persons 
of  the  assault;  while  the  captain  went  on  towards 


THE   MASSACRE    AND   A    CIVIC    TRIUMPH.         125 

Murray's  Barracks,  but  found  the  passage  into  the 
yard  obstructed  by  the  affray  going  on  there;  the 
crowd  pelting  the  soldiers  with  snowballs,  and  the  lat- 
ter defending  themselves.  Being  the  senior  officer, 
he  ordered  the  men  into  the  barracks:  the  gate  of 
the  yard  was  then  shut,  and  the  promise  made,  that 
no  more  men  should  be  let  out  that  evening.  In  this 
way,  the  affray  here  was  effectually  stopped. 

For  a  little  time,  perhaps  twenty  minutes,  there  was 
nothing  to  attract  to  a  centre  the  people  who  were 
drawn  by  the  alarm-bell  out  of  their  homes  on  this 
frosty,  moonlit,  memorable  evening;  and,  in  various 
places,  individuals  were  asking  where  the  fire  was. 
King  Street  —  then,  as  now,  the  commercial  centre  of 
Boston  —  was  quiet.  A  group  was  standing  before 
the  main  guard  with  fire  bags  and  buckets  in  their 
hands;  a  few  persons  were  moving  along  in  other 
parts  of  the  street;  and  White,  the  sentinel  at  the 
Custom  House,  with  his  firelock  on  his  shoulder,  was 
pacing  his  beat  quite  unmolested.  In  Dock  Square,  a 
small  gathering,  mostly  of  participants  in  the  affair 
just  over,  were  harangued  by  a  large,  tall  man,  who 
wore  a  red  cloak  and  a  white  wig;  and,  as  he  closed, 
there  was  a  hurrah,  and  the  cry,  w  To  the  main 
guard !  "  In  another  street,  a  similar  cry  was  raised, 
K  To  the  main  guard !  —  that  is  the  nest !  "  But  no 
assault  was  made  on  the  guard.  The  word  went 
round  that  there  was  no  fire,  "  only  a  rumpus  with  the 
soldiers,"  who  had  been  driven  to  their  quarters;  and 
well-disposed  citizens,  as  they  withdrew,  were  saying, 
"  Every  man  to  his  home !  " 

But,  at  about  fifteen  minutes  past  nine,  an  excited 
party  passed  up  Royal  Exchange  Lane,  leading  into 


126  LIFE    OF    JOSP^PH   WAKREX. 

King  Street ;  and  as.  they  came  near  the  Custom 
House,  on  the  corner,  one  of  the  number,  who  knew 
of  the  assault  on  the  apprentice -boy,  said,  "Here 
is  the  soldier  who  did  it ! "  when  they  gathered 
round  the  sentinel.  The  barber's  boy  now  came 
up,  and  said,  "  This  is  the  soldier  who  knocked  me 
down  with  the  butt-end  of  his  musket."  Some  now 
said,  "  Kill  him !  knock  him  down  !  "  The  sentinel 
moved  back  up  the  steps  of  the  Custom  House, 
and  loaded  his  gun.  Missiles  were  thrown  at  him; 
when  he  presented  his  musket,  warned  the  party 
to  keep  off,  and  called  for  help.  Some  one  ran  to 
Captain  Preston,  the  officer  of  the  day,  and  informed 
him  that  the  people  were  about  to  assault  the  sen- 
tinel; when  he  hastened  to  the  main  guard,  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  street,  about  forty  rods  from 
the  Custom  House,  and  sent  a  sergeant,  a  very 
young  officer,  with  a  file  of  seven  men,  to  protect 
the  sentinel.  They  went  over  in  a  kind  of  trot,  using 
rough  words  and  actions  towards  those  who  went 
with  them,  and,  coming  near  the  party  round  the  sen- 
tinel, rudely  pushed  them  aside,  pricking  some  with 
their  bayonets,  and  formed  in  a  half-circle  near  the 
sentry-box.  The  sentinel  now  came  down  the  steps, 
and  fell  in  with  the  file,  when  they  were  ordered  to 
prime  and  load.  Captain  Preston  almost  immediately 
joined  his  men.     The  file  now  numbered  nine. 

The  number  of  people  here  at  this  time  is  variously 
stated  from  thirty  to  a  hundred;  "between  fifty  and 
sixty"  being  the  most  common  enumeration.  Some 
of  them  were  fresh  from  the  affray  at  the  barracks, 
and  some  of  the  soldiers  had  been  in  the  affair  at  the 
ropewalk.      There  was   aggravation   on   both   sides. 


THE    MASSACRE    AND   A   CIVIC    TRIUMPH.         127 

The  crowd  were  unarmed,  or  had  but  sticks,  which 
they  struck  defiantly  against  each  other;  having  no 
definite  object,  and  doing  no  greater  mischief  than,  in 
retaliation  of  uncalled-for  military  roughness,  to  throw 
snowballs,  hurrah,  whistle  through  their  fingers,  use 
oaths  and  foul  language,  call  the  soldiers  names,  hus- 
tle them,  and  dare  them  to  fire.  One  of  the  file  was 
struck  with  a  stick.  There  were  good  men  trying  to 
prevent  a  riot,  and  some  assured  the  soldiers  that  they 
would  not  be  hurt.  Among  others,  Henry  Knox,  sub- 
sequently the  general,  was  present,  who  saw  nothing 
to  justify  the  use  of  fire-arms,  and,  with  others,  re- 
monstrated against  their  employment;  but  Captain 
Preston,  as  he  was  talking  with  Knox,  saw  his  men 
pressing  the  people  with  their  bayonets,  when,  in 
great  agitation,  he  rushed  among  them.  Then,  with 
or  without  orders,  but  certainly  without  any  legal 
form  or  warning,  seven  of  the  file,  one  after  another, 
discharged  their  muskets  upon  the  citizens ; 1  and  the 
result  indicates  the  malignity  and  precision  of  their 
aim.  Crispus  Attucks,  an  intrepid  mulatto,  who  was 
a  leader  in  the  affair  at  Murray's  Barracks,  was  killed 

1  I  have  constructed  his  narrative  by  a  careful  collation  of  the  evidence  that 
appears  to  be  authentic  ;  but  it  will  be  vain  to  attempt  to  reconcile  all  the  state- 
ments in  relation  to  this  transaction.  An  illustration  of  the  necessity  of  weighing 
the  authorities  is  seen  in  the  case  of  the  affidavit  of  "  Charlotte  Bourgate,"  No.  58, 
in  the  report  of  the  trial ;  who  testified  that  guns  were  fired  from  the  Custom- 
House  windows.  In  1771,  in  the  case  of  The  King  vs.  Bourgate,  a  jury 
convicted  him  of  perjury  for  false  swearing  in  relation  to  this  firing.  "  The  court 
ordered,  that  the  said  Charles  Bourgate  be  set  in  the  pillory  for  the  space  of  one 
hour ;  that  he  be  whipped  twenty-five  stripes  upon  his  naked  back,  at  the  public 
whipping-post ;  and  that  he  pay  costs  of  prosecution,  —  standing  committed  until 
this  sentence  be  performed."  Hutchinson,  in  a  letter  dated  July  27, 1770,  says  : 
"  I  do  not  believe  Preston  intended  his  men  should  fire.  I  do  not  know  he  is  not 
to  be  justified  in  ordering  his  men  to  charge  ;  but  they  are  in  general  such  bad 
fellows  in  that  regiment,  that  it  seems  impossible  to  restrain  them  from  firing 
upon  an  insult  or  provocation  given  them." 


128  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WARREN. 

as  he  stood  leaning  with  his  breast  resting  on  a  stout 
cord -wood  stick;  Samuel  Gray,  one  of  the  rope- 
makers,  was  shot  as  he  stood  with  his  hands  in  his 
bosom,  and  just  as  he  had  said,  "  My  lads,  they  will 
not  fire ; "  Patrick  Carr  left  his  house  on  hearing  the 
alarm-bell,  and  was  mortally  wounded  as  he  was 
crossing  the  street;  James  Caldwell,  in  like  manner 
summoned  from  his  home,  was  killed  as  he  was  stand- 
ing in  the  middle  of  the  street;  Samuel  Maverick,  a 
lad  of  seventeen,  ran  out  of  the  house  at  the  alarm  of 
fire,  and  was  shot  as  he  was  crossing  the  street ;  six 
others  were  wounded.  But  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes 
had  elapsed  from  the  time  the  sergeant  went  from  the 
main  guard  to  the  time  of  the  firing.  The  people,  on 
the  report  of  the  guns,  fell  back,  but  instinctively  and 
instantly  returned  for  the  killed  and  wounded;  when 
the  infuriated  soldiers  prepared  to  fire  again,  but, 
checked  by  Captain  Preston,  were  withdrawn  across 
the  street  to  the  main  guard.  The  drums  beat:  sev- 
eral companies  of  the  Twenty-Ninth  Regiment,  under 
Colonel  Carr,  promptly  appeared,  and  were  formed 
in  three  divisions  before  the  main  guard;  the  front 
division  near  the  north-east  corner  of  the  Town 
House,  in  the  kneeling  posture  for  street  firing. 
The  Fourteenth  Regiment  was  ordered  under  arms, 
but  remained  at  their  barracks. 

The  report  now  spread  that  "  the  troops  had  risen 
on  the  people ; "  and  the  beat  of  drums,  the  church- 
bells,  and  the  cry  of  fire,  summoned  from  their  homes 
the  inhabitants,  who  hastened  to  the  place  of  alarm. 
In  a  few  minutes,  thousands  collected;  and  the  cry 
was,  "  To  arms !  to  arms !  "  The  whole  town  was  in 
confusion ;  while,  in  King  Street,  there  was  now  what 


THE    MASSACRE   AND   A   CIVIC    TRIUMPH.         129 

the  patriots  had  so  long  predicted,  dreaded,  and  en- 
deavored to  avert,  —  an  indignant  population  and  an 
exasperated  soldiery  face  to  face.  The  excitement 
was  terrible.  The  care  of  the  popular  leaders  for 
their  cause,  since  the  mob-days  of  the  Stamp  Act,  had 
been  like  the  care  of  their  personal  honor:  it  drew 
them  forth  as  the  prompt  and  brave  controlling  power 
in  every  crisis ;  and  they  were  among  the  concourse  on 
this  "  night  of  consternation."  Warren,  early  on  the 
ground  to  act  the  good  physician  as  well  as  the  fear- 
less patriot,  gives  the  impression  produced  on  himself 
and  his  co-laborers  as  they  saw  the  first  blood  flowing 
that  was  shed  for  American  liberty.  M  The  horrors," 
he  says,  "  of  that  dreadful  night  are  but  too  deeply 
impressed  on  our  hearts.  Language  is  too  feeble  to 
paint  the  emotions  of  our  souls,  when  our  streets  were 
stained  with  the  blood  of  our  brethren,  when  our  ears 
were  wounded  by  the  groans  of  the  dying,  and  our 
eyes  were  tormented  by  the  sight  of  the  mangled 
bodies  of  the  dead.  .  .  .  Our  hearts  beat  ?  To  arms ! ' 
we  snatched  our  weapons,  almost  resolved,  by  one  de- 
cisive stroke,  to  avenge  the  death  of  our  slaughtered 
brethren,  and  to  secure  from  future  danger  all  that 
we  held  most  dear."1 

Meantime,  the  lieutenant-governor,  at  his  residence 
in  North  Square,  heard  the  sound  of  the  church-bell 
near  by,  and  supposed  it  was  an  alarm  of  fire.  But 
soon,  at  nearly  ten  o'clock,  a  number  of  the  inhabi- 
tants came  running  into  his  house,  entreating  him  to 
go  to  King  Street  immediately;  "otherwise,"  they  said, 
"  the  town  would  be  all  in  blood."  He  immediately 
started  for  the  scene  of  danger.     On  his  way,  in  the 

1  Oration,  1772. 
17 


130  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH   WARREN. 

Market  Place  (Dock  Square) ,  he  found  himself  amidst 
a  great  body  of  people,  some  armed  with  clubs,  others 
with  cutlasses,  and  all  calling  for  fire-arms.  He  made 
himself  known  to  them,  but  pleaded  in  vain  for  a 
hearing;  and,  to  insure  his  safety,  he  retreated  into 
a  dwelling-house,  and  thence  went  by  a  private  way 
into  King  Street,  where  he  found  an  excited  multitude 
anxiously  awaiting  his  arrival.  He  first  called  for 
Captain  Preston;  and  a  natural  indignation  at  a  high- 
handed act  is  expressed  in  the  stern  and  searching 
questions  which  the  civilian  put  to  the  soldier,  bearing 
on  the  vital  point  of  the  subordination  of  the  military 
to  the  civil  power.  "Are  you  the  commanding  offi- 
cer?"—  "Yes,  sir."  —  "Do  you  know,  sir,  you  have  no 
power  to  fire  on  any  body  of  people  collected  together, 
except  you  have  a  civil  magistrate  with  you  to  give 
orders?"  Captain  Preston  replied,  "I  was  obliged 
to,  to  save  the  sentry."  So  great  was  the  confusion, 
that  Preston's  reply  was  heard  but  by  few.  The  cry 
was  raised,  "To  the  Town  House!  to  the  Town 
House ! "  when  Hutchinson,  by  the  irresistible  vio- 
lence of  the  crowd,  was  forced  into  the  building,  and 
up  to  the  council  chamber;  and,  in  a  few  minutes,  he 
appeared  on  the  balcony.  Near  him  were  prominent 
citizens,  both  Tories  and  "Whigs;  below  him,  on  the 
one  side,  were  his  indignant  townsmen,  who  had  con- 
ferred on  him  every  honor  in  their  power;  and,  on  the 
other  side,  the  soldiers  in  defiant  attitude.  He  could 
speak  with  eloquence  and  power :  throughout  this 
strange  and  trying  scene,  he  bore  himself  with  dignity 
and  self-possession;  and  as  in  the  stillness  of  night 
he  expressed  great  concern  at  the  unhappy  event,  and 
made  solemn  pledges  to  the  people,  his  tone  must 


THE    MASSACRE    AND    A    CIVIC    TRIUMPH.         131 

have  been  uncommonly  earnest.  "The  law,"  he 
averred,  w  should  have  its  course :  he  would  live  and 
die  by  the  law."  He  promised  to  order  an  inquiry 
in  the  morning,  and  requested  all  to  retire  to  their 
homes.  But  words  now  were  not  satisfactory  to  the 
people;  and  those  near  him  urged,  that  the  course  of 
justice  had  always  been  evaded  or  obstructed  in  favor 
of  the  soldiery,  and  that  the  people  were  determined 
not  to  disperse  until  Captain  Preston  was  arrested. 
In  consequence,  Hutchinson  immediately  ordered  a 
court  of  inquiry.  The  patriots  also  entreated  the 
lieutenant-governor  to  order  the  troops  to  their  bar- 
racks. He  replied,  that  it  was  not  in  his  power  to 
give  such  an  order;  but  he  would  consult  the  officers. 
They  now  came  upon  the  balcony,  —  Dalrymple  of 
the  Fourteenth  Regiment  being  present;  and,  after 
an  interview  with  Hutchinson,  he  returned  to  the 
troops.  The  men  now  rose  from  their  kneeling  pos- 
ture; the  order  to  "  Shoulder  arms!  "  was  heard;  and 
the  people  were  greatly  relieved  by  seeing  the  troops 
move  towards  their  barracks. 

The  people  now  began  slowly  and  sullenly  to  dis- 
perse. Meanwhile,  the  court  of  inquiry  on  Captain 
Preston  was  in  session;  and,  after  an  examination 
that  lasted  three  hours,  he  was  bound  over  for  trial. 
Later,  the  soldiers  were  also  arrested.  It  was  three 
o'clock  in  the  morning  before  the  lieutenant-governor 
left  the  scene  of  the  massacre.  And  now  all,  except- 
cepting  about  a  hundred  of  the  people,  who  formed 
themselves  into  a  watch,  left  the  streets.  Thus  wise 
action  by  the  Crown  officials,  the  activity  of  the  pop- 
ular leaders,  and  the  habitual  respect  for  law  in  the 
people,  proved  successful  in  preventing  further  car- 


132  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

nage.  "Propitious  Heaven,"  are  Warren's  words, 
"forbade  the  bloody  carnage,  and  saved  the  threatened 
victims  of  our  too  keen  resentment:  not  by  their  dis- 
cipline, not  by  their  regular  array;  no,  it  was  Royal 
George's  livery  that  proved  their  shield;  it  was  that 
which  turned  the  pointed  engines  from  their  breasts."1 
Hence  a  contemporary  versifier  and  participater  in 
these  scenes  was  able  to  write, — 

"  No  sudden  rage  the  ruffian  soldier  bore, 
Or  drenched  the  pavements  with  his  vital  gore  : 
Deliberate  thought  did  all  our  souls  compose, 
Till,  veiled  in  gloom,  the  lowery  morning  rose." 

During  the  night,  the  popular  leaders  sent  ex- 
presses to  the  neighboring  towns,  bearing  intelligence 
of  what  had  occurred,  and  summoning  people  from 
their  beds  to  come  to  the  aid  of  Boston;  but,  as  the 
efforts  to  restore  quiet  were  proving  successful,  the 
summons  was  countermanded.  This  action  accounts 
for  the  numbers,  who,  very  early  in  the  morning  of 
the  6th  of  March,  flocked  into  the  town.  They 
could  learn  details  of  the  tragedy  from  the  actors 
in  it,  could  see  the  blood  of  the  slaughtered  in- 
habitants, could  hear  the  groans  of  the  wounded, 
could  view  the  bodies  of  the  dead;  and  this  reve- 
lation of  the  work  of  arbitrary  power,  to  a  people 
habitually  tender  of  regard  for  human  life,  shocked 
their  sensibilities.  The  temper  of  the  public  mind 
was  again  wrought  up  to  a  fearful  state  of  indigna- 

1  Warren  has  the  following  note,  in  his  oration  of  1772,  under  this  sentence : 
"  I  have  the  strongest  reason  to  believe  that  I  have  mentioned  the  only  circum- 
stance which  saved  the  troops  from  destruction.  It  was  then,  and  now  is,  the 
opinion  of  those  who  were  best  acquainted  with  the  state  of  affairs  at  that  time, 
that,  had  thrice  that  number  of  troops,  belonging  to  any  power  at  open  war  with 
us,  been  in  this  town,  in  the  same  exposed  position,  scarce  a  man  would  have 
lived  to  see  the  morning  light." 


THE   MASSACRE    AND   A   CIVIC    TRIUMPH.         133 

tion;  and  it  required  the  strongest  moral  influence  to 
keep  the  terrific  demand  for  a  redress  of  grievance 
and  future  security  within  the  bounds  of  modera- 
tion and  in  the  safe  channel  of  the  law. 

The  lieutenant-governor,  during  the  night,  had 
summoned  such  members  of  the  council  as  were 
within  reach,  to  meet  in  their  chamber  in  the  morning; 
and,  on  joining  them,  he  found  the  selectmen,  with 
most  of  the  justices  of  the  county,  waiting  for  him, 
to  represent,  as  he  says,  w  their  opinion  of  the  abso- 
lute necessity  of  the  troops  being  at  a  distance,  that 
there  might  be  no  intercourse  between  the  inhab- 
itants and  them,  in  order  to  prevent  a  further  effusion 
of  blood."  Such  was  the  logic  of  events  which  now 
forced  the  seventeen  months'  question  of  the  removal 
of  the  troops  on  the  civil  and  military  authorities  with 
an  imperativeness  that  could  not  be  resisted. 

The  question,  however,  came  up  in  a  new  shape. 
To  put  it  in  the  simplest  way,  and  in  the  words  used 
on  that  day,  the  people  were  so  excited  by  the  shed- 
ding of  blood  on  the  preceding  night,  that  they  were 
resolved  no  longer  to  acquiesce  in  the  decision  of  the 
constituted  authorities  as  to  the  troops;  but,  failing 
in  other  means,  they  were  determined  to  effect  their 
removal  by  force,  let  the  act  be  deemed  rebellion  or 
otherwise.  Not  that  any  conspiracy  existed,  not 
that  any  plan  had  been  matured  to  do  this;  but  cir- 
cumstances had  transferred  the  question  from  the 
domain  of  reason  to  that  of  physical  force;  and  the 
only  point  with  the  Crown  officials,  during  the  whole 
of  this  day's  deliberations,  was,  whether  they  would 
be  justified  in  what  appeared  to  them  to  be  lowering 
the  national  standard  at  the  demand  of  a  power  which 


134  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

they  called  w  the  faction,"  or  whether  they  might  ven- 
ture to  take  the  responsibility  of  resisting  the  demand, 
and  of  meeting  the  consequences. 

The  selectmen  expressed  to  the  lieutenant-governor 
the  opinion,  that  "  the  inhabitants  would  be  under  no 
restraint  whilst  the  troops  were  in  town."  —  "I  let 
them  know,"  Hutchinson  says,  "  that  I  had  no  power 
to  remove  the  troops."  They  also  informed  him  that 
they  had  been  requested  to  call  a  town-meeting,  which 
was  the  special  dread  of  Hutchinson.  As  the  fixed 
determination  of  the  people  became  more  manifest, 
the  anxiety  of  the  lieutenant-governor  deepened  as  to 
what  the  day  might  bring  forth;  and  he  sent  for 
Colonels  Dalrymple  and  Carr  to  be  present  in  the 
council,  and  act  as  military  advisers.  But  the  discus- 
sions in  this  body  were  interrupted  by  the  entrance 
of  a  messenger  from  another  assembly,  bearing  a  re- 
quest for  the  immediate  presence  of  the  selectmen  in 
Faneuil  Hall. 

This  summons  invites  attention  to  the  movements 
of  the  people,  who  had  been  constantly  coming  in 
from  the  neighboring  towns,  and  had  gathered  in 
great  numbers  "in  a  perfect  frenzy,"  Hutchinson  says, 
around  Faneuil  Hall.  It  was,  however,  the  general 
disposition,  volcanic  as  were  the  elements,  to  act  with 
caution,  deliberation,  and  in  a  spirit  of  unity,  and 
doubtless  with  the  consideration,  that  the  eyes  of  the 
friends  of  their  cause  were  upon  them.  Hours  passed 
without  the  appearance  of  a  warrant  calling  a  town- 
meeting.  Nor  was  there  any  organization  to  which 
the  people  could  look  in  this  crisis ;  for  the  general 
court  stood  prorogued  by  the  arbitrary  decision  of 
the  ministry.      At  eleven  o'clock,  the  town-records 


THE   MASSACRE   AND   A   CIVIC   TRIUMPH.         135 

say,  "  the  freeholders  and  other  inhabitants "  held  a 
meeting,  w  occasioned  by  the  massacre  made  in  King 
Street  by  the  soldiery."  The  town-clerk,  "William 
Cooper,  acted  as  the  chairman.  This  intrepid  pa- 
triot held  that  office  forty-nine  years;  a  fact  which 
speaks  for  his  fidelity  to  duty,  intelligence,  devotion 
to  principle,  and  moral  worth.  w  The  selectmen,"  his 
clear,  round  record  reads,  w  not  being  present,  and  the 
inhabitants  being  informed  that  they  were  in  the 
council  chamber,  it  was  voted  that  Mr.  William  Green- 
leaf  be  desired  to  proceed  there,  and  acquaint  the 
selectmen  that  the  inhabitants  desire  and  expect  their 
attendance  at  the  hall."  This  was  virtually  a  com- 
mand, and  the  selectmen  immediately  repaired  to  the 
hall.  Thomas  Cushing  was  chosen  the  moderator. 
He  was  now  the  speaker  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, and  by  urbanity  of  manner,  a  high  personal 
character,  diligent  public  service,  and  fidelity  to  the 
patriot  cause,  exercised  large  influence.  It  was  voted 
that  Constable  Wallace  wait  upon  the  Rev.  Dr.  Cooper, 
and  acquaint  him  that  the  inhabitants  desired  him  to 
open  the  meeting  with  prayer.  He  was  a  brother  of 
the  town-clerk,  was  on  confidential  terms  with  the 
popular  leaders,  and  a  devoted  friend  to  the  patriot 
cause.  He  was  rich  in  genius  and  learning,  Dr.  Eliot 
says,  with  a  gift  in  prayer  peculiar  and  very  excel- 
lent. He  complied  with  the  request  of  the  town;  but 
no  reporter  transmitted  the  words  of  this  righteous 
man,  or  described  this  solemn  assembly,  as  fervent 
prayer  now  went  up  for  the  country. 

The  meeting  voted  to  invite  any  citizen  to  give 
information  of  the  massacre  of  the  preceding  even- 
ing, "  that  the  same  might  be  minuted  by  the  town- 


136  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

clerk;"  whereupon  several  persons  related  details  of 
the  tragedy,  which  the  clerk  inscribed  in  the  town- 
records.  John  S.  Copley  stated,  that  Mr.  Pelham  and 
his  wife,  and  some  persons  of  Mr.  Samuel  "Winthrop's 
family,  heard  a  soldier  say,  after  the  firing,  "that 
the  Devil  might  give  quarters:  he  should  give  them 
none."  John  Scott  stated,  that  a  lad  of  Mr.  Piermont's 
said  at  Mr.  Chardon's,  that  a  soldier  was  heard  to 
say,  his  officer  had  acquainted  them,  "if  they  went 
abroad  at  nights,  they  should  go  armed  and  in  com- 
panies." Mr.  Piermont  informed  the  meeting,  "  that, 
before  the  firing  last  night,  he  had  disarmed  a  soldier, 
who  had  struck  down  one  of  the  inhabitants."  Pool 
Spear  related,  "  that  last  week  he  heard  one  Kilson, 
a  soldier  of  Pharras's  company,  say  that  he  did  not 
know  what  the  inhabitants  were  after;  for  they  had 
broken  an  officer's  windows  (meaning  Nathaniel  Ro- 
ger's windows),  but  that  they  had  a  scheme  on  foot 
which  would  soon  put  a  stop  to  our  (the  people's)  pro- 
cedure; that  parties  of  soldiers  were  ordered  (to  go) 
with  pistols  in  their  pockets,  and  to  fire  upon  those  who 
should  assault  said  house  again;  and  that  ten  pounds 
sterling  were  to  be  given  as  a  reward  for  their  killing 
one  of  these  persons,  and  fifty  pounds  sterling  for 
a  prisoner."  These  homely  relations  are  life-like 
glimpses  of  the  spirit  of  the  hour.  No  speech  could 
have  been  more  eloquent,  because  none  could  have 
been  better  calculated  to  deepen  the  general  convic- 
tion and  minister  to  the  common  emotion.  However, 
so  many  witnesses  were  ready  to  testify,  that  it  was 
found  to  be  impracticable  to  hear  all;  and  a  com- 
mittee was  appointed  to  receive  and  digest  the  evi- 
dence.1 

1  I  have  taken  these  minutes  from  the  town-records. 


THE    MASSACRE    AND    A    CIVIC    TBIUMPH.         137 

Samuel  Adams  addressed  this  remarkable  meeting. 
He  spoke  with  a  pathos  peculiar  to  himself.  His 
manner,  naturally  impressive,  was  rendered  more  so 
by  the  solemnity  of  the  occasion;  and  every  heart  was 
moved.1  The  great  hour  demanded  dignity  and  dis- 
cretion in  unison  with  firmness,  and  they  were  com- 
bined in  the  action  of  the  meeting.  It  resolved  that 
the  inhabitants  would  submit  no  longer  to  the  insult 
of  military  rule.  A  committee  of  fifteen2  was  chosen 
to  wait  on  the  lieutenant-governor,  and  acquaint  him 
that  it  was  the  unanimous  opinion  of  the  meeting  that 
the  inhabitants  and  soldiery  could  no  longer  dwell 
together  in  safety,  and  that  nothing  could  be  ration- 
ally expected  to  restore  the  peace  of  the  town,  and 
prevent  additional  scenes  of  blood  and  carnage,  but 
the  immediate  removal  of  the  troops ;  and  to  say, 
further,  that  they  most  fervently  prayed  His  Honor 
that  his  power  and  influence  might  be  exerted,  in 
order  that  this  removal  might  be  instantly  effected. 
This  committee  well  represented  the  intelligence,  the 
patriotism,  the  interests,  and  the  true  greatness  of 
Boston.  The  meeting  now  dissolved;  when  the  se- 
lectmen issued  a  warrant  for  a  regular  town-meeting, 
to  convene  at  the  same  place,  at  three  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon,  to  consider  what  measures  were  most 
proper  to  be  taken  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the  town 
at  that  alarming  and  important  period.3 

i  S.  A.  Wells's  MS. 

2  This  committee  consisted  of  Thomas  Cushing,  John  Hancock,  Henderson 
Inches,  Joshua  Henshaw,  Samuel  Adams,  William  Phillips,  Samuel  Pemberton, 
Samuel  Austin,  Benjamin  Austin,  Joseph  Jackson,  William  Molineux,  Benjamin 
Church,  Jonathan  Mason,  Ezekiel  Goldthwait,  John  Ruddock. 

8  The  following  was  the  selectmen's  warrant  for  this  meeting  :  — 

"  Boston,  ss.  To  the  constables  of  the  town  of  Boston,  and  each  and  every 
of  them  greeting :  — 

18 


138  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

About  noon,  the  lieutenant-governor  received  the 
committee  of  the  town,  in  a  session  of  the  council,  at 
their  chamber.  I  have  found  no  details  of  what  was 
said  by  the  committee  at  this  interview,  in  urging  a 
compliance  with  the  demand.  Hutchinson  said  he 
was  not  prepared  to  reply,  but  would  give  an  answer 
in  writing,  when  the  committee  withdrew  into  another 
room.  He  gives  glimpses  of  what  then  occurred. 
"  I  told  ^the  council,"  he  says,  "  that  a  removal  of  the 
troops  was  not  with  me;  and  I  desired  them  to  con- 
sider what  answer  I  could  give  to  this  application  of 
the  town,  whilst  Colonel  Dalrymple,  who  had  the 
command,  was  present."  Some  of  the  members,  who 
were  among  the  truest  patriots,  urged  a  compliance ; 
when  the  lieutenant-governor  declared,  that  "he  would, 
upon  no  consideration  whatever,  give  orders  for  their 
removal."  The  council  advised  the  removal  of  one 
regiment.  ■  Dalrymple  concurred  in  this  result.  As 
Hutchinson  rose  from  this  sitting,  he  declared  that 
"he  meant  to  receive  no  further  application  on  the 
subject." 

Things  wore  a  gloomy  aspect  during  the  interval 
between  the  session  of  the  council  and  the  time  of  the 

"  In  His  Majesty's  name,  you  are  required  forthwith  to  warn  all  the  free- 
holders and  other  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Boston,  legally  qualified,  ratable  at 
twenty  pounds'  estate  to  a  single  rate  (beside  the  poll),  to  convene  at  Faneuil 
Hall,  on  Tuesday  the  sixth  instant,  three  o'clock  afternoon,  to  consider  what 
measures  are  most  proper  to  be  taken  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the  town  at  this 
alarming  and  important  period. 

"  Hereof  fail  not,  and  make  return  of  this  warrant,  with  your  doings  thereon, 
unto  myself  as  soon  as  may  be  before  the  time  of  said  meeting. 

"Dated  at  Boston,  the  sixth  day  of  March,  in  the  tenth  year  of  His  Majesty's 
reign,  annoque  Domini,  1770. — By  order  of  the  Selectmen,  William  Cooper, 
Town-clerk." 

On  the  back  of  the  warrant  is  the  return  of  the  twelve  constables  for  the 
twelve  wards,  dated  March  6,  to  the  effect  that  they  had  duly  warned  the  in- 
habitants. 


THE    MASSACRE    AND   A    CIVIC    TRIUMPH.         139 

afternoon  meeting;  for  the  action  of  the  Crown  offi- 
cials tended  to  increase  the  spirit  of  the  people.  The 
men  who  had  been  long  branded  as  incendiaries  and 
traitors,  now  earnestly  endeavored  to  prevent  a  catas- 
trophe. There  were  consultations  between  the  leaders 
of  the  two  parties:  it  was  intimated  to  members  of 
the  council,  that  though  Dalrymple  might  receive  no 
formal  order  to  remove  all  the  troops,  yet  he  would 
do  it  if  the  lieutenant-governor  and  council  expressed 
a  desire  to  have  it  done.  With  a  view  to  further 
action,  Hutchinson  was  prevailed  upon  to  meet  the 
council  in  the  afternoon.  This  was  a  great  point 
gained  for  the  popular  cause. 

At  three  o'clock,  Faneuil  Hall  was  filled  with  the  ex- 
cited population  assembled  in  town-meeting.  Thomas 
Cushing  again  was  chosen  the  moderator;  but  the 
place  would  hold  only  about  thirteen  hundred,  and 
the  record  reads,  "  The  hall  not  being  spacious  enough 
to  receive  the  inhabitants  who  attended,  it  was  vot- 
ed to  adjourn  to  Dr.  Sewall's  meeting-house,"  —  the 
Old  South.  The  most  convenient  way  for  the  people 
would  be  to  pass  from  Faneuil  Hall  into  King  Street, 
up  by  the  council  chamber,  and  along  what  is  now 
"Washington  Street,  to  the  church.  No  mention  is 
made  of  mottoes  or  banners  or  flags,  of  cheers  or  of 
jeers.  Thomas  Cushing  said  his  countrymen  w  were, 
like  the  old  British  commoners,  grave  and  sad  men;" 
and  it  was  said  in  the  council  to  Hutchinson,  "  This 
multitude  are  not  such  as  pulled  down  your  house ; " 
but  they  are  M  men  of  the  best  characters,"  w  men  of 
estates  and  men  of  religion,"  "men  who  pray  over 
what  they  do."  They  were  (Hutchinson's  words) 
"warmed  with  a  persuasion  that  what  they  were  doing 


140 


LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 


was  right,  and  that  they  were  struggling  for  the  lib- 
erties of  America;"  and  that  the  other  colonies  were 
deeply  interested  in  their  action. 

As  Hutchinson  looked  out  on  this  scene,  perhaps 
scanned  the  concourse  who  passed  from  Faneuil  Hall 
to  the  Old  South,  an  analogy  from  history  forced 
itself  on  his  mind.  With  like  determined  men, 
who  feared  God  and  were  devoted  to  public  liberty, 
Cromwell  won  at  Marston  Moor;  and,  as  Hutchinson 
read  in  the  countenances  before  him  the  signs  of 
resolute  hearts,  he  judged  K  their  spirit  to  be  as  high 
as  was  the  spirit  of  their  ancestors  when  they  impris- 
oned Andros,  while  they  were  four  times  as  numer- 
ous." As  the  burden  of  responsibility  pressed  on 
him  heavily,  he  realized  that  he  had  to  deal  with  an 
element  far  more  potent  than  "  the  faction "  which 
officials  had  long  represented  as  composing  the  pa- 
triot party,  and  that  much  depended  on  dealing  with 
it  wisely.  This  was  not  a  dependent  and  starved 
host,  wildly  urging  the  terrible  demand  of  "  Bread  or 
blood ; "  nor  was  it  fanaticism  in  a  season  of  social  dis- 
content, claiming  impossibilities  at  the  hand  of  power : 
the  craving  was  moral  and  intellectual;  it  was  an 
intelligent  public  opinion,  a  people,  with  well-grounded 
and  settled  convictions,  making  a  just  demand  on 
arbitrary  power.  Was  such  public  opinion  about  to 
be  scorned  as  though  it  were  but  a  faction,  and  by 
officials  who  bore  high  the  party-standard?  And 
were  men  of  such  resoluteness  of  character  and  pur- 
pose about  to  be  involved  in  a  work  of  carnage  that 
might  extend  far  and  wide?  or  would  the  wielders  of 
British  power  avoid  the  extremity  by  concession? 
Boston,  indeed  America,  had  seen  no  hour  of  intenser 


THE    MASSACRE    AND    A    CIVIC    TRIUMPH.         141 

interest,  of  deeper  solemnity,  of  more  instant  peril,  or 
of  truer  moral  sublimity.  As  this  assembly  delib- 
erated with  the  sounds  of  the  fife  and  drum  in  their 
ears,  and  with  the  soldiery  in  their  sight,  questions 
like  these  must  have  been  on  every  lip;  and  they  are 
of  the  civil- war  questions  that  cause  an  involuntary 
shudder  in  every  home, 

The  Old  South  was  not  large  enough  to  hold  the 
people;  and  they  stood  in  the  street,  and  near  the 
Town  House,  awaiting  the  report  of  the  committee 
of  fifteen,  chosen  in  the  morning,  who  were  now  in 
the  Town  House.  The  lieutenant-governor  was  at 
the  council  chamber,  where,  in  addition  to  Colonels 
Dalrymple  and  Carr,  there  had  been  summoned  Cap- 
tain Caldwell,  of  the  "Kose"  frigate;  and  Hutchinson 
would,  he  says,  have  summoned  other  Crown  officers, 
but  he  knew  the  council  would  not  consent  to  it.  He 
took  care  to  repeat  to  the  committee,  he  says,  the 
declaration  which  he  had  made  in  the  morning  to 
the  selectmen,  the  justices,  and  the  council,  "  that  the 
ordering  of  the  troops  did  not  lie  with  him."  As 
the  committee,  with  Samuel  Adams  at  their  head,  ap- 
peared on  the  Town-house  steps,  the  people  were  in 
motion;  and  the  word  passed,  "Make  way  for  the 
committee!"  Adams  uncovered  his  head;  and,  as  he 
went  towards  the  church,  he  bowed  alternately  to 
those  on  each  side  of  the  lane  that  was  formed,  and 
repeated  the  words,  "Both  regiments  or  none."1  The 
answer  of  the  lieutenant-governor  to  the  demand 
made  in  the  morning,  for  a  total  removal  of  the 
troops,  was  read  to  the  meeting  in  the  church.  It 
was  to  the  effect,  that  he  had  conferred  with  the  com- 

i  S.  A.  Wells's  MSS. 


142  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WAKKEN. 

manders  of  the  two  regiments,  who  received  orders 
from  the  general  in  ~New  York,  and  it  was  not  in  his 
power  to  countermand  these  orders:  but  the  council 
desired  their  removal,  and  Colonel  Dalrymple  had 
signified,  that,  because  of  the  part  which  the  Twenty- 
ninth  Regiment  had  taken  in  the  differences,  it  should 
be  placed,  without  delay,  in  the  barracks  at  the  castle ; 
and  also  that  the  main  guard  should  be  removed; 
while  the  Fourteenth  Regiment  should  be  so  disposed, 
and  laid  under  such  restraint,  that  all  occasion  for 
future  differences  might  be  prevented.  There  now 
resounded  through  the  excited  assembly,  from  a  thou- 
sand tongues,  K  Both  regiments  or  none!" 

A  short  debate  occurred,  when  the  answer  was 
voted  to  be  unsatisfactory.  Then  another  committee 
was  chosen.  It  was  resolved,  that  John  Hancock, 
Samuel  Adams,  William  Molineux,  William  Phillips, 
Joseph  Warren,  Joshua  Henshaw,  and  Samuel  Pem- 
berton,  be  a  committee  to  inform  the  lieutenant-gov- 
ernor it  was  the  unanimous  opinion  of  the  people, 
that  the  reply  was  by  no  means  satisfactory,  and  that 
nothing  less  would  satisfy  them  than  a  total  and  im- 
mediate removal  of  the  troops.  This  committee  was 
one  worthy  of  a  great  occasion.  Hancock,  Henshaw, 
and  Pemberton,  besides  being  individually  of  large 
influence  from  their  ability,  patriotism,  worth,  and 
wealth,  were  members  of  the  board  of  selectmen,  and 
therefore  represented  the  municipality;  Phillips,  who 
had  served  on  this  board,  was  a  type  of  the  upright 
and  liberal  merchant ;  Molineux  was"  one  of  the  most 
determined  and  zealous  of  the  patriots,  and  a  stirring 
business-man ;  Warren,  ardent  and  bold,  of  rising 
fame  as  a  leader,  personified  the  generous  devotion 


THE    MASSACRE   AXD   A   CIVIC    TRIUMPH.         143 

and  noble  enthusiasm  of  the  young  men;  Adams, 
though  not  the  first-named  on  the  committee,  played 
so  prominent  a  part  in  its  doings,  that  he  appears  as 
its  chairman.  He  was  so  widely  and  favorably  known 
that  he  was  now  addressed  as  "The  Father  of  Amer- 
ica." Of  middling  stature,  plain  in  dress,  quiet  in 
manner,  unpretending  in  deportment,  he  exhibited 
nothing  extraordinary  in  common  affairs;  but  on 
great  occasions,  when  his  deeper  nature  was  called 
into  action,  he  rose,  without  the  smallest  affectation, 
into  an  upright  dignity  of  figure  and  bearing,  with 
a  harmony  of  voice  and  a  power  of  speech  which 
made  a  strong  impression,  —  the  more  lasting  from 
the  purity  and  nervous  eloquence  of  his  style  and  the 
logical  consistency  of  his  argument.1  Such  were  the 
men  selected  to  speak  and  act  for  Boston  in  this 
hour  of  deep  passion  and  of  high  resolve. 

The  committee,  about  four  o'clock,  repaired  to  the 
council  chamber.  It  was  a  room  respectable  in  size, 
and  not  without  ornament  or  historic  memorials.  On 
its  walls  were  representatives  of  the  two  elements 
now  in  conflict,  —  of  the  Absolutism  that  was  passing 
away,  in  full-length  portraits  of  Charles  II.  and  James 
II.,  robed  in  the  royal  ermine;  and  of  a  Eepublican- 
ism  which  had  grown  robust  and  self-reliant,  in  the 
heads  of  Endicott  and  Winthrop  and  Bradstreet  and 
Belcher.  Around  a  long  table  were  seated  the  lieu- 
tenant-governor and  the  members  of  the  council,  with 
the  military  officers;  the  scrupulous  and  sumptuous 
costumes  of  civilians  in  authority,  —  gold  and  silver 
lace,  scarlet  cloaks,  and  large  wigs,  mingling  with  the 
brilliant  uniforms  of  the  British  army  and  navy.     Into 

1  John  Adams. 


144  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

such  imposing  presence  was  now  ushered  the  plainly 
attired  committee  of  the  town.1 

At  this  time,  the  lieutenant-governor,  a  portion  of 
the  council,  the  military  officers,  the  secretary  of  the 
province,  and  other  officials  in  the  Town  House,  were 
sternly  resolved  to  refuse  compliance  with  the  demand 
of  the  people.    When  the  vote  of  the  meeting  was  pre- 
sented to  the  lieutenant-governor,  Adams  remarked  at 
length  on  the  illegality  of  quartering  troops  on  the  in- 
habitants in  time  of  peace,  and  without  the  consent  of 
the  legislature ;  urged  that  the  public  service  did  not 
require  them;    adverted  with  sensibility  and  warmth 
to  the  late  tragedy ;  painted  the  misery  in  which  the 
town  would  be  involved,  if  the  troops  were  suffered 
to  remain;  and  urged  the  necessity  of  an  immediate 
compliance  with  the  vote  of  the  people.     The  lieu- 
tenant-governor, in  a  brief  reply,  defended  both  the 
legality  and  the  necessity  of  the  troops,  and  renewed 
his  old  assertion,  that  they  were  not  subject  to  his 
authority.     Adams  again  rose ;  and  attention  was  riv- 
eted on  him,  as  he  paused  and  gave  a  searching  look 
at  Hutchinson.     There  was  in  his  countenance  and 
attitude  a  silent  eloquence  that  words  could  not  ex- 
press; his  manner  showed  that  the  energies  of  his 
soul  were  roused;   and  in  a  tone  not  loud,  but  deep 
and  earnest,  he  again  addressed  himself  to  Hutchin- 
son.    "It  is  well  known,"  he  said,  "that,  acting  as 
governor  of  the  province,  you  are,  by  its  charter,  the 
commander-in-chief  of  the  military  forces   within  it; 
and,  as  such,  the  troops  now  in  the  capital  are  subject 
to  your  orders.     If  you,  or  Colonel  Dalrymple  under 
you,  have  the  power  to  remove  one  regiment,  you 

1  John  Adams's  letter. 


THE   MASSACRE    A^D    A   CIVIC    TRIUMPH.         145 

have  the  power  to  remove  both;  and  nothing  short 
of  their  total  removal  will  satisfy  the  people  or  pre- 
serve the  peace  of  the  province.  A  multitude,  highly 
incensed,  now  wait  the  result  of  this  application. 
The  voice  of  ten  thousand  freemen  demands  that  both 
regiments  be  forthwith  removed.  Their  voice  must 
be  respected,  —  their  demand  obeyed.  Fail,  then,  at 
your  peril,  to  comply  with  this  requisition!  On  you 
alone  rests  the  responsibility  of  the  decision;  and,  if 
the  just  expectations  of  the  people  are  disappointed, 
you  must  be  answerable  to  God  and  your  country  for 
the  fatal  consequences  that  must  ensue.  The  com- 
mittee have  discharged  their  duty,  and  it  is  for  you 
to  discharge  yours.  They  wait  your  final  determina- 
tion."1 As  Adams,  while  speaking,  intently  eyed 
Hutchinson,  he  says,  w  I  observed  his  knees  to  trem- 
ble; I  saw  his  face  grow  pale;  and  I  enjoyed  the 
sight."1 

1  Hutchinson,  in  a  letter  dated  March  18,  1770,  addressed  to  Sir  Francis 
Bernard,  says,  "  The  calling  of  the  council  the  next  day  could  not  be  avoided, 
though  I  knew  no  good  could  come  from  it ;  for  the  people,  high  and  low,  a  few 
only  who  you  will  easily  guess,  and  who  chose  to  keep  their  houses,  were  up  in 

a  body,  heated  and  ready  to  take  force,  and  were  impatient  waiting  for  the  c 

(council)  meeting.     If  the  c would  have  joined  with  me,  and  disclaimed  all 

authority  over  the  troops,  and  encouraged  the  people  to  wait  until  there  could  be 
an  order  from  the  general,  they  might  have  been  appeased ;  but,  instead  of  that, 
tbe  major  part  encouraged  them  in  their  demand.  They  first  urged  me  to  give 
orders  to  the  troops,  or  said  if  I  would  do  it  by  their  advice,  they  knew  they 
would  immediately  remove.  I  told  them  nothing  should  ever  induce  me  to  such 
a  measure  ;  and,  upon  I).  ( Dairy mple)  coming  in,  I  let  him  know  I  had  nothing 
to  do  with  it,  and  it  lay  with  him  only.     Upon  the  representation  made  of  this 

state  of  the  people  by  Tyler  backed  by  S ,  Pitts,  and  Dexter,  he  told  them  he 

would  remove  the  29th  till  he  could  hear  from  the  general.  When  the  committee 
of  the  town  were  informed  of  this,  Adams  immediately  told  him  if  he  could  remove 
one  he  could  remove  both,  and  he  would  be  amenable  for  the  consequence  of  not 
doing  it,  or  to  that  effect,  I  think  in  stronger  words.  I  wished  to  have  been  clear 
of  the  council  in  the  afternoon,  but  it  was  not  possible.  •  When  they  pressed  me 
to  comply  with  their  advice,  it  was  immediately  known  among  the  people  that  D. 
was  ready  to  remove  them  if  I  would  only  join  in  desiring  it.     Upon  consulting 

19 


146  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

An  interval  of  silence  followed  this  appeal.  Then 
there  was  low  conversation,  to  a  whisper,  between  the 
lieutenant-governor  and  Colonel  Dalrymple,  who,  in 
the  spirit  of  the  unbending  soldier,  was  for  resisting 
this  demand,  as  he  had  been  for  summary  proceedings 
in  the  case  of  other  meetings.  "  It  is  impossible  for 
me,"  he  had  said  this  afternoon,  "to  go  any  further 
lengths  in  this  matter.  The  information  given  of  the 
intended  rebellion  is  sufficient  reason  against  the  re- 
moval of  His  Majesty's  troops."  But  he  now  said,  in 
a  loud  tone,  "  I  am  ready  to  obey  your  orders ;  "  which 
threw  the  responsibility  on  Hutchinson.  All  the  mem- 
bers of  the  committee  urged  the  demand.  "  Every  one 
of  them,"  Hutchinson  says,  "deliberately  gave  his 
opinion  at  large,  and  generally  gave  this  reason  to 

the  secretary  (Oliver)  in  the  beginning  of  the  afternoon,  he  agreed  with  me,  that 
it  was  best  finally  to  stand  out,  and  leave  it  to  D.  and  the  council ;  but,  when 
he  saw  how  artfully  it  was  steered,  he  whispered  to  me  that  I  must  either  com- 
ply, or  determine  to  leave  the  province." 

In  this  letter,  Samuel  Adams  is  represented  as  addressing  Dalrymple ;  but, 
from  Adams's  contemporary  letter  (1771),  cited  in  the  text,  it  is  certain  that  he  also 
addressed  Hutchinson.  Bancroft,  vi.  344,  prints  the  traditionary  relation  by  John 
Quincy  Adams.  I  copy  from  S.  A.  Wells's  MS.  James  Allen,  who  participated 
in  these  scenes,  thus  described  this  town-meeting  in  his  poem,  printed  in  1772  :  — 

'•  No  mob  then  furious  urg'd  the  impassion'd  fray, 
Nor  clamorous  tumults  dinn'd  the  solemn  day  ; 
In  full  convene  the  city  senate  sat, 
Our  fathers'  spirit  rul'd  the  firm  debate  : 
The  freeborn  soul  no  reptile  tyrant  checks, 
'T  is  heaven  that  dictates  when  the  people  speaks  ; 
Loud  from  their  tongues  the  awful  mandate  broke, 
And  thus,  inspir'd  the  sacred  senate  spoke ; 
Ye  miscreant  troops,  begone !  our  presence  fly  ; 
Stay,  if  ye  dare,  but  if  ye  dare,  ye  die ! 
Ah,  too  severe,  the  fearful  chief*  replies, 
Permit  one  half,  the  other,  instant,  flies. 
No  parle,  avaunt !  or  by  our  fathers'  shades, 
Your  reeking  lives  shall  glut  our  vengeful  blades. 
Ere  morning's  light,  begone,  —  or  else  we  swear 
Each  slaughter'd  corse  shall  feed  the  birds  of  air !  " 

*  Hutchinson. 


THE   MASSACRE    AND   A   CIVIC   TRIUMPH.         147 

support  it,  —  that  the  people  would  most  certainly 
drive  out  the  troops,  and  that  the  inhabitants  of  the 
other  towns  would  join  in  it:  and  several  of  the  gen- 
tlemen declared  that  they  did  not  judge  from  the 
general  temper  of  the  people  only,  but  they  knew  it 
to  be  the  determination,  not  of  a  mob,  but  of  the 
generality  of  the  principal  inhabitants ;  and  they 
added,  that  all  the  blood  would  be  charged  to  me 
alone  for  refusing  to  follow  their  unanimous  advice, 
in  desiring  that  the  quarters  of  a  single  regiment 
might  be  changed,  in  order  to  put  an  end  to  the  ani- 
mosities between  the  troops  and  the  inhabitants,  see- 
ing Colonel  Dalrymple  would  consent  to  it." 

After  the  committee  withdrew,  the  debates  of  the 
council  were  long  and  earnest;  and,  as  they  went  on, 
Hutchinson  asked,  "  What  protection  would  there  be 
for  the  commissioners,  if  both  regiments  were  ordered 
to  the  castle?"  Several  said,  "  They  would  be  safe, 
and  always  had  been  safe."  —  "As  safe,"  said  Gray, 
w  without  the  troops  as  with  them."  And  Irving  said, 
*  They  never  had  been  in  danger,  and  he  would  pawn 
his  life  that  they  should  receive  no  injury."  —  "  Unless 
the  troops  were  removed,"  it  was  said,  w  before  even- 
ing there  would  be  ten  thousand  men  on  the  Com- 
mon." —  w  The  people  in  general,"  Tyler  said,  w  were 
resolved  to  have  the  troops  removed,  without  which 
they  would  not  be  satisfied;  that,  failing  of  other 
means,  they  were  determined  to  effect  their  removal 
by  force,  let  the  act  be  deemed  rebellion  or  otherwise." 
As  the  council  deliberated,  the  people  were  impatient; 
and  the  members  were  repeatedly  called  out  to  give 
information  as  to  the  result.  There  was  at  length 
unanimity.     This  body  resolved,  that,  to  preserve  the 


148  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

peace,  it  was  absolutely  necessary  that  the  troops 
should  be  removed;  and  they  advised  the  lieutenant- 
governor  to  communicate  this  conclusion  to  Dalrym- 
ple,  and  to  request  that  he  would  order  his  whole 
command  to  Castle  "William. 

The  remark  of  Dalrymple,  as  well  as  the  decision  of 
the  council,  became  known  to  the  people,  and  the  word 
passed  round,  "that  Colonel  Dalrymple  had  yield- 
ed, and  that  the  lieutenant-governor  only  held  out." 
This  circumstance  was  communicated  to  Hutchinson; 
and  he  says,  "It  now  lay  upon  me  to  choose  that 
side  which  had  the  fewest  and  least  difficulties ;  and  I 
weighed  and  compared  them  as  well  as  the  time  I  had 
for  them  would  permit.  I  knew  it  was  most  regular 
for  me  to  leave  this  matter  entire  to  the  commanding 
officer.  I  was  sensible  the  troops  were  designed  to 
be,  upon  occasion,  employed  under  the  direction  of 
the  civil  magistrate ;  and  that  at  the  castle  they  would 
be  too  remote,  in  most  cases,  to  answer  that  purpose. 
But  then  I  considered  they  never  had  been  used  for 
that  purpose,  and  there  was  no  probability  they  ever 
would  be,  because  no  civil  magistrate  could  be  found 
under  whose  directions  they  might  act;  and  they 
could  be  considered  only  as  having  a  tendency  to 
keep  the  inhabitants  in  some  degree  of  awe,  and  even 
this  was  every  day  lessening;  and  the  affronts  the 
troops  received  were  such,  that  there  was  no  avoiding 
quarrels  and  slaughter."  Still  he  hesitated  substan- 
tially to  retract  his  word;  for  now  a  request  from 
him,  he  knew,  was  equivalent  to  an  order ;  and,  before 
he  determined,  he  consulted  three  officers  of  the 
Crown,  who,  though  not  present  in  the  council,  were 
in  the  building,  and  the  secretary,  Oliver.    All  agreed 


THE    MASSACRE   AND   A   CIVIC   TRIUMPH.         119 

that  he  ought  to  comply  with  the  advice  of  the  coun- 
cil. He  then  formally  recommended  Dalrymple  to 
remove  all  the  troops,  who  gave  his  word  of  honor 
that  he  would  commence  preparations  in  the  morning 
for  a  removal,  and  that  there  should  be  no  unneces- 
sary delay  in  quartering  both  regiments  at  the  castle.1 

It  was  dark  when  the  committee  bore  back  to  the 
meeting  the  great  report  of  their  success.  It  was 
received  with  expressions  of  the  highest  satisfaction. 
What  a  burden  was  lifted  from  the  hearts  of  the 
patriots !  They  did  not,  however,  regard  their  work 
as  done.  They  voted  that  a  strong  watch  was  neces- 
sary through  the  night,  when  the  committee  who  had 
waited  on  the  lieutenant-governor  tendered  their  ser- 
vices to  make  a  part  of  the  watch;  and  the  whole 
matter  was  placed  in  their  hands  as  a  "committee 
of  safety."  They  were  authorized  to  accept  the  ser- 
vice of  such  inhabitants  as  they  might  deem  proper; 
and  arrangements  were  made  for  a  general  muster 
of  the  people  in  case  of  necessity.  The  meeting  then 
dissolved. 

Warren,  being  a  member  of  this  "committee  of 
safety,"  was  one  of  the  watch.  The  duties  of  the 
committee  continued  until  the  troops  left  the  town. 
"  From  the  time  of  this  fatal  tragedy,"  a  letter  of 
March  12  says,  "  a  military  guard  of  town  militia  has 
been  constantly  kept  in  the  Town  House  and  Town 

1  The  "  Boston  Gazette  "  has  the  following :  "  London,  April  30.  A  letter 
from  Colonel  Dalrymple,  at  Boston,  to  a  general  officer,  his  friend  in  England, 
mentions,  that,  if  the  troops  had  not  retired  out  of  the  town  of  Boston  at  the 
time  they  did,  the  most  terrible  and  fatal  consequences  would  most  certainly 
have  happened,  as  the  inhabitants  had  absolutely  determined  to  risk  their  lives 
in  an  attack  upon  the  military,  in  order  to  revenge  the  cruel  and  wanton  mas- 
sacre of  their  countrymen." 


150  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH   WAEEEK. 

Prison,  at  which  some  of  the  most  respectable  citizens 
have  done  duty  as  common  soldiers."  In  a  short 
time,  the  two  regiments  were  removed  to  Castle  Wil- 
liam, where  they  continued  under  the  command  of 
Colonel  Dalrymple. 

These  events  produced  a  deep  impression  on  War- 
ren's sensitive  nature.  Years  after,  he  spoke  of  the 
slaughter  of  the  citizens  as  an  unequalled  scene  of 
horror,  the  sad  remembrance  of  which  took  full  pos- 
session of  his  soul.  "  The  sanguinary  theatre,"  he 
said,  "  again  opens  itself  to  view.  The  baleful  images 
of  terror  crowd  around  me;  and  discontented  ghosts, 
with  hollow  groans,  appear  to  solemnize  the  anniver- 
sary of  the  Fifth  of  March."  And  the  mark  made 
on  John  Adams's  mind  was  not  less  indelible.  It  is 
not  necessary  to  accept  strong  expressions  by  ardent 
natures  as  literal  facts,  but  they  often  vividly  recall 
the  spirit  of  an  era;  and  this  is  seen  in  a  few  sentences 
from  Adams's  letters:  "On  that  night,  the  founda- 
tion of  American  independence  was  laid." — "Not  the 
Battle  of  Lexington  or  Bunker's  Hill,  not  the  Sur- 
render of  Burgoyne  or  Cornwallis,  were  more  impor- 
tant events  in  American  history  than  the  Battle  of 
King  Street,  on  the  5th  of  March,  1770."  — "The 
death  of  four  or  five  persons,  the  most  obscure  and 
inconsiderable  that  could  have  been  found  upon  the 
continent,  on  the  5th  of  March,  1770,  has  never  yet 
been  forgiven  by  any  part  of  America."1 

Warren  ascribed  the  great  civic  triumph  in  the  re- 
moval of  the  troops  to  the  union  of  the  people.  He 
said,  "  With  united  efforts,  you  urged  an  immediate 
departure  of  the  troops  from  the  town;  you  urged  it 

1  John  Adams's  Works,  viii.  384 ;  ix.  352 ;  x.  203. 


THE    MASSACRE   ANT>   A   CIVIC    TRIUMPH.         151 

with  a  resolution  which  insured  success ;  you  obtained 
your  wishes;  and  the  removal  of  the  troops  was 
effected  without  one  drop  of  their  blood  being  shed  by 
the  inhabitants."  John  Adams  estimated  the  number 
who  took  part  in  the  meeting  on  this  day  "  at  ten  or 
twelve  thousand,"  which  is  probably  too  high  an 
estimate. 

The  withdrawal  of  the  troops  caused  great  surprise 
in  England;  and  there  were  consultations  in  the  cab- 
inet, and  angry  crimination  in  parliament.  The  oppo- 
sition characterized  it  as  an  indignity  put  upon  Great 
Britain,  and  called  on  the  ministry  to  resent  it,  or 
resign  their  places.  The  expectation  was  general, 
that  General  Gage,  without  waiting  for  the  Govern- 
ment, would  send  a  re-enforcement  to  Boston,  and 
order  the  whole  of  the  troops  into  town.  "  Every 
one,"  Governor  Bernard  wrote,  ,w  without  exception, 
says  it  must  be  immediately  done.  Those  in  opposi- 
tion are  as  loud  as  any.  Lord  Shelburne  told  a  gen- 
tleman, who  reported  it  to  me,  that  it  was  now  high 
time  for  Great  Britain  to  act  with  spirit."  The  gov- 
ernor advised  Hutchinson,  that,  should  it  turn  out 
that  he  had  been  successful  in  preventing  Captain 
Preston  from  being  murdered  by  the  mob,  w  Govern- 
ment might  be  reconciled  to  the  removal  of  the 
troops."  There  was  much  outside  clamor;  and  those 
who  indulged  in  it  could  not  overlook  the  fact  of  "  six 
hundred  regular  troops  giving  way  to  two  or  three 
thousand  common  people,  who,  they  say,  would  not 
have  dared  to  attack  them,  if  they  had  stood  their 
ground ; "  and  this  class  regarded  the  affair  "  as  a  suc- 
cessful bully."  Colonel  Barre,  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, disposed  of  the  question  in  a  few  words:  "The 


152  LITE    OE   JOSEPH   WAKREN. 

officers  agreed  in  sending  the  soldiers  to  Castle  "Wil- 
liam :  what  minister  will  dare  to  send  them  back  to 
Boston?" 

The  prudent  conduct  of  the  people  of  Boston  on 
the  landing  of  the  troops,  and  their  moderation  and 
forbearance  on  the  occasion  of  the  firing  upon  the 
people,  with  their  uniform  and  spirited  support  of  the 
general  cause,  elicited  the  warmest  encomiums  from 
the  friends  of  liberty;  and,  as  these  encomiums  ap- 
peared in  the  press,  they  were  copied  into  the  Boston 
journals.  A  few  sentences  will  suffice  to  show  their 
tone :  "  Your  Bostonians  shine  with  renewed  lustre." 
— K  So  much  wisdom  and  virtue  as  hath  been  con- 
spicuous in  Bostonians  will  not  go  unrewarded."  — 
w  The  patriotism  of  Boston  will  be  revered  through 
every  age."  —  "  The  noble  conduct  of  the  representa- 
tives, selectmen,  and.  principal  merchants  of  Boston, 
in  defending  and  supporting  the  rights  of  America 
and  the  British  Constitution,  cannot  fail  to  excite  love 
and  gratitude  in  the  heart  of  every  worthy  person  in 
the  British  Empire.  They  discover  a  dignity  of  soul 
worthy  the  human  mind,  which  is  the  true  glory  of 
man,  and  merits  the  applause  of  all  rational  beings. 
Their  names  will  shine  unsullied  in  the  bright  records 
of  fame  to  the  latest  ages ;  and  unborn  millions  will 
rise  up,  and  call  them  blessed."1 

Some  of  the  towns  now  passed  resolves  expressing 
similar  admiration  of  the  conduct  of  Boston,  which 
were  transmitted  under  the  signature  of  their  offi- 
cials, and  are  among  the  Boston  archives.  One  cita- 
tion will  show  their  character.     The  town  of  Medford 

1  These  sentences  are  copied  from  the  Boston  papers.  The  last  is  reprinted 
from  a  Southern  journal  in  a  Boston  paper  of  Dec.  18,  1769. 


THE    MASSACRE    AXD    A   CIVIC    TRIUMPH.         153 

(March  14,  1770),  in  a  letter  to  the  town  of  Boston, 
said  it  was  greatly  rejoiced  that  the  metropolis  had 
acted  with  such  unexampled  moderation  as  to  proceed 
against  the  perpetrators  of  the  massacre  "  according 
to  the  common  course  of  justice,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  with  a  laudable  and  unconquerable  firmness  of 
resolution  becoming  the  character  of  free  British  sub- 
jects, insisting  upon  the  immediate  removal  of  the 
troops;"  and  then  the  letter  says,  "With  joy  and 
gratitude,  this  town  embrace  this  opportunity  also  to 
declare  their  opinion,  that  the  brave  and  patriotic 
spirit  which  the  town  of  Boston  has  often  shown  in 
the  common  cause  of  liberty,  and  also  the  laudable, 
generous,  and  spirited  behavior  of  its  respectable 
merchants,  in  these  times  of  trouble,  justly  merit  the 
thanks  of  all  British  America,  and  of  this  province 
and  town  in  particular.  And  this  town  do  assure 
them,  that  they  are  fully  determined  to  assist  the 
town  of  Boston,  at  all  times,  in  every  salutary 
measure  they  shall  adopt  for  the  preservation  of  our 
inalienable  rights  and  privileges." 

This  strain  of  eulogy  on  Boston  constitutes  an 
interesting  feature  of  these  times,  and  therefore  ought 
to  have  a  place  in  history.  It  was  not  of  a  local  cast, 
for  it  appears  in  several  colonies  and  in  England;  it 
was  not  manufactured  by  politicians,  for  it  is  seen  in 
the  private  letters  of  the  friends  of  constitutional 
liberty  which  have  come  to  light  subsequently  to  the 
events;  it  was  not  a  transient  enthusiasm,  for  the  same 
strain  was  continued  during  the  years  preceding  the 
war.  The  praise  was  bestowed  on  a  town  small  in 
territory,  and  comparatively  small  in  population.  Such 
were  the  cities  of  Greece  in  the  era  of  their  renown. 

20 


154  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WAKREX. 

w  The  territories  of  Athens,  Sparta,  and  their  allies," 
remarks  Gibbon,  "  do  not  exceed  a  moderate  province 
of  France  or  England;  but,  after  the  trophies  of 
Salamis  or  Plataea,  they  expand  in  our  fancy  to  the 
gigantic  size  of  Asia,  which  had  been  trampled  under 
the  feet  of  the  victorious  Greeks."  ]N~o  trophies  had 
been  gathered  in  an  American  Platsea;  there  was  no 
hero  upon  whom  public  affection  centered ;  there  was, 
indeed,  little  that  common  constructors  of  history 
would  consider  to  be  history.  Yet  it  was  now  writ- 
ten and  made  common  thought  by  an  unfettered 
press,  —  "Nobler  days  nor  deeds  were  never  seen 
than  at  this  time."1  This  was  an  instinctive  appre- 
ciation of  a  great  truth ;  for  the  real  American  Revo- 
lution was  going  on  in  the  tidal  flow  of  thought  and 
feeling,  and  in  the  formation  of  public  opinion.  A 
people,  inspired  by  visions  of  better  days  for  human- 
ity, luxuriating  in  the  emotions  of  hope  and  faith, 
yearning  for  the  right,  mastering  the  reasoning  on 
which  it  was  based,  were  steadily  taking  their  fit 
place  on  the  national  stage,  in  the  belief  of  the  near- 
ness of  a  mighty  historic  hour.  And  their  sponta- 
neous praise  was  for  a  community  heroically  acting 
on  national  principles  and  for  a  national  cause.  Be- 
cause of  this  did  they  predict  that  unborn  millions 
would  hold  up  the  men  of  Boston  as  worthy  to  be 
enrolled  in  the  shining  record  of  fame. 

1  These  words  occur  in  a  warm  Southern  eulogy  on  Boston,  printed  in  the 
"  Gazette  "  of  Feb.  12,  1770. 


ORATION    OX    THE    MASSACRE.  155 


CHAPTEE  VII. 


ORATION    ON    THE    MASSACRE. 


An  Interval  of  two  Years.  —  The  Repeal  op  the  Townsend  Act. 
—  Apathy  of  the  Community.  —  Hutchinson  and  Adams.  —  Dif- 
ferences   BETWEEN    THE    POPULAR    LEADERS. — WARREN'S   ORATION. 

•    — Its  Effect. 

March,  1770,  to  March,  1772. 

I  have  traced  the  career  of  Warren,  as,  animated  by 
the  ruling  passion  of  the  love  of  country,  he  sought 
the  press,  the  club,  and  the  town-meeting  as  instru- 
mentalities to  promote  the  patriot  cause.  He  appears 
on  the  public  stage,  for  the  most  part,  in  company 
with  his  seniors  in  years ;  but,  when  he  rendered  his 
next  salient  service,  he  stood  alone:  it  was  the  de- 
livery of  a  discourse  in  commemoration  of  the  mas- 
sacre. In  order  to  do  this  utterance  justice,  it  may 
be  well  to  glance  at  the  state  of  affairs  during  an 
interval  of  two  years. 

Much  interesting  local  history  succeeded  the  Sixth 
of  March,  as  the  funeral  of  the  slaughtered  inhabitants, 
the  departure  of  the  obnoxious  troops,  and  the  trials 
of  the  accused  soldiers.  The  superior  court  wisely 
decided  to  postpone  the  trials  for  a  season:  the  pub- 
lic, however,  were  impatient;  and  Hutchinson  relates 
(March  23,  1770),  that  "Samuel  Adams,  William 
Cooper,  Warren,  and  others,  came  from  Mr.  Jones's, 


156  '   LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WARREN. 

where  they  had  dined  that  day,  and  a  vast  concourse 
of  people  after  them,  into  the  superior  court,  and 
harangued  the  judges,"  in  order  to  induce  them  to 
alter  their  decision.  These  occurrences  were  marked 
by  intense  feeling,  and  the  details  are  quite  volu- 
minous; but  they  were  but  the  sequel  of  the  impor- 
tant events  which  have  been  described,  and  are  of 
the  order  of  facts  that  make  no  special  impress  on 
public  opinion. 

Warren  took  a  part  in  the  town-meetings  this 
year.  He  was  a  member  of  a  committee  appointed  to 
prepare  a  narrative  of  the  massacre ;  and,  with  James 
Bowdoin  and  Samuel  Pemberton,  was  selected  to 
send  this  narrative  to  prominent  characters  in  Eng- 
land. He  was  one  of  a  committee  to  wait  on  Colonel 
Dalrymple,  and  urge  a  speedy  departure  of  the  troops. 
At  the  May  meeting,  he  was  on  the  committee  to 
prepare  the  instructions  to  the  representatives,  which 
deserve  a  passing  remark.  These  instructions  averred 
that  the  idea  of  a  lasting  union  of  the  colonies  lay 
deep  in  the  heart  of  every  sensible  and  honest  Amer- 
ican as  one  of  the  most  weighty  matters;  declared 
there  was  no  one  point  which  ought  more  to  engage 
their  affectionate  zeal ;  inculcated  a  cordial  inter- 
colonial intercourse;  and  urged  that,  as  the  interests 
of  the  colonies  were  so  inseparable,  nothing  was 
required  to  cement  their  political  and  natural  attach- 
ment but  an  intimate  communion.  This  paper  was 
drawn  up  by  Josiah  Quincy,  jun.  Its  union  senti- 
ment is  calculated  for  all  time.  To  Hutchinson,  how- 
ever, who  watched  this  idea  closely,  it  was  poison. 
He  says  (May  22,  1770) ,  *  Nothing  can  be  more  in- 
famous than  the  Boston  instructions.     Is  it  possible 


ORATION   ON   THE   MASSACRE.  157 

they  should  pass  without  notice?  Young  Quincy, 
who  goes  by  the  name  of  Wilkes  Quincy,  penned 
them.  He  bids  fair  to  be  a  successor  to  Otis,  and  it 
is  much  if  he  does  not  run  mad  also."  According 
to  a  Tory  writer,  Warren,  a  like  enthusiast  for  union, 
had  a  touch  of  the  same  sort  of  madness;  for  it 
was  said,  "  One  of  our  most  bawling1  demagogues 
and  voluminous  writers  is  a  crazy  doctor." 

Warren,  in  July,  was  appointed  on  a  committee  to 
consider  the  state  of  the  town,  and  transmit  a  report 
to  England:  the  same  month  he  was  appointed,  at  a 
meeting  of  merchants  and  others,  one  of  a  committee 
"to  consider  what  might  be  proper  to  be  done  to 
strengthen  the  union  of  the  colonies,"  and  to  give 
efficiency  to  the  non-importation  agreement;  and,  in 
September,  he  was  placed  by  the  town  on  a  committee 
to  devise  measures  for  the  promotion  of  arts,  agricul- 
ture, and  commerce  in  the  province.  Interesting  as 
these  subjects  are,  I  am  unable  to  give  any  detail  of 
Warren's  special  agency  in  them. 

The  Townsend  Revenue  Act  was  now  repealed,  it 
was  alleged,  on  the  petition  of  British  merchants,  and 
for  the  convenience  of  England,  excepting  the  pre- 
amble, asserting  a  right  in  parliament  to  legislate  for 
the  colonies  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  which  was  re- 
tained to  save  this  principle,  and  the  tax  on  tea,  kept 
to  secure  its  acknowledgment.  "I  know  not  what 
reason,"  Hutchinson  wrote  (Oct.  15,  1770),  "may 
make  it  necessary  to  continue  the  duty  on  tea;  but  I 

1  I  cite  this  from  that^ompilation  of  the  lowest  sort  of  politics,  "  Sagittarius's 
Letters  (page  9) ;  in  which  the  errors  of  the  patriots,  to  use  an  expression  of 
James  Lovell,  "were  written  with  gall  by  the  pen  of  malice."  This  Tory 
writer  does  not  name  Warren,  and  may  refer  to  Dr.  Young. 


158  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WAKKEX. 

think  the  repeal  of  it,  or  making  the  same  duty  pay- 
able in  England,  is  necessary  to  prevent  disorders  in 
the  colonies."  The  idea  of  making  the  duty  payable 
in  England  may  have  been  original  with  Hutchinson; 
but  the  credit  of  carrying  it  out  by  the  East-India 
Company  is  ascribed  to  King  George. 

The  non-importation  agreement,  about  which  there 
is  a  world  of  matter,  now  came  to  an  end;  and  the 
quantity  of  tea  imported  from  England  was  so  small, 
that  the  tax  was  virtually  a  nullity.  There  was  a  lull 
in  political  affairs :  the  community  became  apathetic ; 
and  this  continued  through  the  year  1771.  The  town 
records  are  brief  and  tame.  The  only  political  mat- 
ters acted  on  this  year,  in  public  meeting,  were  a 
commemoration  of  the  Fifth  of  March,  an  answer  to 
a  patriotic  letter  of  Dr.  Lucas,  of  Ireland,  on  the  mas- 
sacre, and  a  reply  to  the  false  publications  about  the 
town;  and  Warren  was  a  member  of  all  the  commit- 
tees that  matured  the  action.  Hutchinson  wrote 
(May  24,  1771),  — "The  faction  in  this  province 
against  the  Government  is  dying;  but  it  dies  hard. 
I  have  waived  all  dispute  with  them  upon  the  general 
points  between  the  kingdom  and  the  colonies,  and 
have  obtained  the  victory  in  all  the  controversy  upon 
points  confined  to  our  particular  constitution.  They 
are  now  reduced  to  personalities,  and  those  of  a  gen- 
eral nature,  —  hypocrisy,  ambition,  [and  a]  tyrannical 
disposition." 

It  was  now  said  that  the  people  of  the  colonies 
were  weary  of  their  altercations  with  the  mother 
country,  and  that  a  little  discreet  conduct  on  both 
sides  would  perfectly  establish  the  warm  affection  felt 
towards  Great  Britain.1      But   two   good  observers, 

1  Bancroft,  vi.  406. 


ORATION  ON  THE  MASSACRE.         159 

Hutchinson  and  Samuel  Adams,  looked  beneath  this 
deceitful  surface,  and  formed  a  different  judgment. 
Their  measure  of  each  other,  at  this  time,  is  at  least 
curious.  Hutchinson  doubted  whether  there  was  a 
greater  incendiary  in  the  king's  dominions  than  Adams ; 
and  Adams  wrote  of  Hutchinson,  "  It  has  been  his 
principle  from  a  boy,  that  mankind  are  to  be  governed 
by  the  discerning  few;  and  it  has  ever  since  been  his 
ambition  to  be  the  hero  of  the  few."1  Hutchinson 
was  a  type  of  conservatism,  clinging  with  sturdy 
fidelity  to  the  past;  Adams,  of  the  spirit  of  progress, 
with  a  noble  faith  in  the  future  of  the  race. 

Hutchinson  saw  what  he  called  "the  spread  of 
levelling  principles,"  the  growing  importance  of  w  the 
commonality,"  and  the  tenacity  with  which  the  people 
held  on  to  the  right  of  making  their  local  or  municipal 
law.  He  continued  to  misrepresent  this  right  as  a 
claim  for  exemption  from  all  parliamentary  authority; 
and  he  now  urged,  that."  parliament  must  give  up  its 
claim  to  a  supreme  authority  over  the  colonies,  or  the 
colonies  must  cease  from  asserting  a  supreme  legisla- 
ture within  themselves."  As  he  saw  also  such  union 
sentiment  as  was  as  common  as  the  day  in  the  press, 
and  was  embodied  in  Quincy's  instructions,  he  wrote 
that  *  something  must  be  done,  or  the  colonies  will  be 
riveting  their  principles  of  independence  on  parlia- 
ment, until  it  will  be  too  late  to  break  them  off;  the 
wound  might  be  skinned  over,  but  could  never  be 
healed  until  it  was  laid  open  to  the  bone;"  and  he 
wrote,  K I  dare  not  trust  to  pen  and  ink  my  thought 
upon  some  provisions  which  might  be  made  by  par- 
liament for  preventing  an  unwarrantable  combination 

1  Letter  to  Stephen  Say  re,  Nov  5JS.  1770 


160  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH   WARREN. 

between  the  colonies.  Ever  since  the  congress  in 
New  York,  a  regular  correspondence  has  been  kept 
up  by  demagogues  in  each  colony." 1  While  he  urged 
that  parliament  should  deal  with  the  union  idea,  he 
bent  himself  to  one  single  point,  that  of  curtailing 
the  popular  power  as  to  the  local  Government,  by 
taking  from  it,  under  the  authority  of  royal  instruc- 
tions, functions  that  had  been  enjoyed  uninterrupt- 
edly above  a  century,  and  transferring  them  to  the 
Crown. 

Samuel  Adams  saw  this  deadly  warfare  waged  on 
the  two  primordial  ideas  of  our  country's  life,  —  local 
government  and  the  union,  —  as  clearly  as  though  he 
had  before  him  the  letter-book  of  Hutchinson,  or 
knew  the  secret  counsels  of  the  ministry;  and  he  felt 
that  there  was  no  peace.  The  arbitrary  dealing  of 
the  executive  with  the  general  court,  in  proroguing 
and  dissolving  it,  and  in  summoning  it  to  meet  at 
Cambridge,  all  at  the  pleasure  of  His  Majesty;  the 
veto  of  bills  concerning  local  taxation,  a  thing  never 
before  known;  and  the  new  doctrines  avowed  of 
the  right  of  interference  by  parliament  and  by  the 
Crown,  —  were  to  him  so  many  proofs  of  a  design  to 
curtail  the  rights  of  the  people.  His  eye  was  fixed 
on  the  fountain  of  this  aggression.  "  The  minister," 
he  wrote,  w  has  taken  a  method,  which,  in  my  opinion, 
has  a  direct  tendency  to  set  up  a  despotism  here,  or 
rather  is  the  thing  itself;  and  that  is,  by  sending  in- 
structions to  the  governor,  to  be  the  rule  of  his 
Administration,  and  forbidding  him,  as  the  governor 

1  Stephen  Sayre  wrote  to  S.  Adams,  Sept.  11,  1770,  that  Hutchinson's  letters 
were  not  allowed  to  be  seen  by  anybody  except  Lord  Hillsborough  and  his  con- 
fidential secretary,  John  Pownal. 


ORATION    ON   THE   MASSACRE.  161 

declares,  to  make  them  known  to  us;  the  design  of 
which  may  be  to  prevent  his  ever  being  made  respon- 
sible for  any  measures  he  may  advise,  in  order  to 
introduce  and  establish  arbitrary  power  over  the  colo- 
nies." He  never  was  more  a  moral  hero  than  when 
a  cloud  hung  over  the  cause  to  which  his  life  was 
devoted;  and  he  never  was  more  active  in  the  press 
and  in  private  correspondence  than  he  was  now.  On 
the  failure  of  the  non-importation  agreement,  he 
wrote  to  the  patriots  of  Charleston,  S.C.,  w  Let  us 
forget  there  ever  was  such  a  futile  combination,  and 
awaken  attention  to  our  first  grand  object,  —  union 
in  support  of  constitutional  principles."  It  is  related 
that,  on  some  occasion,  probably  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,— the  anecdote  is  fixed  in  this  period, 
—  he  wrapped  his  cloak  around  him,  and  exclaimed 
with  vehemence,  "I  will  stand  alone:  I  will  oppose 
this  tyranny  at  the  threshold,  though  the  fabric  of 
liberty  fall,  and  I  perish  in  its  ruins!"1 

Though  these  statesmen  saw  ideas  working  on 
society  with  the  certainty  of  law,  yet  they  had  sea- 
sons of  hopes  and  fears,  which  rose  and  declined  with 
the  things  of  the  hour.  Hutchinson,  observing  the 
apathy  of  the  people  and  the  divisions  of  the  Whigs, 
was  much  encouraged;  while  Adams  judged  that 
"  there  never  was  a  time  when  the  political  affairs  of 
America  were  in  a  more  dangerous  state."  There 
was  this  difference  between  these  political  leaders: 
Hutchinson's  letters  show  doubt,  hesitancy,  and  vacil- 
lation; Adams  writes  with  the  confidence,  decision, 
and  firmness  of  one  inspired  by  faith  in  the  ultimate 
triumph  of  the  right.     "  I  have  a  firm  persuasion," 

i  S.  A.  Wells's  MSS. 
21 


162  LIFE    OE   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

are  his  words,  M  that,  in  every  struggle,  this  country 
will  approve  herself  as  glorious  in  defending  and 
maintaining  her  freedom,  as  she  has  been  heretofore 
happy  in  enjoying  it."1 

A  few  citations  from  the  letters  of  Hutchinson, 
who  became  governor  in  March,  1771,  will  show  his 
view  of  parties  and  men.  K  There  is  now  a  general 
appearance  of  contentment  throughout  the  province; 
and  even  here  the  persons  who  have  made  the  most 
disturbance  have  become  of  less  importance."  —  w  At 
present,  Hancock  and  Adams  are  at  variance.  Some 
of  my  friends  blow  the  coals,  and  I  hope  to  see  a 
good  effect."  He  wrote  to  the  under-secretary  of 
Lord  Hillsborough  (Oct.  17, 1771),  "Your  intimation 
what  measures  would  be  approved  of  by  the  highest 
authority,  I  take  very  kind,  and  shall  remember  that 
it  is  in  confidence.  To  answer  the  purpose  proposed, 
I  must  have  from  Hancock  some  assurance  of  break- 
ing his  connection,  before  I  can  give  my  consent  to  his 
election.  He  is  quiet  at  present,  and  so  are  most  of 
the  party.  All  of  them,  except  Adams,  abate  of  their 
virulence.  Adams  is  the  writer  in  the  incendiary 
newspaper,  and  would  push  the  continent  into  a  rebel- 
lion to-morrow,  if  it  was  in  his  power."  And  he  rep- 
resents Otis  as  being  subject  to  a  temporary  frenzy. 

Eliot,  on  the  Whig  side,  states,  as  the  cause  of  the 
collision  between  the  popular  leaders,  the  question 
of  the  removal  of  the  general  court  from  Cambridge 
to  Boston;  it  having  refused  to  proceed  with  the  ordi- 
nary business  on  account  of  the  arbitrary  summons 

1  Letter  to  John  Wilkes,  Dec.  27,  1770.  Stephen  Sayre  wrote  to  Samuel 
Adams,  Sept.  18,  1770,  "  I  have  already  done  myself  the  honor  of  addressing 
you  as  the  Father  of  America." 


ORATIOX  (Xtf  THE  MASSACRE.         163 

of  it  by  the  governor  to  Cambridge.  Hutchinson 
offered  to  convene  the  court  at  its  old  place  of  meet- 
ing, the  Town  House  in  Boston,  K  upon  certain  con- 
ditions, which  the  majority  of  members  saw  fit  to 
comply  with.  Mr.  Hancock  voted  with  them.  Adams 
was  against  the  measure,  and  expressed  sentiments  in 
opposition  to  his  friend  and  colleague.  Mr.  Han- 
cock was  a  man  impatient  of  contradiction,  and,  upon 
some  occasions,  indulged  in  a  petulant  humor.  He 
could  not  bear  the  opposition  of  even  Adams  on  this 
question.  It  was  one  cause  of  the  alienation  between 
them.  That  gentleman  was  cool  and  determined, 
hard  and  unyielding,  as  well  as  bold  in  his  argument. 
He  sometimes  was  sarcastic  in  his  replies;  but,  upon 
the  subject  that  then  divided  the  house,  he  observed 
the  utmost  delicacy,  and  seemed  to  dread  the  conse- 
quence of  this  political  difference." 

Hancock,  who  was  now  the  idol  of  the  people, 
was  serving  on  the  board  of  selectmen.  w  His  gen- 
erosity," Eliot  says,  "  upon  all  public  occasions,  and 
kindness  to  individuals,  were  the  theme  of  continued 
and  loud  applause.  It  was  said  that  his  heart  was  as 
open  as  the  day  to  acts  of  beneficence,  and  that  he 
sunk  his  fortune  in  the  cause  of  his  country.  This 
was  the  prevailing  idea,  and  it  gave  a  perfume  to  the 
sacrifice."  Hancock  might  have  been  vain,  but  he 
was  ever  true  to  the  cause;  and  Hutchinson  never 
obtained  from  him  the  assurance  that  would  warrant 
a  bestowal  on  him  of  court  favor. 

Otis's  health  was  declining.  A  short  time  after  the 
assault  on  him  by  Commissioner  Robinson,  Otis  was 
asked  to  appear  in  a  case  in  the  superior  court.  On 
refusing,   he   said   that   his   constitution   was    gone; 


164  LIFE    OE    JOSEPH    WAKEEN. 

that  he  had  but  a  little  while  to  live,  and  must  quit 
business ;  saying,  "  I  have  done  much  more  mischief 
to  my  country  than  can  ever  be  repaired.  I  meant 
well,  but  am  now  convinced  that  I  was  mistaken. 
Cursed  be  the  day  I  was  born!"  This  incident  is 
related  in  an  official  letter  by  Hutchinson,  who 
adds  the  unfeeling  remark,  that,  when  Otis  found 
"  such  talk  would  hurt  his  interest,  he  would  be  more 
wicked  than  ever  to  recover  his  character."  His 
mind  was  impaired,  and  for  this  reason  he  had  been  left 
off  the  representative  ticket;  but  one  of  the  repre- 
sentatives, John  Adams,  having  removed  to  Brain- 
tree,  Otis,  who  seemed  to  be  in  better  health,  was 
elected  in  Adams's  place,  and  served  his  last  session 
in  the  general  court.  At  times,  he  was  calm  and  natu- 
ral; but  it  soon  appeared  that  his  lucid  intervals  were 
but  flickerings  of  the  expiring  lamp.  John  Adams, 
at  Braintree,  relates  this  incident:  "John  Chandler, 
Esq.,  of  Petersham,  came  into  P.'s,  in  the  evening, 
from  Boston,  yesterday,  and  gave  us  an  account  of 
Mr.  Otis's  conversion  to  Toryism.  Adams  was  going 
on  in  the  old  road;  and  Otis  started  up,  and  said 
they  had  gone  far  enough  in  that  way,  the  governor 
had  an  undoubted  right  to  carry  the  court  where  he 
pleased,  and  moved  for  a  committee  to  represent  the 
inconveniences  of  sitting  there,  and  for  an  address 
to  the  governor.  He  was  a  good  man:  the  ministers 
said  so,  the  justices  said  so,  and  it  must  be  so,  and 
moved  to  go  on  with  the  business;  and  the  house 
voted  every  thing  he  moved  for.  Boston  people 
say  he  is  distracted."  During  this  session,  his  friends 
were  obliged  to  bear  him,  worse  than  ever,  into  the 
country;  and  his  career  was  substantially  ended. 


ORATIOX   OTf   THE   MASSACRE.  165 

John  Adams,  after  residing  three  years  in  Boston, 
during  which,  he  avers,  he  cheerfully  sacrificed  inter- 
est, health,  ease,  and  pleasure  in  serving  the  people, 
and  stood  by  them  "much  longer  than  they  would 
stand  by  themselves,"  said  that  he  had  learned  wis- 
dom from  experience,  meant  certainly  to  become  more 
retired  and  cautious,  and  to  mind  his  farm  and  his 
office.  Exclaiming,  "  Farewell,  politics  ! "  he  removed 
to  Braintree  to  gain  strength  for  subsequent  years  of 
noble  service  to  his  country.  "I  was  asked,"  Ber- 
nard wrote  to  Hutchinson,  w  by  one  of  the  ministry, 
to-day,  who  that  John  Adams  was?  I  gave  as  favor- 
able an  answer  as  I  could,  but  riot  such  as  would  have 
justified  the  appointment  to  him  of  an  office  of  trust." 
Adams  became  a  looker-on  in  politics,  keeping  his 
office  in  Boston;  and  his  diary  supplies  glimpses  of 
men  and  things  in  the  town.  He  mentions  meeting, 
at  clubs  and  parties,  Otis,  Hancock,  and  Adams,  which 
shows  that  the  political  differences  did  not  interrupt 
social  intercourse.  As  Adams  was  one  day  taking 
a  pipe  with  Judge  Trowbridge,  the  judge  remarked, 
Adams  relates,  "  You  will  never  get  your  health  till 
your  mind  is  at  ease.  If  you  tire  yourself  with  busi- 
ness, but  especially  with  politics,  you  won't  get  well." 
Adams  said,  w  I  don't  meddle  with  politics  nor  think 
about  them." — "Except,"  said  the  judge, "by  writing 
in  the  papers."  —  "  I'll  be  sworn,"  replied  Adams,  "  I 
have  not  wrote  one  line  in  the  newspapers  these  two 
years ! " 

Thomas  Cushing,  speaker  of  the  House  of  Eepre- 
sentatives,  was  now  widely  known  in  England  by  his 
name  being  signed  to  the  public  papers,  and  was 
spoken  of  there  as  the  leader  of  the  Whigs  in  this 


166     ■  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH   WARREN. 

country;  but  though  his  character  and  position  gave 
him  influence,  yet,  Dr.  Eliot  says,  he  had  less  political 
zeal  than  Otis  or  Adams  or  Hancock,  and  was  not 
esteemed  the  leader  here.  He  is  represented  at  this 
time,  by  John  Adams,  as  inclined  to  temporize;1  but 
an  incident  shows  that  he  could  be  spirited.  w  dish- 
ing, last  night,"  Hutchinson  says,2  "  on  being  asked 
if  he  was  not  afraid  of  a  quo  warranto  against  the 
charter,  on  account  of  a  refusal  of  the  house  to  do 
business,  answered,  w  There  had  been  none  since  the 
reign  of  the  Stuarts,  and  they  dared  not  send  one 
here." 

Warren,  at  thirty,  moved  in  the  circle  formed  by 
these  characters,  and  others  not  less  worthy,  enjoying 
their  friendship  and  respect.  He  rented  the  house 
on  Hanover  Street,  on  the  site  of  the  present  Amer- 
ican House,  which  he  occupied  during  the  remainder 
of  his  life ;  and  he  was  a  member  of  the  Con- 
gregational Church  in  Brattle  Street,  of  which  Dr. 
Cooper  was  the  pastor.  He  had  (1772)  two  sons 
and  two  daughters.  A  negro  slave  made  a  part  of 
his  household,  who  was  perhaps  a  family  servant, 
whom  he  took  when  he  hired  the  house.3     He  was 

i  John  Adams's  Works,  ii.  278.  2  Aug.  4,  1770. 

8  I  am  indebted  to  Dr.  S.  A.  Green  for  two  papers  which  have  the  autograph 
of  Warren.    Joshua  Green  owned  the  house  which  Warren  rented. 

"Boston,  June  28th,  1770.  I  the  Subscriber  having  this  day  purchas'd  a 
Negro  Boy  of  Joshua  Green  have  made  the  follows  conditions  with  him  viz*- 
That  I  will  add  Ten  pounds  Lawfull  money  to  be  paid  in  Potter's  Ware  manufac- 
ture in  this  Town,  in  three  years  to  the  Thirty  pounds  first  agreed  for  if  in  3 
months  from  this  date  I  shall  think  the  negro  worth  the  money  &  if  I  do  not 
think  him  worth  the  additional  ten  pounds  I  will  reconvey  him  to  s<*-  Green  he 
returns  the  two  notes  I  gave  him  for  the  negro,  one  for  17£  &  the  other  for  13£, 
both  of-  them  bearing  date  herewith.  Joseph  Warren." 

"  It  is  also  further  agreed  that  in  case  of  my  decease  that  the  withinmention'd 
negro  shall  become  the  property  of  said  Green  he  delivering  up  my  two  notes. 

Joseph  Warren." 


ORATION    ON    THE   MASSACRE.  167 

in  the  full  circle  of  medical  practice,  as  is  attested 
by  his  bills  and  a  portion  of  his  day-book  extant.1 
His  brother  John,  who  had  just  graduated  from  Har- 
vard College,  was  with  him  as  a  medical  student;  and 
a  number  of  young  men  pursued  their  professional 
studies  under  his  direction.2 

In  the  Ewer  Papers,  in  the  archives  of  the  New-England  Historic-Genealogical 
Society,  is  the  following  paper,  illustrative  of  the  times  :  — 

"  Boston,  April  3, 1770.  Received  this  day  from  Thomas  Fayerweather,  Esq., 
five  black  men-servants,  —  Cato,  Charleston,  Jack,  Prince,  and  Boston,  —  upon 
the  terms  following  :  We  agree  to  find  them  meat,  drink,  clothing,  washing,  and 
lodging,  &c,  and  to  pay  the  doctor's  bill  in  case  of  sickness ;  as  also  to  make 
good  the  loss  of  either  or  all  of  the  above-named  black  men-servants  in  case  of 
death  ;  and,  farther,  we  agree  to  allow  and  pay  to  the  said  Thomas  Fayerweathen 
Esq.,  one  shilling  1.  money  per  week  for  hire  of  the  above-named  servants. 

"  Wit.  Josh  Carnes.  Witness  our  hands, 

"Benj.  &  John  Gudly." 

At  this  period,  there  was  effort  made  not  merely  to  abolish  the  slave-trade, 
but  slavery.  The  following  letter,  from  Governor  Hutchinson  to  Lord  Hillsbor- 
ough, is  instructive  and  suggestive :  — 

'^Boston,  May,  1771. 

"  My  Lord,  —  The  bill  which  prohibits  the  importation  of  negro  slaves  ap- 
peared to  me  to  come  within  His  Majesty's  instructions  to  Sir  Francis  Bernard, 
which  restrains  the  governor  from  assenting  to  any  laws  of  a  new  and  unusual 
nature.  I  doubted  beside  whether  the  chief  motive  to  this  bill,  which,  it  is  said, 
was  a  scruple  upon  the  minds  of  the  people,  in  many  parts  of  the  province,  of  the 
lawfulness,  in  a  merely  moral  respect,  of  so  great  a  restraint  of  liberty,  was  well 
founded ;  slavery,  by  the  provincial  laws,  giving  no  right  to  the  life  of  the  servant : 
and  a  slave  here  is  considered  as  a  servant  would  be  who  had  bound  himself  for 
a  term  of  years  exceeding  the  ordinary  term  of  human  life ;  and  I  do  not  know 
that  it  has  been  determined  he  may  not  have  a  property  in  goods,  notwithstand- 
ing he  is  called  a  slave. 

"  I  have  reason  to  think  these  three  bills  will  be  again  offered  to  me  in 

another  session,  I  having  intimated  that  I  would  transmit  them  to  England,  to 

know  His  Majesty's  pleasure  concerning  them. 

"  Tho.  Hutchinson. 

"  The  Rt.  Hon.  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough." 

1  The  town  of  Boston  paid  Warren  a  bill,  in  1771,  for  service  rendered  from 
May  3,  1770,  to  May,  1771 ;  one  item  of  which  is  seven  hundred  and  thirty  visits 
during,  this  period.  Ellis  Ames,  Esq.,  loaned  to  me  fragments  of  Warren's  day- 
book, the  earliest  date  in  w.hich  is  Jan.  13,  1771 ;  and  the  last  is  Jan.  31,  \775. 

2  Dr.  Joseph  Warren,  memorable  for  patriotism  and  public  virtue,  was  in  full 
circle  of  medical  practice,  and  educated  a  number  of  young  gentlemen  to  the 
profession.  —  Thacher's  Medical  Biography,  24. 


168  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREX. 

Though  of  marked  amiability  of  character,  he  was 
naturally  high-tempered,  impulsive,  and  quick  to  re- 
sent an  insult:  at  times  he  was  passionate.  One 
evening,  when  the  British  troops  were  quartered  in 
the  town,  he  was  challenged  in  a  burly  way  by  a  sen- 
tinel, when  "Warren  knocked  him  down.  He  could 
be  vehement  in  the  expressions  of  feeling.  On  an 
occasion  when  his  spirit  was  stirred  by  the  taunts 
that  British  officers  were  uttering  on  the  Americans, 
he  said  to  William  Eustis,  subsequently  the  Governor 
of  Massachusetts,  "  These  felloAvs  say  we  won't  fight : 
by  heavens,  I  hope  I  shall  die  up  to  my  knees  in 
blood!" 

I  have  met  with  no  criticisms  on  Warren's  public 
conduct,  or  any  accounts  of  differences  between  him 
and  the  patriots;  and  the  manner  in  which  all  his 
contemporaries  refer  to  him  warrants  the  remark,  that 
those  who  knew  him  the  best  were  the  most  attached 
to  him.  Biography  is  something  more  than  a  strain 
of  panegyric;  but  a  warm  contemporary  panegyric, 
when  supported  by  the  tenor  of  a  life,  may  be  used  in 
making  up  an  estimate  of  character.  TJhe  following 
strain,  in  an  elegy  printed  about  a  fortnight  after 
Warren's  death,  indicates  that  he  attained  an  enviable 
reputation  as  a  man  and  a  physician :  — 


'  Sure,  godlike  Warren,  on  thy  natal  hour, 
Some  star  propitious  shed  its  brightest  power ; 
By  Nature's  hand  with  taste  and  genius  formed  ; 
Thy  generous  breast  with  every  virtue  warmed  ; 
Thy  mind  imbued  with  sense,  thy  form  with  grace, 
And  all  thy  virtues  pencilled  in  thy  face. 
Grave  Wisdom  marked  thee  as  his  favorite  cbild, 
And -on  thy  youth  indulgent  Science  smiled  ; 
Well  pleased,  she  led  thee  to  her  sacred  bower, 
And  to  thy  hands  consigned  her  healing  power." 


ORATION  ON  THE  MASSACRE.        169 

In  the  life-like  diary  of  John  Adams,  there  are 
glimpses  of  Warren,  as  he  mingled  with  his  friends, 
during  these  two  years,  in  the  joys  of  social  life, 
loving  and  beloved.  Here  Warren  is  seen  receiving 
the  future  president  of  the  United  States  at  his  own 
table ;  dining  in  the  historic  Hancock  House,  on  Bea- 
con Street,  with  Cooper,  Adams,  and  others,  when  they 
were  treated  with  green  tea;  which  Adams  hoped  was 
imported  from  Holland,  but  did  not  know;  making 
one  of  a  party  at  Samuel  Adams's  house,  where  Otis 
was  more  than  usually  social,  steady,  and  rational; 
meeting  with  "  the  Club,"  a  brilliant  circle  of  politi- 
cians and  divines,  among  whom  were  the  two  Coopers 
and  the  Adamses,  where  he  doubtless  enjoyed  the 
dispute  that  arose  about  wit,  in  which  Dr.  Cooper 
cited  the  proverb,  that  "  an  ounce  of  mother  wit  was 
worth  a  pound  of  clergy,"  and  Otis  repeated  another, 
—  perhaps  with  feeling,  —  that  w  an  ounce  of  pru- 
dence was  worth  a  pound  of  wit;"  and  dining  with 
"The  Merchants'  Club,"  at  the  Coffee  House,  who 
had  met  here  for  twenty  years.1 

I  have  stated  that  Warren  was  a  member  of  two  of 
the  political  clubs,  a  select  circle  of  the  prominent  poli- 
ticians, and  the  North-end  Caucus.  Dr.  Eliot  says 
that  one  of  these  clubs,  "  in  1772,  agreed  to  increase 
their  number,  and  to  meet  in  a  large  room,  invite 
a  number  of  substantial  mechanics  to  join  them,  and 
hold  a  kind  of  caucus  pro  bono  publico.  They  met  in 
a  house  near  the  North  Battery,  and  more  than  sixty 

1  When  Josiah  Quincy,  jun.,  was  requested  to  defend  the  British  soldiers 
arrested  for  firing  on  the  people,  he  says  he  refused,  "  until  advised  and  urged 
to  undertake  it  by  an  Adams,  a  Hancock,  a  Molineux,  a  Cushing,  a  Henshaw, 
a  Pemberton,  a  Warren,  a  Cooper,  and  a  Phillips." — Life  of  Josiah  Quincy, 
jun.,  37. 

22 


170  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

were  present  at  the  first  meeting.  Their  regulations 
were  drawn  up  by  Dr.  Warren  and  another  gentleman, 
and  they  never  did  any  thing  important  without  con- 
sulting him  and  his  particular  friends.  It  answered  a 
good  purpose  to  get  such  a  number  of  mechanics 
together;  and,  though  a  number  of  Whigs  of  the  first 
character  in  the  town  were  present,  they  always  had  a 
mechanic  for  moderator,  generally  one  who  could 
carry  many  votes  by  his  influence.  By  this  body  of 
men,  the  most  important  matters  were  decided.  They 
agreed  who  should  be  in  town  offices,  in  the  general 
court,  in  provincial  congress,  from  Boston."  This 
caucus  met  about  two  years  in  the  house  near  the 
ISTorth  Battery,  and  then  at  the  Green  Dragon  Tav- 
ern in  Union  Street.  Dr.  Eliot  was  "  assured,  by 
some  of  the  most  prominent  characters  of  this  caucus, 
that  they  were  guided  by  the  prudence  and  skilful 
management  of  Dr.  Warren,  who,  with  all  his  zeal 
and  irritability,  was  a  man  calculated  to  carry  on  any 
secret  business;  and  that  no  man  ever  did  manifest 
more  vigilance,  circumspection,  and  care."  In  this 
way,  the  useful  instrumentality  of  the  club  was  organ- 
ized for  more  efficient  service  than  ever. 

The  press  continued  its  high-toned  course,  though 
the  public  mind  continued  calm.  "We  have  been 
free  from  disturbance  this  winter,"  Hutchinson  wrote 
in  March.  "  The  scurrility  of  the  newspapers  has  been 
much  as  it  used  to  be,  and  about  as  much  regarded." 
This  apathy  in  the  people,  with  the  divisions  among 
the  Whig  leaders,  led  him  at  times  to  ignore  the 
steady  setting  of  the  current  towards  doctrines  which 
he  held  to  be  fatal,  and  to  build  up  a  hope  on  things 
that  were  really  transient.     "  I  am  apt  enough,"  he 


ORATION   ON   THE   MASSACRE.  171 

now  wrote  (Feb.  12,  1772),  "to  look  on  the  dark  side 
of  the  prospect;  but  at  present  I  have  more  spirits 
to  encounter  what  is  before  me,  or  else  really  there  is 
a  better  prospect  than  there  has  been  of  some  good 
degree  of  peace  and  order,  without  giving  up  any 
part  of  the  prerogative."  It  seemed  hardly  possible 
that  the  community,  now  so  quiet,  was  the  same, 
which,  two  years  before,  had  been  stirred  on  the 
waves  of  a  fearful  passion  by  the  baptismal  flow  of 
innocent  blood  for  American  liberty. 

The  town  had  determined  to  have  an  annual  com- 
memoration of  the  massacre.  An  influential  commit- 
tee1 chosen  to  select  the  orator,  unanimously  selected 
"Warren,  who  was  thus  called  upon  to  become  the  ex- 
ponent of  the  community,  when  the  Whig  cause  was 
far  from  being  hopeful.  On  the  anniversary  morn- 
ing (March  5,  1772),  with  his  mind  filled  with  the 
thought  he  was  to  utter,  he  might  have  read  in 
the  Tory  organ,  the  "  News  Letter,"  an  able  commu- 
nication, filling  one  side  and  a  half,  which  commenced 
in  the  following  strain:  "  Among  the  many  novel  doc- 

i  This  committee,  chosen  at  a  town-meeting,  April  2,  1771,  were  Thomas 
Cushing,  Richard  Dana,  John  Hancock,  Ebenezer  Story,  Samuel  Adams,  Benja- 
min Church,  Samuel  Pemberton.  At  this  time,  Church  was  playing  a  treacher- 
ous game  (Bancroft,  vi.  409).  When  Bernard  was  governor,  he  says  in  his 
letters  that  he  had  authentic  sources  of  information,  which  he  was  under  obliga- 
tions to  keep  secret,  but  gives  no  names. 

On  the  2d  of  March,  1772,  there  was  a  petition  to  the  selectmen  for  a  town- 
meeting  on  the  5th.  William  Phillips's  name  is  at  its  head,  and  it  was  numer- 
ously signed.  It  stated  that  the  committee  on  the  selection  of  the  orator  had 
unanimously  chosen  Dr.  Joseph  Warren,  but  had  made  no  report  to  the  town  ; 
and  the  subscribers  conceived  "  it  of  high  importance  that  the  proceedings  of  the 
committee  should  be  ratified  by  the  town  with  as  much  union  and  formality  as 
they  were  originated,  as  well  as  that  the  town  should  take  some  order  touching 
the  regulations  of  said  affair,"  and  asked  for  a  legal  town-meeting.  The  select- 
men, on  the  same  day,  issued  a  warrant  for  a  meeting,  to  be  held  in  Faneuil 
Hall,  at  nine  o'clock,  to  receive  the  report  of  the  committee. 


172  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH   WARREN. 

trines  broached  by  our  newspaper-politicians,  there  is 
none  more  wild  and  chimerical,  or  big  with  greater 
mischiefs  to  the  colonies,  than  this,  —  that  the  king, 
with  each  and  every  of  the  colonial  assemblies,  form 
so  many  complete  and  entire  separate  governments, 
independent  of  the  realm  of  England."  This  was 
partisan  misrepresentation,  made  in  the  face  of  con- 
stant denials  by  the  Whigs,  that  they  entertained 
such  ideas  of  independence.  The  just  division  line 
between  the  purely  colonial  and  the  imperial  was  not 
precisely  defined  in  written  law,  and  because  political 
science  had  not  reached  a  sufficiently  advanced  point 
to  define  it;  but  it  was  practically  understood  in  Amer- 
ica. The  colonists  had  grasped  that  idea  of  local 
self-government  which  is  now  pronounced  to  be  the 
basis  of  constitutional  freedom,1  and  which  that  admi- 
rable statesman,  Sir  William  Molesworth,  fifteen  years 
ago,  advocated  for  the  British  colonies  with  such  a 
signal  triumph,  that  the  "  London  Times  "  called  him 
the  liberator  and  regenerator  of  the  colonial  empire 
of  Great  Britain. 

On  this  anniversary,  the  town  met  in  legal  meeting, 
in  Faneuil  Hall,  at  nine  o'clock,  when  Richard  Dana 
was  chosen  the  moderator.  He  was  an  eminent  law- 
yer, of  unblemished  private  character  and  large  public 
spirit,  whose  name  often  occurs  in  connection  with  the 
proceedings  of  the  patriots.     It  happened  to  be  the 

1  May,  in  his  excellent  "  Constitutional  History  of  England,"  ii.  460,  says, 
"  That  Englishmen  have  heen  qualified  for  the  enjoyment  of  political  freedom,  is 
mainly  due  to  those  ancient  local  institutions  by  which  they  have  been  trained 
to  self-government.  .  .  .  England  alone  among  the  nations  of  the  earth  has  main- 
tained a  constitutional  polity  ;  and  her  liberties  may  be  ascribed,  above  all  things, 
to  her  free  local  institutions.  .  .  .  Thousands  of  small  communities  have  been 
separately  trained  to  self-government ;  taxing  themselves,  through  themselves, 
for  local  objects." 


ORATION   ON   THE   MASSACRE.  173 

forenoon  of  the  ancient  *  Thursday  Lecture;"  and, 
when  the  town  voted  to  adjourn  to  the  Old  South,  it 
fixed  half  past  twelve  to  assemble  again.  At  this 
hour,  the  town  was  called  to  order  in  the  church. 
The  pulpit  was  covered  with  black  cloth.  "That 
capacious  house,"  the  w  Gazette  "  says, "  was  thronged 
with  a  very  respectable  assembly,  consisting  of  the 
inhabitants  and  many  of  the  clergy,  not  only  of  this, 
but  of  the  neighboring  towns."  The  "  ]STews  Letter  " 
says  "the  vast  concourse  was  composed  of  both 
sexes."  The  object  which  the  popular  leaders  had  in 
view  was  to  rouse  public  attention  to  danger,  when  ag- 
gression was  insidious  and  the  aggressors  were  adroit. 
The  orator,  after  a  remark  on  the  causes  of  the 
mighty  revolutions  in  the  rise  and  fall  of  States,  which 
strike  the  mind  with  solemn  surprise,  paid  a  tribute 
to  civil  government.  When  it  had  for  its  object  the 
strength  and  security  of  all,  it  was  one  of  the  richest 
blessings  to  mankind,  and  ought  to  be  held  in  the 
highest  veneration.  In  new-formed  communities, 
the  grand  design  of  this  institution  is  most  generally 
understood,  because  that  equality  which  prevailed 
among  them  is  remembered,  and  every  one  feels  it  to 
be  his  interest  and  duty  to  preserve  inviolate  a  con- 
stitution founded  on  free  principles,  on  which  the 
public  safety  depends.  It  was  a  noble  fidelity  to  such 
a  free  constitution  that  raised  Rome  to  her  summit  of 
glory,  gave  her  peace  at  home,  and  extended  her 
dominion  abroad  ;  but,  when  this  fidelity  decayed,  she 
became  the  scorn  and  derision  of  nations,  "and  a 
monument  of  this  eternal  truth,  that  public  happiness 
depends  on  a  virtuous  and  unshaken  attachment  to  a 
free  constitution." 


174  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH   WAKREN. 

The  orator  next  urged  that  it  was  this  noble  attach- 
ment to  a  free  constitution  that  inspired  the  first  set- 
tlers of  this  country,  who,  rather  than  carry  on  a  civil 
war  to  obtain  it,  left  their  native  land,  and  landed  on 
this  barren  soil,  which  they  cultivated  and  defended. 
At  length,  after  the  struggles  between  liberty  and 
slavery,  during  the  tyrannic  reign  of  the  Stuarts, 
the  connection  between  this  colony  and  Great  Britain 
was  settled  by  the  compact  of  the  charter,  which 
secured  to  this  province,  as  absolutely  as  any  human 
instrument  could  do  it,  all  the  liberties  and  immunities 
of  British  subjects.  w  And  it  is  undeniably  true,  that 
the  greatest  and  most  important  right  of  a  British 
subject  is,  that  he  shall  be  governed  by  no  laws  but 
those  to  which,  either  in  person  or  by  his  representa- 
tive, he  hath  given  his  consent.  This  is  the  grand 
basis  of  British  freedom;  it  is  interwoven  with  the 
constitution ;  and,  whenever  this  is  lost,  the  consti- 
tution must  be  destroyed." 

The  orator  then  considered  the  division  of  this 
constitution  copied  here  into  three  branches,  with  the 
characteristics  of  monarchy,  aristocracy,  and  demo- 
cracy, composing  the  law-making  power,  —  the  gov- 
ernor representing  the  king;  the  council,  the  lords; 
and  the  House  of  Representatives,  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, in  which  only  a  tax  can  originate:  and  only 
when  the  consent  of  these  branches  was  obtained  was 
taxation  legal.  In  the  name  of  justice,  how  could 
the  late  acts  of  parliament  taxing  America  be  consti- 
tutionally binding  ?  Are  the  members  of  the  House 
of  Commons  the  democracy  of  the  province  ?  If  not, 
can  they  originate  a  bill  taxing  the  people  here  ?  Are 
the  lords  the  peers  of  America  ?     If  not,  no  act  of 


ORATION   ON   THE   MASSACRE.  175 

theirs  can  be  said  to  be  that  of  our  aristocratic 
branch.  "  The  power  of  the  monarchic  branch,  we 
with  pleasure  acknowledge,  resides  in  the  king,  who 
may  act  either  in  person  or  by  his  representative." 
A  proclamation  for  raising  money  in  America,  issued 
by  the  king's  sole  authority,  would  be  equally  con- 
sistent with  the  constitution,  and  therefore  equally 
binding  with  the  late  acts  of  parliament  imposing  a 
revenue ;  for  all  their  validity  arose  from  his  approval. 
*  By  what  figure  of  rhetoric  can  the  inhabitants  of 
Massachusetts  be  called  free  subjects,  when  they  are 
obliged  to  obey  implicitly  such  laws  as  are  made  for 
them  by  men  three  thousand  miles  off,  whom  they 
know  not  and  whom  they  never  have  empowered  to 
act  for  them."  Or  how  can  they  be  said  to  have  prop- 
erty, if  such  a  foreign  body  can  oblige  them  to  deliver 
a  part  or  the  whole  of  their  substance  without  their 
consent.  If  in  this  way  they  may  be  taxed,  "  even  in 
the  smallest  trifle,  they  may  also,  without  their  con- 
sent, be  deprived  of  every  thing  they  possess,  although 
never  so  valuable,  never  so  dear." 

The  orator  then  dwelt  on  the  means  used  to  enforce 
these  acts,  —  a  standing  army,  with  the  intention  to 
overawe  the  inhabitants,  —  and  portrayed  its  baneful 
influences.  He  dwelt  on  the  massacre,  the  removal 
of  the  troops,  and  the  trial  of  the  soldiers.  He  com- 
mented on  the  astonishing  infatuation  in  the  British 
councils,  which  dictated  the  repeated  attacks  on  the 
freedom  of  the  colonies,  and,  even  from  the  point  of 
interest,  could  see  no  gains  from  the  policy  which 
they  might  not  secure  by  the  smooth  channel  of  com- 
merce. The  trade  of  the  colonies  contributed  to  the 
amazing  increase  of  the  riches  of  Britain;  and  it  was 


176  LIFE    OF  JOSEPH   WAHKEN. 

the  earnest  desire  of  people  here  that  "she  might 
continue  to  enjoy  the  same  emoluments  until  her 
streets  were  paved  with  American  gold." 

The  orator  closed  in  a  fervent  strain  on  liberty.  He 
expressed  a  confidence  that  the  justice  of  the  Ameri- 
can cause  would  finally  open  the  eyes  of  the  British 
nation  to  their  true  interest,  and  not  suffer  their  honor 
to  be  sported  away  by  a  capricious  ministry.  "  They 
nourish  in  their  own  breasts  a  noble  love  of  Liberty; 
they  hold  her  dear;  and  they  know  that  all  who  have 
once  possessed  her  charms  had  rather  die  than  suffer 
her  to  be  torn  from  their  embraces."  The  orator 
expressed  confidence  that  his  countrymen  had  a  like 
love  of  liberty,  and  had  the  spirit  to  defend  it.  There 
is  so  much  of  the  ruling  passion  of  his  life  —  his  own 
lofty  spirit  —  in  the  closing  strain,  that  I  refrain  from 
making  an  abstract,  but  cite  it  entire :  — 

"  I  am  confident  that  you  never  will  betray  the  least  want  of  spirit, 
when  called  upon  to  guard  your  freedom.  None  but  they  who  set  a 
just  value  upon  the  blessings  of  Liberty  are  worthy  to  enjoy  her. 
Your  illustrious  fathers  were  her  zealous  votaries.  When  the  blasting 
frowns  of  Tyranny  drove  her  from  public  view,  they  clasped  her 
in  their  arms,  they  cherished  her  in  their  generous  bosoms,  they 
brought  her  safe  over  the  rough  ocean,  and  fixed  her  seat  in  this  then 
dreary  wilderness ;  they  nursed  her  infant  age  with  the  most  tender 
care ;  for  her  sake  they  patiently  bore  the  severest  hardships ;  for  her 
support  they  underwent  the  most  rugged  toils ;  in  her  defence  they 
boldly  encountered  the  most  alarming  dangers ;  neither  the  ravenous 
beasts  that  ranged  the  woods  for  prey,  nor  the  more  furious  savages  of 
the  wilderness,  could  damp  their  ardor !  Whilst  with  one  hand  they 
broke  the  stubborn  glebe,  with  the  other  they  grasped  their  weapons, 
ever  ready  to  protect  her  from  danger.  No  sacrifice,  not  even  their 
own  blood,  was  esteemed  too  rich  a  libation  for  her  altar !  God  pros- 
pered their  valor ;  they  preserved  her  brilliancy  unsullied ;  they  en- 
joyed her  whilst  they  lived,  and,  dying,  bequeathed  the  dear  inheritance 
to  your  care.     And,  as  they  left  you  this  glorious  legacy,  they  have 


ORATION  ON  THE  MASSACRE.         177 

undoubtedly  transmitted  to  you  some  portion  of  their  noble  spirit,  to 
inspire  you  with  virtue  to  merit  her,  and  courage  to  preserve  her :  you 
surely  cannot,  with  such  examples  before  your  eyes  as  every  page  of 
the  history  of  this  country  affords,1  suffer  your  liberties  to  be  ravished 
from  you  by  lawless  force,  or  cajoled  away  by  flattery  and  fraud. 

"  The  voice  of  your  fathers'  blood  cries  to  you  from  the  ground,  '  My 
sons,  scorn  to  be  slaves !  In  vain  we  met  the  frowns  of  tyrants ;  in 
vain  we  left  our  native  land ;  in  vain  we  crossed  the  boisterous  ocean, 
found  a  new  world,  and  prepared  it  for  the  happy  residence  of  Liberty. 
In  vain  we  toiled,  in  vain  we  fought,  we  bled  in  vain,  if  you,  our  off- 
spring, want  valor  to  repel  the  assaults  of  her  invaders ! '  Stain  not 
the  glory  of  your  worthy  ancestors ;  but,  like  them,  resolve  never  to 
part  with  your  birthright :  be  wise  in  your  deliberations,  and  determined 
in  your  exertions  for  the  preservation  of  your  liberties.  Follow  not 
the  dictates  of  passion,  but  enlist  yourselves  under  the  sacred  banner 
of  reason  ;  use  every  method  in  your  power  to  secure  your  rights ;  at 
least  prevent  the  curses  of  posterity  from  being  heaped  upon  your 
memories. 

"  If  you,  with  united  zeal  and  fortitude,  oppose  the  torrent  of  op- 
pression ;  if  you  feel  the  true  fire  of  patriotism  burning  in  your 
breasts ;  if  you  from  your  souls  despise  the  most  gaudy  dress  that 
slavery  can  wear ;  if  you  really  prefer  the  lonely  cottage  (whilst  blessed 
with  liberty)  to  gilded  palaces,  surrounded  with  the  ensigns  of  slavery, 
—  you  may  have  the  fullest  assurance  that  Tyranny,  with  her  whole 
accursed  train,  will  hide  their  hideous  heads  in  confusion,  shame,  and 
despair.  If  you  perform  your  part,  you  must  have  the  strongest  con- 
fidence that  the  same  Almighty  Being  who  protected  your  pious  and 
venerable  forefathers,  who  enabled  them  to  turn  a  barren  wilderness 
into  a  fruitful  field,  who  so  often  made  bare  his  arm  for  their  salvation, 
will  still  be  mindful  of  you  their  offspring. 

"  May  this  Almighty  Being  graciously  preside  in  all  our  councils ! 
May  he  direct  us  to  such  measures  as  he  himself  shall  approve  and  be 
pleased  to  bless !  May  we  ever  be  a  people  favored  of  God !  May 
our  land  be  a  land  of  Liberty,  the  seat  of  virtue,  the  asylum  of  the 
oppressed,  a  name  and  a  praise  in  the  whole  earth,  until  the  last  shock 
of  time  shall  bury  the  empires  of  the  world  in  one  common  undistin- 
guished ruin!" 

1  "  At  simul  heroum  laudes,  et  facta  parentis 

Jam  legere  et  quae  sit  poteris  cognoscere  virtus."  —  Virg. 
23 


178  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAHREN\ 

In  this  effort,  the  orator  met  the  expectations  of 
his  friends.  Hutchinson,  on  remarking  on  the  in- 
crease of  the  popularity  of  "Warren,  says,  w  Though 
he  gained  no  great  applause  for  his  oratorical  abili- 
ties, yet  the  fervor,  which  is  the  most  essential  part 
of  such  compositions,  could  not  fail  in  its  effect  on 
the  minds  of  the  great  concourse  of  people  present."1 
The  press  was  more  generous  in  its  praise.  w  The 
orator,"  the  w  Gazette "  says,  w  had  the  unanimous 
applause  of  his  audience ;  "  and  the  "  News  Letter  " 
(Tory)  adopted  these  words.  The  town  voted  him 
their  thanks,  and  requested  a  copy  of  his  oration 
for  the  press.2  It  was  printed,  and  in  this  form  con- 
tributed to  the  formation  of  public  opinion. 

It  will  be  observed,  that  it  was  "Warren's  main  pur- 
pose to  develop  and  defend  the  doctrine  as  to  the 
power  of  the  colonial  legislatures,  or  of  internal  gov- 
ernment, which  Hutchinson  regarded  to  be  of  so 
dangerous  a  tendency,  that  he  urged  that  its  advo- 
cates should  be  made  subject,  by  a  special  act  of  par- 

i  History,  iii.  348. 

2  "  At  a  meeting  of  the  freeholders  and  other  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Bos- 
ton, duly  qualified  and  legally  assembled  in  Faneuil  Hall,  and  from  thence 
adjourned  to  the  Old  South  Meeting-house,  on  Thursday,  the  5th  day  of  March, 
Anno  Domini  1772,  — 

"  Voted  unanimously,  That  the  moderator,  Richard  Dana,  Esq.,  the  Honorable 
John  Hancock,  Esq.,  Mr.  Samuel  Adams,  Joseph  Jackson,  Esq.,  Mr.  Henderson 
Inches,  Mr.  Daniel  Jeffries,  and  Mr.  William  Molineux,  be  and  hereby  are  ap- 
pointed a  committee  to  return  the  thanks  of  this  town  to  Joseph  Warren,  Esq., 
for  the  oration  just  now  delivered  by  him,  at  their  request,  in  commemoration 
of  the  horrid  massacre  perpetrated  on  the  evening  of  the  5th  of  March,  1770, 
by  a  party  of  soldiers  of  the  Twenty-ninth  Regiment,  and  to  desire  a  copy 

thereof  for  the  press. 

"Attest:  William  Cooper,  Town-clerk." 

"  Gentlemen,  —  The  generous  candor  of  my  fellow-citizens  prevails  on  me 
to  give  a  copy  of  what  was  yesterday  delivered,  for  the  press. 

"I  am,  gentlemen,  with  much  respect,  your  most  humble  servant, 

"  Joseph  Warren." 


ORATION  ON  THE  MASSACRE.         179 

liament,  to  fines,  imprisonment,  and  disqualification 
for  office.  Underlying  the  ornate  style,  the  fervor, 
and  at  times  extravagant  metaphor,  there  were  frank- 
ness, clearness  of  thought,  sincerity,  strength  of  argu- 
ment, and,  as  was  seen  in  his  early  Letter,1  the  ruling 
passion  of  his  life, — a  warm  love  of  country.  Behind 
the  oration  was  the  man.  "Warren  was  a  patriot,  and 
he  spoke  the  timely  word  of  a  patriot. 

1  See  page  20. 


180  LIEE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREX. 


CHAPTEE  Yin. 


COMMITTEES  OE  CORRESPONDENCE. 

Warren  in  Town-meetings.  —  The  Progress  of  Events.  —  Hutch- 
inson and  Adams.  —  The  Popular  Leaders.  —  The  Question  of 
the  Judges'  Salaries.  —  A  Town-meeting.  —  Committee  of  Cor- 
respondence.—  Report  on  the  Rights  of  the  People.  —  Its 
Effects. 

March,  1772,  to  January,  1773. 

"Warren  rendered  his  next  great  service  in  company 
with  his  brother  patriots.  They  continued  on  the 
defensive.  It  was  the  steady  purpose  of  the  political 
party  who  now  ruled  England,  and  for  sixty  years 
"  maintained  all  that  was  bigoted,  and  persecuted  all 
that  was  liberal,"1  to  establish  an  imperial  despotism 
in  America:  it  was  the  object  of  the  patriots  to  protect 

1  Earl  Russell,  in  his  valuable  introduction  to  the  last  edition  (1865)  of  his 
"  Essay  on  the  English  Government  and  Constitution,"  writing  of  1829,  says : 
"  The  political  party  which  for  sixty  years  had  swayed,  with  very  brief  intervals, 
the  destinies  of  the  State  ;  which  had  led  the'  nation  to  the  American  and  the 
Erench  wars  ;  which  had  resisted  all  reform  and  protected  all  abuse  ;  which  had 
maintained  all  that  was  bigoted,  and  persecuted  all  that  was  liberal,  —  broke 
down."  Cooke,  in  his  "History  of  Party,"  says  (hi.  588)  of  the  Whigs,  " They 
came  into  office  determined  to  clear  away  the  foul  deposits  of  nearly  seventy 
years  of  Toryism."  In  writing  of  1830,  he  says  (hi.  578),  "Within  a  very  few 
years,  the  daily  journals  have  sprung  from  mere  chronicles  of  robberies  upon 
Hounslow  Heath  ...  to  powerful  and  thoroughly  organized  engines  for  the 
dissemination  of  party  principles  and  the  universal  distribution  of  political 
knowledge."  In  a  note  he  says,  "  The  Tories  heard  the  wind  approaching," 
and  cites  the  following  as  a  groan  from  the  Tory  "  Quarterly  Review  :  "  —  "  We 
cannot  help  expressing  our  apprehension,  that  both  education  and  reading  have 
been  pushed  too  far  among  the  lower  classes."  These  things  ought  to  be 
remembered  by  Americans  in  justice  to  their  own  statesmen. 


COMMITTEES    OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  181 

and  perpetuate  their  republican  institutions.  w  Amer- 
icans," it  was  said  precisely  and  truly  in  the  press, 
"  though  represented  by  their  enemies  to  be  in  a  state 
of  insurrection,  mean  nothing  more  than  to  support 
those  constitutional  rights  to  which  the  laws  of  God 
and  nature  entitle  them."  For  this  the  popular  lead- 
ers now  sought  union.  As  they  labored  in  this  cause, 
they  did  not  expect  to  reap  the  fruit  on  the  day  they 
sowed  the  seed,  but  watched  and  waited  for  the 
growth  of  public  opinion;  and,  when  this  had  ripened, 
they  aimed  to  clothe  the  union  sentiment  with  power, 
by  the  organization  of  committees  of  correspondence. 
"Warren,  by  going  hand  in  hand  with  Samuel  Adams, 
identified  his  name  with  this  vital  measure. 

Warren  was  on  the  usual  committee,  at  the  May 
town-meeting,  to  instruct  the  representatives,  the 
election  canvass  of  whom  had  been  uncommonly  spir- 
ited, on  account  of  an  attempt  made  to  prevent  the 
return  of  Samuel  Adams,  which  was  unsuccessful; 
and  the  circumstance  rendered  the  patriot  dearer  to 
the  people.  "Warren  was  also  on  a  large  committee, 
raised  to  consider  the  tenure  of  the  judges'  salaries, 
which  was  now  much  agitated,  and  in  which  a  vital 
principle  was  involved.  It  was  proposed  to  make  the 
compensation  of  these  officials  depend  on  the  Crown, 
and  through  the  alarming  mode  of  royal  instructions, 
instead  of  keeping  on  in  the  old  custom  of  having 
this  matter  determined  by  the  legislature.  The  com- 
mittee reported,  w  that  they  could  not  agree  upon  any 
set  of  instructions."  Nor  could  the  town  agree,  after 
long  debate,  to  raise  a  new  committee;  and  it  voted 
to  postpone  the  whole  subject. 

The  patriots,  in  the  conviction  that  unity  was  their 


182  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

strength  and  glory,  were  urging  in  the  press  a  mutual 
free  correspondence  and  a  union  of  the  colonies,  pre- 
paratory to  another  convention  and  congress.1     There 
were  differences  of  opinion  among  the  popular  lead- 
ers, as  was  indicated  in  the  action  of  the  town-meeting. 
The  Tories  used  the  failure  of  the  non-importation 
scheme  to  foment  these  divisions.     The  session  of 
the  general  court,  which  Hutchinson  adjourned  from 
Cambridge  to  Boston,  did  not  improve  the  situation 
of  the  popular  cause.    "The  session  is  at  length  over," 
Samuel  Adams  writes.2     "I. have  been,  as  I  expected, 
plagued    almost   to   death   with   the   dubitations   of 
"Whigs,  and  the   advantages  the   Tories   constantly 
make  of  them.     As  we  have  been  adherents  of  each 
other,  and  I  believe  ever  shall,  you  have  shared  with 
me  the  curses  of  Tories  on  the  Commencement  Day, 
when  confusion  to  me  and  my  adherents  was  given 
as  a  toast."     And  the  patriot  added,  w  This  will  ap- 
pear the  greater  honor  done  me,  as  it  succeeded  the 
health  of  Bute,  North,  Hillsborough,  and  Bernard." 
"Warren  was  certainly  one  of  the  adherents  of  Samuel 
Adams ;  for,  whoever  may  have  doubted  and  hesitated, 
he  was  never  undecided,  and  was  ever  ready  for  action. 
Months    passed    on,    however,    and    no    exigency 
seemed  to  require  a  town-meeting.     The  press,  under 
the  control  of  the  popular  leaders,  teemed  with  proofs 

1  Fervidus,  in  the  "Boston  Gazette,"  May  18,  1772,  addressing  "all  true 
English  American  patriots,"  says,  "The  important  things  which  are  humbly 
recommended  to  your  attention  are  exemplary  union,  mutual  free  correspond- 
ence, invariable  steadiness,  and  constant  endeavors,  in  the  circles  of  your  respec- 
tive stations,  to  illuminate  and  excite  the  people."  —  "  Thus  prepare  the  way 

for  another  con n  (when  requisite),  and  a  con ss  too,  in  which,  it  is  hoped, 

the  pr nt  will  not  betray  his  trust  and  his  country.  .  .  .  Unity  is  always 

our  strength  and  glory." 

2  Samuel  Adams  to  James  Warren,  July  16,  1772. 


COMMITTEES    OE    COKRESPOKDENCE.  183 

of  their  intelligent  judgment  of  passing  events;  so 
that  much  of  their  speculation  reads  now  like  fulfilled 
prophecy.  They  boldly  pushed  evil  principles  to 
their  legitimate  results,  and  sounded  the  alarm  of 
fresh  aggressions  on  popular  rights.  They  said, 
"  This  country  must  do  something  more  than  either 
reason  or  write,  or  it  will  soon  be  the  most  miserable 
and  ignominious  of  the  earth."1  It  was  urged  in 
ringing  tones,  that,  after  all,  the  only  solid  guaranty 
for  the  security  of  public  liberty  was  a  union  of  the 
colonies.  I  have  no  means  of  specifying  "Warren's 
share  of  this  service  of  the  press,  in  rousing  the  spirit 
of  the  people  up  to  the  mark  of  a  national  movement. 
Still,  the  most  spirited  appeals  in  the  press  failed  to 
excite  the  public  mind  and  produce  unusual  action.2 
The  Administration  had  managed  its  side  so  adroitly 
as  to  have  lulled  the  people  into  a  false  security,  and 
the  tameness  seemed  to  be  well  nigh  insurmountable. 
w  The  grand  design  of  our  adversaries  is,"  Samuel 
Adams  wrote,  "  to  lull  us  into  security,  and  make  us 
easy  while  the  acts  remain  in  force  which  would  prove 
fatal  to  us."  An  event  was  needed  to  rouse  the  peo- 
ple. It  was  now  reported  that  the  Fourteenth  Eegi- 
ment,  which  had  remained  in  Castle  "William,  was  soon 
to  be  removed  to  Boston  and  encamped  on  the  Com- 
mon, when  petitions  were  presented  to  the  selectmen 
for  a  town-meeting ;  the  name  of  Samuel  Adams 
being  at  the  head  of  one,  and  that  of  "Warren  near  it. 
The  selectmen  issued  a  warrant  for  a  meeting;  but, 

1  Boston  Gazette,  July  6,  1772. 

2  There  was  a  similar  lull  of  parties  in  England.  Burke  wrote,  July  31, 
1771,  "  After  the  violent  ferment  in  the  nation,  a  deadness  and  vapidity  has  suc- 
ceeded." Lord  Mahon  (v.  301)  says  this  lull  may  be  said  to  have  continued 
nearly  three  years. 


184  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WARREN. 

as  the  report  was  contradicted,  the  warrant  was  re- 
voked.1 

In  spite  of  the  steady  aggression  of  arbitrary  power, 
town  and  country  remained  tranquil.  However  the 
commissioners  of  the  customs  might  have  irritated  the 
commercial  world,  by  the  use  of  writs  of  assistance, 
when  smuggling  was  pronounced  patriotism,  no  great 
general  grievance  stirred  the  body  of  the  people  of 
Massachusetts,  to  say  nothing  of  the  other  colonies. 
The  statutes  interdicting  trade  and  prohibiting  do- 
mestic manufacture  were  dead  letters;  customs  and 
laws,  in  other  countries  arbitrary  and  oppressive,  had 
no  foothold  in  America;  no  tenth  of  the  product  of 
labor  was  exacted  as  a  tax;  no  secret  process,  as  in 
France,  abducted  idolized  leaders;  no  attempt  had 
been  made  to  carry  the  popular  champions  to  London 

1  The  petition  which  was  headed  by  Samuel  Adams  and  Warren  is  dated 
June  26,  and  is  as  follows  :  — 

"Gentlemen, — A  report  has  been  propagated  in  this  town,  within  a  few 
days  past,  that  the  Fourteenth  Regiment,  now  in  garrison  in  Castle  William,  is 
soon  to  be  encamped  on  Boston  Common. 

"  This  report  is  alarming  to  us,  and  must  be  so  to  every  man  who  recollects 
with  just  indignation  the  horrors  of  the  evening  of  the  5th  of  March,  1770.  If 
the  report  is  well  grounded,  it  requires  the  immediate  attention  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  town ;  or,  if  we  are  to  suppose  the  design  is  only  to  try  the  temper  of  the 
town,  it  is  of  the  greatest  importance  that  it  may  appear  to  the  world  that 
the  same  spirit  prevails  which  actuated  the  town  the  day  following  that  fatal 
evening.  In  either  case,  we  think  a  meeting  of  the  town  is  necessary ;  and 
therefore  earnestly  request  that  you,  gentlemen,  would  call  one  with  all  speed, 
that  the  minds  of  the  inhabitants  may  be  known  concerning  the  measures  proper 
to  be  taken  on  this  occasion." 

Another  petition  is  dated  June  28,  and  is  as  follows  :  — 

"  To  the  Selectmen  of  the  Town  of  Boston. 

"Gentlemen, — Inasmuch  as  we  are  informed  that  Mr.  James  Forrest  and 
others  have  reported  that  the  Fourteenth  Regiment,  now  at  Castle  William,  is 
soon  to  encamp  upon  the  Common  in  this  town,  — 

"  We  desire  you  would,  without  delay,  call  a  meeting  of  the  town,  to  know 
what  is  to  be  done  on  this  matter ;  for  we  shall  not  like  to  see  again  our  streets 
stained  with  the  blood  of  our  brethren." 


COMMITTEES    OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  185 

Tower;  there  had  been  no  arrests;  each  colony  had 
met,  for  the  most  part,  with  success,  the  strain  on  its 
local  government;  the  action  in  the  spirit  of  tyranny 
was  insidious;  and  the  people,  especially  the  yeo- 
manry, who  were  unmolested*  in  their  individual  and 
communal  freedom,  were  enjoying  a  season  of  rare 
material  prosperity.  Experience  shows,  that,  however 
thoroughly  vital  principles  may  be  grasped,  or  however 
tenaciously  they  may  be  held,  mankind  do  not  risk 
the  solid  blessings  of  peace,  practical  liberty,  and 
good  government,  for  the  sake  of  a  principle  however 
sound,  or  to  put  down  an  abstraction  however  false, 
but  are  rather  disposed  to  suffer  while  evils  are  suffer- 
able.  The  state  of  things  in  the  colonies  illustrates 
the  correctness  of  this  sentence  of  the  Declaration. 
The  policy  of  the  ministry  was  judged  to  be  fatal  to 
popular  rights;  yet  it  needed  sharper  aggressions  on 
them  to  stir  the  popular  depths  and  justify  measures 
that  might  affect  life,  fortune,  and  honor. 

A  change  was  now  made  in  the  American  depart- 
ment of  the  ministry.  Lord  Hillsborough  was  forced 
by  his  colleagues  to  resign,  and  Lord  Dartmouth  was 
appointed  to  his  place.  Hutchinson  said,  w  J$o  min- 
ister ever  went  out  of  office  with  greater  honor." 
Adams  said,  *  He  has  the  curses  of  the  disinterested 
and  better  part  of  the  colonists."  His  insult  to 
Franklin  shows  meanness,  and  his  haughty  exercise 
of  arbitrary  power  proves  that  he  deserved  the  scath- 
ing contemporary  criticism.  Lord  Dartmouth,  amia- 
ble and  of  high  personal  character,  had  been  friendly 
to  the  colonies,  which,  in  reality,  meant  nothing  more 
in  his  class  than  to  concede  that  they  had  a  claim  to 
be  well  governed.     The  hope,  however,  was  indulged 

24 


186  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

that  he  would  recognize  their  right  to  govern  them- 
selves. But  it  was  the  purpose  of  the  king  and  the 
Tory  party  to  consolidate  power  in  the  colonies  at 
the  expense  of  the  popular  element;  and  arbitrary 
royal  instructions  soon  made  it  plain  that  the  ministry 
had  no  intention  of  yielding  the  principle  of  parlia- 
mentary supremacy,  and  that  the  king's  prerogative 
was  not  to  be  held  as  an  abstraction.  A  feature, 
which,  on  Hutchinson's  appointment,  was  termed  a 
novelty,1  it  became  evident  was  the  settled  purpose 
of  the  ministry. 

Lord  Dartmouth  now  advised  Governor  Hutchinson 
that  the  king,  in  order  to  secure  the  real  dependence 
of  local  officials  on  the  Crown,  had  the  right  to  pro- 
vide for  their  salaries;  and  that  the  compensation  of 
the  judges  of  the  superior  court  was  placed  on  a  foot- 
ing which  made  them  independent  of  grants  by  the 
general  court.  This  instruction  was  regarded  as  fresh 
proof  that  the  party  in  power  intended  to  persist  in 
aggression  on  republican  customs  and  laws  with  the 
consistency  of  system.  Still,  this  aggression  was  not 
of  a  nature  to  rouse  the  public  mind;  nor  were  the 
popular  leaders  agreed  on  the  action  which  the  exi- 
gency required.  The  divisions  indicated  in  the  May 
town-meeting,  already  referred  to,  continued.  These, 
however,  rather  touched  matters  of  expediency  than 
of  principle;    for  there  do  not  appear  to  have  been 

*  In  "  Captain  Robson,"  from  London,  arrived  His  Majesty's  several  commis- 
sions, appointing  the  Hon.  Thomas  Hutchinson,  Esq.,  governor  and  commander- 
in-chief  in  and  over  this  province ;  the  Hon.  Andrew  Oliver,  Esq.,  lieutenant- 
governor  ;  and  the  Hon.  Thomas  Flucker,  Esq.,  secretary.  It  is  said  that  the  two 
former  of  these  gentlemen  are  to  have  salaries  annually  paid  to  them  out  of  the 
American  revenue,  independent  of  the  people  of  the  province ;  which,  if  it  be 
true,  is  a  novelty  which  claims  the  serious  attention  of  this  and  the  other  colo- 
nies.—  Boston  Gazette,  March  11,  1771. 


COMMITTEES  OF  CORRESPONDENCE.      187 

radical  differences  among  the  friends  of  the  popular 
cause.  It  is  not  difficult  to  state  with  a  good  degree 
of  precision  the  relations  of  the  more  prominent  actors 
at  this  time  to  passing  events.  Otis  had  substantially 
completed  the  service  which  makes  his  fame  so  rich 
and  his  name  so  dear  to  his  country;  Hancock,  still 
at  variance  with  Samuel  Adams,  was  averse  to  taking 
unusual  action;  Cushing,  who  was  not  of  the  class 
of  positive  men,  was  in  favor  of  trusting  to  an  in- 
crease of  population  —  the  masterly  inactivity  policy 
—  for  an  ultimate  solution  of  the  question  in  favor  of 
the  colonies;  John  Adams,  thirsty  for  learning,  and 
bent  on  achieving  triumphs  at  the  bar,  still  kept  aloof 
from  politics,  and  had  so  planned  his  future,  that  he 
hoped,  though  vainly,  to  avoid  even  thinking  of 
them;  Molineux,  though  zealous,  reliable,  and  bold, 
does  not  rank  in  the  class  of  leaders ;  and  the  select- 
men, —  Austin,  Marshall,  Scollay,  and  Newell,  all 
but  Oliver  Wendell  —  shared  in  Hancock's  hesitancy. 
Others,  however,  were  for  decisive  measures.  Josiah 
Quincy,  jun.,  was  urging,  through  the  press,  the 
necessity  of  immediate  action;  Warren1  heartily  sym- 

1  Wednesday  last  being  the  festival  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  the  Most  Wor- 
shipful Joseph  Warren,  Esq.,  Provincial  Grand  Master  of  Ancient,  Free,  and 
Accepted  Masons,  attended  by  his  grand  officers,  and  the  masters,  wardens, 
and  brethren  of  the  Lodges  under  his  jurisdiction,  —  viz.,  St.  Andrew's  and  Mas- 
sachusetts Lodges,  held  in  this  town,  the  Tyrian  Lodge,  held  at  Gloucester,  and 
St.  Peter's  Lodge,  held  at  Newburyport,  clothed  in  the  jewels  and  badges  of  their 
several  offices,  —  marched  in  procession  from  Concert  Hall  to  Christ  Church, 
where  a  very  suitable  and  pertinent  discourse  was  delivered  by  the  Kev. 
Brother  Fayerweather,  of  Narragansett,  from  1  Cor.  v.  11,  which  was  received 
with  universal  approbation  by  a  numerous  and  polite  audience. 

When  the  service  was  ended,  they  proceeded  to  Masons'  Hall,  where  an 
elegant  entertainment  was  provided  in  the  garden  adjoining  said  house,  under  a 
large  canopy  erected  for  that  purpose ;  and  the  remainder  of  the  day  was  dedi- 
cated to  the  purposes  of  benevolence  and  social  festivity.  —  Boston  Gazette,  June 
29,  1772. 


188  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAEREN. 

pathized  with  this  view,  and  was  soon  to  show  that 
his  whole  soul  was  bent  on  politics;  Samuel  Adams 
lived  in  the  contemplation  of  public  affairs ;  and,  down 
to  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  by  his  weight  of 
character,  bore  a  relation  to  the  American  cause  like 
that  which  Pym,  with  his  massive  strength,  sustained 
in  the  English  Revolution.  He  was  one  of  those  rare 
men  in  whom  theory  is  so  thoroughly  rooted,  that 
they  stand  as  a  type,  and  yet  in  whom  practical  sense 
is  so  predominant,  that  they  apprehend  and  reflect  the 
paramount  want  of  a  time.  His  vigilance  was  sleep- 
less. His  eflbrts  were  untiring.  His  soul  was  ener- 
gized with  the  purpose  of  saving  the  liberties  of  his 
country.  He  viewed  the  proposed  change  in  the  judi- 
cial tenure  as  another  violation  of  vital  constitutional 
principles,  and  as  designed  to  aid  in  the  subjugation 
of  "a  people,"  he  said,  "who,  of  all  the  people  on 
the  earth,  deserved  most  to  be  free."  He  urged,  as 
the  pressing  want,  a  union  of  the  colonies  for  the 
support  of  their  constitutional  rights.  For  this  his 
spirit  hungered  and  thirsted,  and  only  in  this  could  he 
see  strength  and  future  triumph. 

Meantime  Governor  Hutchinson  watched  with  an 
anxious  eye  the  progress  of  events.  The  divisions 
in  the  popular  ranks  and  the  recriminations  in  the 
press  were  his  warrant  for  writing  (June  22,  1772), 
"  The  union  of  the  colonies  is  pretty  well  broke.  I 
hope  I  shall  never  see  it  renewed.  Indeed,  our  Sons 
of  Liberty,  for  their  illiberal  treatment  of  all  in 
authority  as  for  their  shuffling  in  the  late  non-impor- 
tation project,  are  hated  and  despised  by  their  former 
brethren  in  'New  York  and  Pennsylvania;  and  it  must 
be  something  very  extraordinary  ever  to  reconcile 
them." 


COMMITTEES   OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  180 

Hutchinson  saw  the  doctrine  as  to  the  power  of 
the  local  legislatures,  affecting,  he  said,  all  the  execu- 
tive parts  of  the  administration  of  affairs,  and  con- 
stantly gaining  ground;  and  he  looked  upon  this 
doctrine  as  being  fatal  to  the  theory  of  the  supremacy 
of  parliament,  which,  he  says,  was  the  all-in-all  of 
his  own  politics.  If  he  was  often  a  shrewd  observer 
of  the  progress  of  ideas,  he  proved  but  an  indifferent 
prophet  on  the  signs  of  the  times.  Circumstances 
had  so  warped  his  judgment  as  to  the  habit  and 
genius  of  his  countrymen,  that  he  predicted  they 
would  discard  this  doctrine,  if  the  British  nation, 
with  one  voice,  would  condemn  it,  or,  if  parliament,  at 
every  hazard,  would  maintain  its  supremacy.  w  For  • 
then,"  he  says,  "  all  this  new  doctrine  of  independ- 
ence would  be  disavowed,  and  the  first  inventors  or 
broachers  of  it  would  be  sacrificed  to  the  rage  of  the 
people  who  had  been  deluded  by  them." 

Intelligence  now  came  of  the  final  determination 
of  the  ministry  as  to  the  tenure  of  the  judges'  sala- 
ries, which  made  them  independent  of  the  local  and 
fundamental  law.  "  The  last  vessels  from  England," 
Josiah  Quincy,  jun.,  said  in  the  "Boston  Gazette" 
of  Sept.  28,  "  tell  us  the  judges  and  the  subalterns 
have  got  salaries  from  Great  Britain!  Is  it  possible 
this  last  movement  should  not  move  us,  and  drive  us, 
not  to  desperation,  but  to  our  duty?  The  blind  may 
see,  the  callous  must  feel,  the  spirited  will  act;"  and 
the  words  of  the  noble  man  were  not  too  strong, 
when  the  people's  rights  were  to  be  subjected  to  the 
will  of  one  man.  It  was  now  proposed  to  consolidate 
the  popular  party  by  an  organization  to  be  known  as 
committees  of  correspondence,  to  constitute  an  authen- 


190  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

tic  medium  for  an  interchange  of  views,  and  for  pro- 
moting concert  of  action.  Samuel  Adams  had  long 
mused  on  the  feasibility  of  this  scheme ;  and  the  more 
he  mused  on  it,  the  stronger  grew  his  desire  to  realize 
it.  If  the  towns  of  Massachusetts,  he  now  wrote, 
would  begin  this  work,  it  would,  in  his  opinion,  extend 
from  colony  to  colony;  and,  thus  united,  the  people 
would  be  enabled  to  resist  successfully  the  measures 
of  the  ministry.  The  idea  of  a  union  of  the  colonies 
was  nearly  as  old  as  their  foundation;  the  mode  of 
committees  of  correspondence  had  often  been  sug- 
gested; but  the  fame  of  a  statesman  consists  in  an 
embodiment,  at  the  right  time,  of  a  great  thought 
into  a  wise  measure.  Let  the  authentic  record  attest 
how  large  a  credit  is  due  for  the  inauguration  of  com- 
mittees of  correspondence,  and  hence  for  a  movement 
towards  the  first  national  party  in  this  country,  to 
Samuel  Adams  and  Joseph  "Warren. 

Hutchinson  was  now  greatly  disturbed  at  the  tone 
of  the  press.  He  did  not  resign  his  place  on  the  bench 
when  he  became  the  governor.  In  a  trial  in  "Wor- 
cester, where  he  presided  as  chief-justice,  there  was 
tampering  in  the  selection  of  the  jury;  and  he  said, 
in  an  opinion,  that  the  non-importation  agreement 
was  against  the  laws  of  God  and  man.  This  case  was 
elaborately  and  severely  criticised  in  the  journals.  In 
one  of  the  articles,  Josiah  Quincy,  jun.,  asked  the 
salient  question,  whether,  under  the  cover  of  the  law, 
it  was  not  "  the  policy  of  the  times,  from  Mansfield  to 
the  lowest  subaltern  in  office,  to  eradicate  and  render 
worthless  the  trial  by  jury"?  Hutchinson,  as  he  now 
urged  a  prosecution  of  the  printers,  wrote,  *  There  is 
a  great  clamor  about  the  judges'  salaries;  the  town 


COMMITTEES  OF  CORRESPONDENCE.      191 

is  full  of  cabals;  the  papers  are  more  treasonable  than 
ever;  and  the  leaders  of  the  people  make  every  new 
measure  subserve  their  purpose  to  promote  discontent 
and  rekindle  a  flame  among  them." 

Some  of  the  popular  leaders  regarded  the  exigency 
so  alarming  as  to  require  extraordinary  measures. 
They  were  of  the  class  of  minds  who  believe  that 
God  works  in  the  courses  of  history;  and  they  said 
that  union  was  the  only  method  which  Providence 
pointed  out  for  the  preservation  of  their  rights.1 
They  represented  the  feeling  of  reverence  and  the 
growing  Americanism  of  the  time.  Two  of  this  class 
were  Samuel  Adams  and  Joseph  Warren.  It  was 
their  aim  to  rouse  the  public  mind  from  its  lethargy, 
into  political  action  worthy  of  a  great  cause;  and 
they  are  seen  working  together  not  only  in  the  initial 
movement  of  the  town-meeting,  but  in  the  steady  and 
arduous  labors  of  which  this  meeting  was  the  parent. 

Petitions  were  now  circulated  for  a  town-meeting. 
One  of  them  (Oct.  14,  1772),  which  had  more  than  a 
hundred  signatures,  stated  as  the  object  of  the  meet- 
ing, an  inquiry  into  the  truth  of  the  report,  "  that 
stipends  were  affixed,  by  order  of  the  Crown,  to  the 
offices  of  the  justices  of  the  superior  court  of  judica- 
ture of  this  province." 2  It  declared,  that  a  judiciary 
wholly  dependent  on  the  Crown  would  not  be  suffered 
by  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  and  ought  not  to  be 
tolerated  by  any  free  people;   and  that  the  establish- 

i  In  a  communication  in  the  "  Boston  Gazette,"  Nov.  2,  1772,  urging  united 
action  by  the  people  of  all  the  colonies,  it  is  said,  "  This  is  the  plan  that  wisdom 
and  Providence  point  out  to  preserve  our  rights ;  and  this  alone.  .  .  .  Every  con- 
sideration that  animates  a  free  and  noble  mind  urges  our  putting  the  plan  above 
mentioned  into  execution.  It  is  practicable,  safe,  and  easy ;  and,  if  not  pursued, 
slavery  will  be  our  inevitable  portion."  2  There  were  198  petitioners. 


192  LITE    OF   JOSEPH    WAEEEX. 

ment  would  poison  the  streams  of  justice,  and  com- 
plete the  ruin  of  the  liberties  of  the  people.  The 
selectmen1  received  the  petition  on  the  20th,  and,  on 
the  next  day,  issued  a  warrant  for  the  meeting.  The 
petition  was  printed  (Oct.  26)  in  the  w  Gazette." 

The  patriots  were  of  one  mind  as  to  the  dangerous 
nature  of  the  last  aggression,  but  differed  as  to  the 
best  way  of  meeting  it.  One  of  the  petitioners  for 
the  meeting  says  in  the  "  Gazette,"  w  I  should  esteem 
myself  happy,  should  it  be  a  full  one.  I  wish  the 
people  would  lay  the  axe  to  the  root  of  the  tree,  and 
sleep  no  longer  on  the  bosom  of  destruction.  The 
influence  of  your  example,  my  brethren,  may  produce 
a  glorious  effect.  Our  situation  is  indeed  critical. 
May  wisdom,  and  a  proper  portion  of  spirit,  govern 
the  debates  of  the  town;  and  may  the  Province, 
which  shares  in  the  distress,  be  seasonably  awakened! 
"What  language  can  possibly  express  our  complaints  ? 
"What  would  the  English  say,  if  the  king  of  France 
should  come,  at  the  head  of  a  hundred  thousand  men, 
to  impose  laws  upon  England  ?  " 

The  official  now  enjoying  the  honors  and  emolu- 
ments of  governor  and  chief-justice  was  moved  by 
the  circulation  of  these  petitions  to  enlighten  his  new 
superior  in  office  on  the  cause  of  this  expression  of 
feeling  in  the  press,  and  movement  among  the  people. 
w  The  source,  my  lord,"  he  wrote,  Oct.  23,  to  Lord 
Dartmouth,  "  of  all  this  irregularity,  is  a  false  opinion, 
broached  at  the  time  of  the  Stamp  Act,  and  ever 
since  cultivated,  until  it  has  become  general,  that  the 

1  Hutchinson,  in  his  "History"  (iii.  361),  says  that  the  petition  was  first 
rejected.  The  tone  of  the  "  Gazette  "  shows  that  there  was  hesitancy ;  but  the 
records  of  the  selectmen  do  not  warrant  this  statement. 


COMMITTEES    OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  193 

people  of  the  colonies  are  subject  to  no  authority  but 
their  own  legislatures;  and  that  the  acts  of  the  par- 
liament of  Great  Britain,  which  is  every  day,  in  print, 
termed  a  foreign  state,  are  not  obligatory.  All  at- 
tempts to  punish  the  public  assertors  of  this  doctrine, 
and  other  seditious  and  treasonable  tenets  deduced 
from  it,  have  failed;  and,  whilst  this  opinion  prevails, 
there  seems  but  little  reason  to  hope  that  a  grand 
jury  will  present,  or  a  petty  jury  convict.  Until  this 
opinion  prevailed,  the  people  of  this  province  saw  the 
necessity  of  Government,  and  were  disposed  to  sup- 
port its  authority.  Could  it  be  eradicated,  I  doubt 
not  the  disposition  would  again  take  place.  I  know 
the  cause  of  the  disease,  but  am  at  a  loss  for  a  proper 
remedy." 

The  town-meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall,  on  the  Twenty- 
eighth  day  of  October,  in  spite  of  the  urgent  appeals  in 
the  press,  was  not  large,  though  there  was  a  respecta- 
ble attendance.  This  was  ascribed  to  the  busy  season 
of  the  year,  to  differences  as  to  points  of  policy  in 
the  popular  ranks,  to  the  dexterity  of  the  Tories 
in  fomenting  these  divisions,  and  to  the  opinion  of 
some  that  the  town  was  not  the  most  appropriate 
organization  to  consider  the  question  at  issue.  The 
presence  of  John  Hancock1  as  the  moderator  must 
have  dashed  all  Hutchinson's  hope  of  detaching  him 

1  When  Hancock  declined  to  take  a  seat  in  the  council,  the  "  Gazette  "  said : 
"  Mr.  Hancock's  declining  a  seat  at  the  council-board  is  very  satisfactory  to  the 
friends  of  liberty  among  his  constituents.  This  gentleman  had  been  chosen  five 
years  successively,  and  as  often  negatived.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  mo- 
tive for  his  being  approbated  at  last,  his  own  determination  now  shows  that  he 
had  rather  be  a  representative  of  the  people,  since  he  has  had  so  repeatedly  their 
election  and  confidence.  Their  approbation  is  always  a  mark  of  sincere  respect, 
which,  in  virtuous  times,  a  man  in  public  character  seldom  fails  of  having  while 
he  continues  to  merit  it."  —  Boston  Gazette,  June  1,  1772. 

25 


194:  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

from  his  party;  and,  if  he  were  opposed  to  the  crea- 
tion of  committees  of  correspondence,  which  was  the 
understood  object  of  the  meeting,  his  service  showed 
that  his  love  of  the  cause,  and  a  desire  to  see  unity 
in  its  ranks,  predominated  over  any  small  pride  of 
opinion. 

There  was,  the  report  of  the  meeting  reads,  "  the 
coolest  and  most  candid  debate  and  deliberation;"  but 
not  a  word  that  was  uttered  is  preserved.  Samuel 
Adams  read  a  cheering  letter  from  Marblehead,  writ- 
ten by  Elbridge  Gerry,1 —  who  subsequently  was  the 
Governor  of  Massachusetts  and  Vice-president  of 
the  United  States,  —  averring  that  it  was  no  longer 
matter  of  doubt  that  the  ministry  were  determined 
to  deprive  the  colonies  of  their  constitutional  rights ; 
expressing  the  hope  that  the  people  would  have  virtue 
enough  to  withstand  the  attempt;  and  pledging  that 
town  to  be  ever  ready,  in  attention  to  the  great  sub- 
ject, with  interest  or  life.2  This  was  received  with 
great  satisfaction.  "  The  town,"  the  "  Gazette  "  says, 
"came  into  a  very  full  vote;  there  being  only  one 
hand  held  up  against  it,  and  that  through  inattention, 
as  the  person  assures  us,  to  prepare  a  decent  and 
respectful  message  to  the  governor."  Samuel  Adams, 
Joseph  Warren,  and  Benjamin  Church  were  chosen 
to  frame  it;  when  the  meeting  adjourned  till  the  after- 
noon. 

The  committee,  in  the  afternoon,  reported  the  draft 
of  a  brief  message,  to  be  presented  to  the  governor. 
It  stated  as  the  nature  of  the  report,  believed  to  be 
well  grounded,  "that  stipends  were  affixed  to  the 
offices  of  the  judges,  contrary  to  ancient  and  invaria- 

1  Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  i.  81.  2  lb.,  82. 


COMMITTEES   OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  195 

ble  usage ; "  that  it  spread  alarm  among  all  considerate 
persons  who  had  heard  of  it,  in  town  or  country;  that 
the  measure  was  viewed  as  tending  to  complete  the 
system  of  their  slavery;  and,  as  the  judges  held  their 
places  during  pleasure,  that  establishment  appeared 
big  with  fatal  evils.  The  message  requested  the  gov- 
ernor to  inform  the  town,  whether  he  had  received 
such  advice  as  to  create  the  assurance  in  his  mind 
that  such  establishment  had  been  or  was  likely  to  be 
made.  This  draft,  the  "  Gazette  "  says,  "  was  freely 
canvassed,  and  finally  accepted  by  a  very  full  vote, 
nemine  contradicente ;  and  thereupon  William  Phil- 
lips, Esq.,  the  Hon.  James  Otis,  Esq.,  Mr.  Samuel 
Adams,  Dr.  Joseph  "Warren,  Dr.  Benjamin  Church, 
Mr.  Timothy  JSTewell,  and  Col.  Thomas  Marshall,  were 
appointed  to  wait  on  His  Excellency  with  the  same."1 

1  The  names  of  two  distinguished  patriots  no  longer  appear  on  the  commit- 
tees,—  Richard  Dana,  a  justice,  and  John  Ruddock,  a  selectman.  On  their 
decease,  the  "  Gazette  "  contained  the  following  obituary  notices  :  — 

On  Sunday,  the  17th  of  May  last,  died  at  his  house  in  Boston,  Richard 
Dana,  Esq.,  barrister  at  law,  seventy -two  years  of  age.  He  was  a  gentleman  of 
unblemished  morals.  By  his  liberal  education,  very  good  natural  powers,  and  dili- 
gence in  the  study  of  the  law,  he  was  eminent  in  his  profession.  He  was  faithful 
to  his  clients  and  unjust  to  no  man.  Ever  since  he  came  into  business,  he  was 
exemplary  in  carefulness,  diligence,  and  frugality,  whereby  he  has  left  to  his 
widow  (only  sister  of  the  Honorable  Judge  Trowbridge)  and  to  his  children,  two 
sons  and  one  daughter,  a  handsome  fortune.  He  hated  flattery.  Agreeably  to 
the  natural  but  honest  severity  of  his  manners,  he  was  a  most  inveterate  enemy 
to  luxury  and  prodigality.  A  very  steady  and  strenuous,  and,  it  must  be  con- 
fessed, many  times  a  passionate  opposer  of  all  those  (even  from  the  highest  to 
the  lowest,  but  especially  the  former),  who,  in  his  judgment,  were  enemies  to  the 
civil  and  religious  rights  of  his  country ;  and  he  very  well  understood  what 
those  rights  were.    In  short,  to  Mr.  Dana  may  be  applied  with  great  justice 

Horace's  — 

"  Justum  ac  tenacem  propositi  virum, 
Non  vultus  instan tis  tyranni, 
Mente  quatit  solida."  Boston  Gazette,  June  1. 

Wednesday  last,  died  very  suddenly  of  a  lethargic  disorder,  in  the  sixtieth 
year  of  his  age,  Major  John  Ruddock,  commander  of  the  North  Battery.  This 
gentleman,  having  passed  through  town-offices  with  reputation,  and  being  well 


196  LITE    OF    JOSEPH   WAEREN. 

Two  of  the  committee  were  of  the  board  of  select- 
men.    The  meeting  now  adjourned  for  two  days. 

The  committee,  on  the  next  day,  waited  on  the 
governor,  to  present  the  message  of  the  town.  Sam- 
uel Adams,  just  before  going,  wrote  a  letter  to 
Elbridge  Gerry;  and,  having  penned  these  words, 
"  This  country  must  shake  off  their  intolerable  bur- 
dens at  all  events;  every  day  strengthens  our  oppres- 
sors and  weakens  us ;  if  each  town  would  declare  its 
sense  of  these  matters,  I  am  persuaded  our  enemies 
would  not  have  it  in  their  power  to  divide  us," *  — 
he  made  a  dash  with  his  pen,  and  closed  by  saying 
he  was  going,  with  the  committee,  to  His  Excellency. 
Adams  expected  a  negative  reply;  still,  he  says,  it 
was  his  object  to  prefer  requests  which  could  not  be 
justly  branded  as  unconstitutional,  but  which  every 
friend  of  the  popular  cause  would  pronounce  to  be 
reasonable;  while  the  executive,  in  refusing  to  corn- 
acquainted  with  the  affairs  of  the  town,  he  has  for  about  ten  years  past  been 
annually  chosen  a  selectman ;  which  trust  he  discharged,  in  these  days  of  trial 
and  danger,  with  resolution  and  fidelity.  As  a  justice  of  the  peace  and  quorum, 
he  delivered  his  opinion  on  the  bench,  respecting  men  and  things,  with  integrity 
and  a  manly  fortitude ;  and,  when  trifling  complaints  were  brought  before  him 
as  a  magistrate,  he  endeavored  to  compose  differences  rather  than  profit  by  them. 
In  his  large  dealings,  he  discovered  that  he  had  the  feelings  of  humanity ;  and 
few  persons  in  trade  have  suffered  more  by  their  lenity.  In  his  domestic  con- 
nections he  was  affectionate  and  tender,  and  in  his  friendships  sincere  and  steady. 
As  a  good  member  of  society,  always  ready  not  only  to  patronize  the  oppressed 
and  relieve  the  needy,  but  to  encourage  necessary  and  charitable  undertakings 
with  his  subscriptions  ;  he  was  a  true  friend  to  the  constitution  of  the  churches 
of  New  England  as  stated  and  set  forth  in  their  excellent  platform,  and  firmly 
adhered  to  the  doctrines  of  the  first  reformers ;  and  he  honored  his  profession  as 
a  Christian,  not  only  by  always  giving  his  influence  on  the  side  of  virtue  and 
religion,  but  by  exerting  himself  in  the  defence  of  our  violated  civil  rights. 
Five  sons  and  a  daughter  survive  to  mourn  their  loss.  His  remains  were  on 
Friday  evening  attended  to  the  grave  by  a  very  respectable  number  of  his  friends 
and  townsmen.  During  the  procession,  minute  guns  were  fired  from  the  North 
Battery.  —  Gazette,  Sept.  7,  1772. 

1  Samuel  Adams  to  Elbridge  Gerry,  Oct.  29,  1772. 


COMMITTEES  OF  CORRESPONDENCE.      197 

ply  with  them,  must  necessarily  put  himself  in  the 
wrong  in  the  opinion  of  honest  and  sensible  men.  As 
a  consequence,  such  reasonable  and  manly  measures 
as  the  people  might  adopt  for  their  security  would  be 
more  reconcilable  to  timid  minds,  and  thus  the  vital 
point  would  be  reached  of  harmony  and  unanimity.1 
This  explanation  is  a  key  to  the  whole  of  a  movement 
which  resulted  in  a  great  revolutionary  deed,  of  which 
this  action  was,  as  it  were,  the  threshold. 

At  the  adjournment  of  the  meeting  (Oct.  3Q),  an 
answer  of  the  governor  to  the  message  of  the  town 
was  read,  in  which  he  said  it  was  not  proper  for  him  to 
lay  before  the  inhabitants  any  part  of  his  correspond- 
ence as  governor;  and  he  declined  to  say  whether 
he  had  or  had  not  received  advices  relative  to  the 
public  officers  of  the  Government,  but  said  he  was 
ready  to  gratify  the  inhabitants,  K  upon  every  regular 
application  to  him  on  business  of  public  concernment 
to  the  town,"  consistently  with  fidelity  to  the  trust 
which  His  Majesty  had  reposed  in  him.  A  commit- 
tee —  James  Otis,  Samuel  Adams,  and  Thomas  Crush- 
ing —  was  now  appointed  to  draft  a  petition  for 
presentation  to  the  governor.  They  framed  a  compact 
and  admirable  paper.  "  It  represented  that  the  new 
measure  as  to  the  judges'  salaries  was  contrary,  not 
only  to  the  plain  and  obvious  sense  of  the  charter, 
but  also  to  some  of  the  fundamental  principles  of 
the  common  law,  to  the  benefit  of  which  all  British 
subjects,  wherever  dispersed  throughout  the  British 
Empire,  were  indubitably  entitled;"  that  the  judges 
should  hold  their  commissions,  not  at  the  pleasure  of 
the  Crown,  but  during  good  behavior;   and  that  the 

1  Samuel  Adams  to  Elbridge  Gerry,  Nov.  5,  1772. 


198  LIEE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

• 

change  appeared  fraught  with  such  fatal  evils,  that 
the  most  distant  thought  of  its  taking  effect  filled  the 
public  mind  with  dread;  and  the  petition  asked  that 
the  governor  would  be  pleased  "  to  allow  the  general 
assembly  to  meet  at  the  time  to  which  it  stood  pro- 
rogued, in  order  that,  in  that  constitutional  body  with 
whom  it  is  to  inquire  into  grievances  and  redress 
them,  the  joint  wisdom  of  the  province  may  be  em- 
ployed in  deliberating  and  determining  on  a  matter  so 
important  and  alarming."  Their  draft  was  accepted; 
and  the  committee  appointed  to  carry  the  message  of 
the  town,  Warren  being  a  member,  was  directed  to 
wait  on  His  Excellency  with  this  petition.  The  town 
then  adjourned  to  meet  on  the  second  day  of  Novem- 
ber, at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  at  Faneuil  Hall, 
the  "Gazette"  says,  "to  receive  an  answer  to  the 
petition,  and  take  such  further  measures  as  this  most 
important  affair  may  require." 

On  the  morning  of  the  Second  day  of  November, 
the  day  on  which  the  town  was  to  meet,  the  "  Boston 
Gazette"  had  seven  columns  of  matter  on  politics, 
and  shone  in  the  glory  of  a  free  press,  endeavoring  to 
kindle  an  influence  in  favor  of  a  just  cause.  One 
of  the  communications  is  addressed  "to  the  people 
of  America."  The  writer  said,  that  "  tyranny,  like 
time  and  death,  was  creeping  on  unperceived ;  "  and, 
full  of  the  central  thought  of  a  union,  he  urged  that 
the  only  method  that  promised  any  prospect  of  a 
preservation  of  freedom,  was  for  the  people  to  unite 
in  remonstrance  to  the  king,  and  to  say  that,  unless 
their  liberties  were  restored  whole  and  entire,  they 
would  form  an  independent  commonwealth,  after  the 
example  of  the  Dutch  provinces,  secure  their  ports, 


COMMITTEES    OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  199 

and  offer  a  free  trade  to  all  nations.  "My  brethren," 
the  patriot  says,  K  onr  present  situation  is  dangerous, 
but  not  desperate:  let  us  now  unite  like  a  band  of 
brothers  in  the  noblest  cause,  look  to  Heaven  for 
assistance,  and  He  who  made  us  free  will  crown  our 
labors  with  success."  The  style  and  sentiment  are 
like  the  oration  of  Warren:  the  reverence  and  spirit 
of  nationality  reflected  the  spirit  of  the  time. 

The  meeting  in  the  afternoon,  at  Faneuil  Hall,  was 
not  large,  though  it  was  respectable  in  numbers  and 
character;  showing  that  there  needed  a  fresh  impulse 
to    rouse   the   public   mind.      The   governor,   in   an 
answer,  declined  to  allow  the  assembly  to  meet  at  the 
time  to  which  it  stood  prorogued,  saying  that  he  had 
determined;  before  receiving  the  address  of  the  town, 
to  prorogue  it  to  a  further  time;  that  the  reasons  pre- 
sented had  not  altered  his  opinion;  and,  if  he  should 
meet  the  assembly  contrary  to  Bis  own  judgment,  he 
should  yield  to  the  town  the  exercise  of  this  part  of 
the  prerogative,  and  should  be  unable  to  justify  his 
conduct  to  the  king.     In  the  closing  paragraph,  he 
remarked,  "There  would,  moreover,  be   danger   of 
encouraging  the  inhabitants  of  the  other  towns  in  the 
province  to  assemble,  from  time  to  time,  in  order  to 
consider  the  necessity  or  expediency  of  a  session  of 
the  general  assembly,  or  to  debate  and  transact  other 
matters  which  the  law  that  authorizes  towns  to  assem- 
ble does  not  make  the  business  of  a  town-meeting." 
This  high-toned  paper  was  read  several  times;  and, 
after  considering  it  and  voting  it  to  be"  unsatisfactory, 
the  meeting  resolved,  "  That  they  have,  ever  had,  and 
ought  to  have,  a  right  to  petition  the  king  or  his  rep- 
resentative for  the  redress  of  such  grievances  as  they 


200  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

feel,  or  for  preventing  of  such  as  they  have  reason 
to  apprehend,  and  to  communicate  their  sentiments  to 
other  towns."  Hutchinson  pleads,  in  his  history, 
that  this  was  waiving  the  point;  that  he  had  taken 
no  exception  to  the  right  of  petition,  nor  to  the  com- 
munication of  sentiment  from  one  town  to  another; 
but  that  his  exception  had  been  to  the  assumption  by 
towns,  as  corporations,  to  act  beyond  limits  defined 
by  the  law.  But  he  does  not  define  the  legal  limit 
nor  the  illegal  assumption.  Had  towns  a  right  to 
petition,  and  yet  no  right  to  meet  for  the  purpose  of 
determining  by  debate  what  their  petition  should 
contain  ?  The  truth  is,  that  Hutchinson,  in  accord- 
ance with  his  private  correspondence,  denied  indi- 
rectly, and  meant  to  deny,  the  right  of  the  towns  to 
hold  meetings  to  consider  political  questions ;  and  his 
special  plea,  in  the  court  of  history,  is  an  after-thought 
and  a  subterfuge. 

Samuel  Adams,1  after  the  passage  of  this  resolve, 
made  the  motion  which  the  Tories  termed  w  the  source 

1  John  Adams,  in  "  Novanglus,"  printed  Feb.  6,  1775,  asks,  "  When  a  certain 
masterly  statesman  invented  a  committee  of  correspondence  in  Boston,  .  .  .  did 
not  every  colony,  nay,  every  county,  city,  hundred,  and  town  upon  the  whole 
continent,  adopt  the  measure,  I  had  almost  said  as  if  it  had  been  a  revelation 
from  above,  as  the  happiest  means  of  cementing  the  union  and  acting  in  con- 
cert 1 "  The  antagonist  of  Adams,  "  Massachusettensis,"  in  the  "  Massachusetts 
Gazette"  (Tory),  said,  Jan.  2,  1775,  "Anew,  unheard-of  mode  of  opposition  had 
been  devised,  said  to  be  the  invention  of  the  fertile  brain  of  one  of  our  party  agents, 
called  a  committee  of  correspondence.  This  is  the  foulest,  subtlest,  and  most 
venomous  serpent  that  ever  issued  from  the  eggs  of  sedition."  The  "  Conti- 
nental Journal,"  of  May  7,  1778,  has  a  report  of  a  dinner  which  was  given  to 
Samuel  Adams,  when  he  was  on  his  way  from  Boston  to  attend  a  session  of  con- 
gress. Two  of  the  toasts  were,  "  Our  worthy  friend  and  patriot,  Mr.  Samuel 
Adams  ; "  —  "  In  memory  of  the  first  committee  of  correspondence  in  America, 
and  all  those  who  dared  to  support  our  glorious  cause  in  times  of  danger." 
There  were  committees  of  correspondence  before  1772;  but  it  was  the  mode, 
through  the  channel  of  the  law  and  its  extension  through  the  colonies,  that  con- 
stituted the  peculiarity. 


COMMITTEES  OF  CORRESPONDENCE.      201 

of  the  rebellion,"  and  which  Bancroft  says  "  included 
the  whole  revolution."  He  moved,  "  That  a  commit- 
tee of  correspondence  be  appointed,  to  consist  of 
twenty-one  persons,  to  state  "  the  rights  of  the  colo- 
nists, and  of  this  province  in  particular,  as  men,  as 
Christians,  and  as  subjects;  to  communicate  and  pub- 
lish the  same  to  the  several  towns  in  this  province 
and  to  the  world,  as  the  sense  of  this  town,  with  the 
infringements  and  violations  thereof  that  have  been,  or 
from  time  to  time  may  be  made ;  also  requesting  of 
each  town  a  free  communication  of  their  sentiments 
on  this  subject."  —  "  This  motion  was  carried,  nemine 
contradicente"  When  the  names  of  Hancock,  Crush- 
ing, and  Phillips,  representatives,  and  Austin  and 
Scollay,  selectmen,  with  others,  were  announced  as 
members  of  this  committee,  they  declined;  not  be- 
cause they  were  opposed  to  the  measure,  but  on  the 
ground  that  their  private  business  would  not  admit 
of  their  acceptance.  The  committee  are  recorded  in 
the  following  order:  James  Otis,  Samuel  Adams, 
Joseph  "Warren,  Benjamin  Church,  William  Dennie, 
William  Greenleaf,  Joseph  Greenleaf,  Thomas  Young, 
William  Powell,  Nathaniel  .Appleton,  Oliver  Wen- 
dell, John  Sweetser,  Josiah  Quincy,  John  Bradford, 
Eichard  Boynton,  William  Mackay,  Nathaniel  Bar- 
ber, Caleb  Davis,  Alexander  Hill,  William  Molineux, 
Eobert  Pierpont.  The  committee  were  requested  "to 
report  to  the  town  as  soon  as  maybe;"  when  the 
meeting  adjourned. 

Bancroft  says  of  the  three  first  names,  "  The  name 
of  James  Otis,  who  was  now  but  a  wreck  of  himself, 
appears  first  on  the  list,  as  a  tribute  to  former  ser- 
vices.   The  two  most  important  members  were  Samuel 

26 


202  LIFE    OE    JOSEPH    WAEEEK. 

Adams  and  Joseph  Warren :  the  first  now  recognized 
as  a  masterly  statesman  and  the  ablest  political  writer 
in  New  England;  the  second,  a  rare  combination  of 
gentleness  with  daring  courage,  of  respect  for  law 
with  the  all-controlling  love  of  liberty.  The  two  men 
never  failed  each  other,  —  the  one  growing  old,  the 
other  in  youthful  manhood ;  thinking  one  set  of 
thoughts;  having  one  heart  for  their  country;  joining 
in  one  career  of  policy  and  action;  differing  only  in 
this,  that,  while  "Warren  still  clung  to  the  hope  of 
conciliation,  Adams  ardently  desired,  as  well  as  clearly 
foresaw,  the  conflict  for  independence." 

This  committee,  until  it  was  in  a  measure  super- 
seded by  the  committee  of  safety,  was  the  executive 
power  of  the  popular  party  of  Boston,  and,  indeed, 
virtually  of  the  whole  province.  It  proceeded  with  a 
vigor  and  efficiency,  and  yet  with  a  caution,  rarely 
witnessed  in  political  action.  It  organized,  at  its  first 
meeting  (Nov.  3),  by  choosing  James  Otis  chairman, 
and  William  Cooper  clerk.  Its  members  gave  to 
each  other  the  pledge  of  honor,  "  not  to  divulge  any 
part  of  their  conversation  at  their  meetings  to  any  per- 
son whatsoever,  excepting  what  the  committee  itself 
should  make  known."  It  immediately  arranged  for 
the  preparation  of  the  report  which  it  was  instructed 
to  make  to  the  town;  assigning  to  Adams  the  general 
exposition  of  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  to  Warren 
the  specification  of  the  violation  of  these  rights,  and 
to  Church  the  framing  of  a  circular  letter,  to  be  ad- 
dressed to  the  towns.1 

Governor  Hutchinson  informed  Lord  Dartmouth 
of  the  appointment  of  the  committee,  on  the  day  it 

1  Bancroft's  History,  vi.  431. 


COMMITTEES  OF  CORRESPONDENCE.      203 

entered  upon  its  labors,  and  stated  the  objects  of  the 
town-meeting  that  created  it;  and,  ten  days  later, 
he  expressed  further  views  relative  to  the  meeting 
and  the  character  of  the  committee.  The  reckless 
faction  in  the  town,  he  said,  had  pleased  themselves 
with  hopes  of  fresh  disturbances  out  of  the  question 
of  the  judges'  salaries;  they  had  taken  the  usual  first 
step,  of  a  town-meeting,  which  was  brought  on  with 
an  intent  to  raise  a  general  flame.  On  the  3d  of 
^November,  he  was  not  apprehensive  that  this  design 
would  succeed;  and,  on  the  13th,  he  expressed  still 
more  pointedly  the  opinion  that  the  movement  would 
fail.  "Hitherto,""  he  says  of  the  popular  leaders, 
"they  have  fallen  much  short  of  their  expectation, 
and,  even  in  this  town,  have  not  been  able  to  revive  the 
old  spirit  of  mobbing;  and  the  only  dependence  left 
is  to  keep  up  a  correspondence  through  the  province, 
by  committees  of  the  several  towns,  which  is  such  a 
foolish  scheme  that  they  must  make  themselves  ridic- 
ulous." He  thus  laid  out  his  own  course.  In  com- 
mon times,  he  said,  he  should  have  refused  any  other 
answer  to  the  town's  petition  than  to  acquaint  it,  that 
the  purpose  for  which  it  assembled  was  not  lawful; 
but  he  thought  it  best  not  to  irritate.  "I  imme- 
diately," he  says,  "  prorogued  the  court  (the  journals 
say  to  the  6th  of  January),  and  sooner  than  I  other- 
wise should  have  done,  to  show  them  that  I  would 
not  give  the  least  encouragement  to  their  unwarranta- 
ble doings,  there  being  no  law  to  support  towns  in 
transacting  any  other  business  than  what  is  of  public 
concernment  to  the  towns ;  but  the  inhabitants  of  Bos- 
ton, like  the  livery  of  London,  have  been  for  a  long 
time  used  to  concern  themselves  with  all  the  affairs 


204  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WAHREN. 

of  Government."1  The  governor  ought  to  have  re- 
membered, that  the  customs  of  a  people  are  a  part 
of  their  liberties.  On  the  13th,  he  indulged  in  a 
strain  of  disparaging  remark  on  the  members  of  the 
committee.  M  Strange,"  he  says,  "  that  a  Government, 
which,  within  a  century,  was  so  pure  as  to  suffer  no 
person  to  be  free  of  their  commonwealth  who  was  not 
one  of  their  church-members,  should  now  take  for 
their  leaders  men  who  openly  contemn  all  religion, 
and  should  join  deacons  and  atheists  in  one  trust,  and 
that  they  should  be  instigated  to  this  by  some  of  the 
clergy  who  make  the  highest  pretence  to  devotion; 
and  yet  the  spirit  of  political  party  produces  all  this." 
Strange  that  Hutchinson  could  write  apparently  un- 
conscious that  the  spirit  of  party  was  shading  his 
pen-drawing;  and  strange,  too,  that  representations 
similar  to  what  this  letter  contained  should  have  been 
read  to  the  king,  and  made  the  basis  of  cabinet 
action. 

On  this  day  (Noy.  3),  Samuel  Adams  sent  to 
Arthur  Lee,  who  was  in  London,  his  view  of  Hutch- 
inson's course.  Adams  gave  an  assurance  that  the 
body  of  a  long-insulted  people  would  bear  insult  and 
oppression  no  longer  than  until  they  felt  in  them- 
selves strength  to  shake  off  the  yoke;  and,  if  they 
had  not  gathered  so  fully  as  formerly  in  town-meet- 

1  Hutchinson  wrote  to  Lord  Hillsborough,  May  29,  1772,  "  The  meetings  of 
that  town  (Boston)  being  constituted  of  the  lowest  class  of  the  people,  under  the 
influence  of  a  few  of  the  higher  class,  but  of  intemperate  and  furious  dispositions 
and  of  desperate  fortunes,  men  of  property  and  of  the  best  characters  have 
deserted  these  meetings,  where  they  are  sure  of  being  affronted.  By  the  consti- 
tution, forty  pounds  sterling,  which  they  say  may  be  in  clothes,  household  furni- 
ture, or  any  sort  of  property,  is  qualification  enough ;  and  even  into  that  there  is 
scarce  any  inquiry,  and  every  thing  with  the  appearance  of  a  man  is  admitted 
without  scrutiny." 


COMMITTEES   OF    CORRESPONDENCE.  205 

ings,  it  was  "  partly  from  the  opinion  of  some  that 
there  was  no  method  left  to  be  taken  but  the  last: 
which  was  also  the  opinion  of  many  in  the  country." 
And  he  characterized  the  leading  Tories  around  him 
as  w  the  most  artful,  plausible,  and  insinuating  men, 
and  some  of  them  the  most  malicious  enemies  of  the 
common  rights  of  mankind."  His  thought  ran  on 
the  nature  of  free  governments,  and  the  indignity 
of  submission  to  arbitrary  power;  and  his  maledic- 
tions were  upon  those  who  were  plotting  the  ruin  of 
American  liberties.  On  the  next  day  (Nov.  4),  in  a 
letter  to  James  Warren,  besides  hoping  "  that  Mother 
Plymouth  would  see  her  way  clear  to  have  a  meeting 
to  second  Boston,"  which  "had  thought  proper  to 
take  what  the  Tories  apprehend  to  be  leading  steps," 
he  said,  he  had  neither  time  nor  inclination  to  take  up 
his  thoughts  in  complaining  of  tyrants  or  tyranny; 
for  it  was  more  than  time  this  country  was  rid 
of  both.  His  words  are,  "We  have  long  had  it 
thrown  in  our  faces,  that  the  country  in  general  is 
under  no  such  fears  of  slavery,  but  are  well  pleased 
with  the  measures  of  administration."  —  "  Whenever 
the  friends  of  the  country  shall  be  assured  of  each 
other's  sentiments,  that  spirit  which  is  necessary  will 
not  be  wanting." 

As  the  sub-committee  were  at  work  on  their  report, 
Adams  received  (Nov.  10)  a  letter  from  Elbridge 
Gerry,  who  said,  "  The  steps  taken  by  our  vigilant 
metropolis,  I  am  well  assured,  will  succeed;  but, 
should  they  fail,  the  merit  of  those  worthies  who 
oppose  the  strides  of  tyranny  will  not  be  diminished; 
neither  would  their  being  overpowered  by  numbers 
alter  the  heroism  of  their  conduct."     The  reply  of 


206  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

Adams  is  not  less  high-toned.  He  expressed  great 
satisfaction  that  the  friends  of  liberty  in  Marblehead 
were  active;  that  the  pulse  of  the  people  of  Plymouth 
beat  high;  that  a  great  number  in  Cambridge  peti- 
tioned for  a  town-meeting;  that  Koxbury  was  to  act 
on  Monday;  and  said,  "May  God  grant  that  the  love 
of  liberty,  and  a  zeal  to  support  it,  may  enkindle  in 
every  town ! " 

The  town,  on  the  Twentieth  of  November,  on  the 
warrant  of  the  selectmen,  met  in  Faneuil  Hall,  to 
receive  the  report  of  the  committee  of  correspond- 
ence.    It  was  first  read  by  the  chairman,  James  Otis, 
and  afterwards  by  the  moderator,  John  Hancock.     It 
consisted  of  three  divisions,  entitled,  first,  "  A  State 
of  the  Eights  of  the  Colonists  and  of  this  Province  in 
particular,"  which  was  the  portion  allotted  to  Adams, 
and  makes  twelve  pages  of  the  pamphlet;    second, 
"  A  List  of  the  Infringements  and  Violations  of  those 
Eights,"  which  was  the  part  assigned  to  Warren,  and 
makes  sixteen  pages;  third,  "A  Letter  of  Correspond- 
ence with  the  other  Towns,"  of  six  pages,  and  was 
Church's  portion.     The  "Gazette"  says   the  report 
was  "thoroughly  examined  and  amended  by  the  town, 
when  it  was  accepted  by  a  full  vote,  nemine  contradi- 
cente.     The  town  then  voted  that  these  proceedings 
be  printed,  and  ordered  the  town-clerk  to  sign  printed 
copies  of  the  same,  in  the  name  and  behalf  of  the 
town,  to  be  sent  to  the  selectmen  of  each  town  and 
district  in  the  province,  and  to  such  other  gentlemen 
as  the  committee  shall  direct.     Thus  this  matter  is 
left  to  the  candid  consideration  of  our  brethren  and 
fellow-subjects  in  general."    The  town-meeting,  about 
ten  o'clock,  p.m.,  was  dissolved. 


COMMITTEES  OF  CORRESPOKDEXCE.      207 

Six  hundred  copies  of  the  report  which  had  been 
adopted  were  printed,  and  sent  out  to  the  towns  and 
to  prominent  Whigs  in  other  colonies. 

The  first  portion  of  this  report  consists  mostly  of  a 
statement  of  abstract  principles.  The  rights  of  the 
colonists  are  classified  under  three  heads,  entitled, 
"Eights  as  men,  as  Christians,  and  as  subjects." 
Here  are  announced  the  right  of  expatriation  in  the 
face  of  the  English  maxim,  "  Once  a  subject,  always  a 
subject;"  of  just  and  true  liberty,  equal  and  impar- 
tial in  matters  spiritual  and  temporal,  when  the  Dis- 
senter in  the  mother-country  was  the  subject  of  a 
penal  code  and  civil  disabilities;  of  the  equality  of  all 
before  the  law;  so  that  the  report  says,  citing  Locke, 
"  There  should  be  one  rule  of  justice  for  rich  and  poor; 
for  the  favorite  at  court  and  the  countryman  at  the 
plough."  It  developed  the  idea  at  length,  that  con- 
sent is  the  true  basis  of  law;  it  affirmed  that  the 
legislature  had  no  right  to  absolute,  arbitrary  power 
over  the  lives  and  fortunes  of  the  people,  and  could 
not  justly  assume  to  itself  a  power  to  rule  by  extem- 
porary, arbitrary  decrees;  but  was  bound  to  see  just- 
ice dispensed  and  rightly  decided  "by  promulgated, 
standing,  and  known  laws,"  interpreted  by  a  judi- 
ciary as  independent  as  far  as  possible  of  prince  or 
people.  The  statement  of  the  basis  of  personal  free- 
dom is  radical:  "If  men,  through  fear,  fraud,  or 
mistake,  should  in  terms  renounce  or  give  up  any 
essential,  natural  right,  the  eternal  law  of  reason 
and  the  grand  end  of  society  would  absolutely  vacate 
such  renunciation:  the  right  to  freedom  being  the 
gift  of  God  Almighty,  it  is  not  in  the  power  of  man 
to   alienate  this   gift,  and   voluntarily  to   become  a 


208  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

slave."  The  argument  on  taxation  was  re-iterated 
with  great  force;  and  it  was  denied  that  there  could 
be  any  representation  in  parliament  that  would  render 
taxation  of  the  colonies  by  that  body  legal.  It  char- 
acterized Magna  Charta  as  a  constrained  declaration 
of  original,  inherent,  indefeasible,  natural  rights.  It 
says,  "  That  great  author,  that  great  jurist,  and  even 
that  court-writer,  Mr.  Justice  Blackstone,  holds  that 
this  recognition  was  justly  obtained,  sword  in  hand; 
and  peradventure  it  must  be  one  day,  sword  in  hand, 
again  rescued  and  preserved  from  total  oblivion." 

The  second  portion  of  the  report,  which  was  as- 
signed to  Warren,  enumerated,  under  ten  heads,  the 
w  infringements  and  violations  of  rights ; "  and  began 
with  the  remark,  that  they  w  would  not  fail  to  excite 
the  attention  of  all  who  consider  themselves  interested 
in  the  happiness  and  freedom  of  mankind  in  general, 
and  of  this  continent  and  province  in  particular."  To 
frame  an  abstract  of  these  ten  counts  of  this  indict- 
ment of  the  British  Administration  would  be  to 
repeat  the  instances  already  related  of  their  violation. 
Three  of  the  counts,  however,  show  so  strikingly  the 
grasp  there  was  in  the  public  mind  of  great  ideas,  as 
to  require  comment. 

The  report  says  that  parliament  "  assumed  the  pow- 
ers of  legislation,  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  without 
obtaining  the  consent  of  the  inhabitants,  which  is 
ever  essentially  necessary  to  the  rightful  establish- 
ment of  such  a  legislature ; "  and  it  affirmed,  in  rela- 
tion to  a  religious  establishment,  that  w  no  power  on 
earth  can  justly  give  either  temporal  or  spiritual  juris- 
diction within  this  province,  except  the  great  and 
general  court."     It  instanced,  among  the  rankest  vio- 


COMMITTEES  OF  CORRESPONDENCE.      209 

lations  of  this  principle,  the  royal  instructions,  inter- 
fering with  the  tenure  of  the  judiciary,  rendering 
one  branch  of  the  legislature  merely  a  ministerial 
engine,  and  threatening  an  entire  destruction  of  the 
liberties  of  the  people.  «  The  province,"  it  says,  «  has 
already  felt  such  effects  from  these  instructions,  as, 
we  think,  justly  entitle  us  to  say,  that  they  threaten 
an  entire  destruction  of  our  liberties;  and  must 
soon,  if  not  checked,  render  every  branch  of  our 
Government  a  useless  burden  upon  the  people." 
This  was  the  idea  of  local  government  on  which 
Hutchinson  so  continuously  dwelt. 

The  report  presents  as  an  indictment,  "the  extend- 
ing the  power  of  the  courts  of  vice-admiralty  to  so 
enormous  a  degree,  as  deprives  the  people  of  the 
colonies,   in   a   great   measure,   of  their   inestimable 
right  to  trials  by  juries;  which  has  ever  been  justly 
considered   as   the   grand  bulwark  and  security  of 
English  property."     It  alleged  that  this  right  was 
also  infringed  in  the  acts  for  preserving  His  Majesty's 
dock-yards,  and  in  a  revival  of  an  obsolete  statute 
of  Henry  VIII.      The  British  statute  is  commented 
on,  wherein,  while  the  estates  and  properties  of  the 
people  of  Great  Britain  are  expressly  guarded,  those 
of  the  colonists  are  given  up  to  the  decision  of  one 
dependent,  interested  judge   of  admiralty.       'Thus 
our  birthrights  are  taken  from  us,  and  that,  too,  with 
every  mark  of  indignity,  insult,  and  contempt.     We 
may  be  harassed  and  dragged  from  one  part  of  the 
continent  to  another,  and  finally  be  deprived  of  our 
whole  property,  by  the   arbitrary  determination  of 
one  biassed,  capricious  judge  of  admiralty." 

The  report  says,  «  The  restraining  us  from  erecting 


210  LIFE    OF  JOSEPH   WARREN. 

slitting-mills,  for  manufacturing  our  iron,  the  natu- 
ral produce  of  this  country,  is  an  infringement  of 
that  right  with  which  God  and  nature  have  invested 
us,  to  make  use  of  our  skill  and  industry  in  procuring 
the  necessaries  and  conveniences  of  life."  The  acts 
were  cited  which  restrained  the  manufacture  of  hats, 
the  carrying  wool  even  over  a  ferry,  as  oppression; 
and  it  is  said  that  inhabitants  "  have  often  been  put 
to  the  expense  of  carrying  a  bag  of  wool  near  a  hun- 
dred miles  by  land,"  when  the  trouble  might  have 
been  saved  by  passing  over  a  river.  Here  is  a  manly 
protest  against  those  trammels  on  colonial  enterprise, 
which  the  great  British  economist  pronounced  a  man- 
ifest violation  of  the  most  sacred  rights  of  mankind.1 

Here,  too,  is  a  demand,  not  for  a  government  to 
supply  work  to  those  who  live  under  it,  but  for  the 
recognition  of  the  right  of  each  individual  to  select 
his  field  of  work,  to  reap  its  fruits,  and  enjoy  them  in 
security.  In  a  word,  here  freedom  is  asked  for  that 
industrial  energy  which  has  contributed  so  largely 
io  the  growth  and  glory  of  the  country;  and  it  was 
asked  at  a  time  when  arbitrary  restrictions  on  busi- 
ness and  labor  disgraced  the  legislation  of  civilized 
nations ! 

The  last  portion  of  the  report,  which  was  assigned 
to  Church,  was  a  brief  but  spirited  "  Letter  of  Corre- 

1  Adam  Smith,  in  the  "  Wealth  of  Nations,"  printed  in  1775,  in  alluding  to  the 
restrictions  imposed  on  the  colonies,  says,  "  She  prohibits  the  exportation  from 
one  province  to  another  by  water,  and  even  the  carriage  by  land,  upon  horseback 
or  in  a  cart,  of  hats,  of  wools,  and  woollen  goods,  of  the  produce  of  America." 
He  remarks,  "  To  prohibit  a  great  people  from  making  all  they  can  of  every  part 
of  their  own  produce,  or  from  employing  their  stock  and  industry  in  the  way 
that  they  judge  most  advantageous  to  themselves,  is  a  manifest  violation  of  the 
most  sacred  rights  of  mankind."  These  words  were  written  in  October,  1773.  — 
McCulloch's  Smith,  261. 


COMMITTEES    OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  211 

spondence  to  the  other  Towns;"  which  contained  a 
short  epitome  of  the  ideas  of  the  two  previous  portions 
of  the  report,  a  reference  to  the  official  papers  that 
passed  between  the  town  and  the  governor,  and  in- 
vited a  free  communication  of  sentiment  to  Boston. 
fC  If,"  the  letter  says,  "  you  concur  with  us  in  opinion, 
that  our  rights  are  properly  stated,  and  measures 
of  administration  pointed  out  by  us  are  subversive 
of  these  rights,  you  will  doubtless  think  it  of  the 
utmost  importance  that  we  stand  firm  as  one  man  to 
recover  and  support  them."1 

This  report  was  the  boldest  and  most  comprehen- 
sive summary  of  the  American  cause  that  had  ap- 
peared. It  is  remarkably  free  from  passion;  and, 
stating  principles  and  their  violation  with  simplicity, 
it  calmly  addressed  the  reason.  It  may  not,  in  a  lit- 
erary point  of  view,  rank  with  the  great  state-papers 
of  congress,  which  Lord  Chatham  subsequently  eulo- 
gized; but  it  had  the  qualities  of  other  Boston  state- 
papers,  which  he  now  (1772)  perused  with  avidity,  as 
K  genuine  fruits  of  unsophisticated  good  sense  and  of 
virtue  uncorrupted ; " 2  and,  being  grandly  American, 
it  well  supplied  the  wants  of  the  people  on  a  theme  — 
its  own  words  —  w  of  such  great  and  lasting  moment 
as  to  involve  in  it  the  fate  of  all  their  posterity." 

1  This  report  is  entitled,  "  The  Votes  and  Proceedings  of  the  Freeholders  and 
other  Inhabitants  of  the  Town  of  Boston,  in  town-meeting  assembled  according 
to  Law.  Published  by  order  of  the  Town.  To  which  is  prefixed,  as  introduc- 
tory, an  Attested  Copy  of  a  Vote  of  the  Town  at  a  Preceding  Meeting.  Boston : 
printed  by  Edes  and  Gill  in  Queen  Street,  and  T.  and  J.  Fleet  in  Cornhill." 

2  Thomas  Hollis,  Nov.  26,%1772,  sent  to  Lord  Chatham  three  publications  of 
Boston,  "  which,"  he  wrote,  "  tend  to  show  a  people  of  strong  sense  and  virtue, 
in  the  rough,  on  the  rise : "  to  which  Lord  Chatham  replied,  on  the  same  day, 
"  Lord  Chatham  will  peruse  with  avidity  the  publications  of  the  honest  New 
Englanders, — genuine  fruits  of  unsophisticated,  masculine  good  sense,  and  of 
virtue  uncorrupted." 


212  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

The  public  mind,  however,  was  so  calm,  —  its  sur- 
face appearing  even  glassy  to  earnest  souls,  —  that  it 
was  feared  a  failure  of  the  towns  to  respond  to  the 
call  of  the  metropolis  would  prejudice  the  cause  which 
it  was  designed  to  promote.  "  I  wish  the  measure 
would  take  a  general  run,"  a  zealous  patriot,  James 
TV  arren,  of  Plymouth,  wrote  (Dec.  8,  1772)  to  Sam- 
uel Adams.  w  I  shall  not  fail  to  exert  myself  to  have 
as  many  towns  as  possible  meet,  but  fear  the  bigger 
part  of  them  will  not.  They  are  dead,  and  the  dead 
can't  be  raised  without  a  miracle.  I  am  sensible  that 
the  Tories  spare  no  pains  (as  you  say)  to  disparage 
the  measures ;  which,  with  their  other  conduct,  shows 
their  apprehension.  They  are  nettled  much."  Adams 
was  prompt  to  reply,  "  I  am  very  sorry  to  find  in  your 
letter  any  thing  that  discovers  the  least  approach 
towards  despair.  Nil  desperandum.  That  is  a  motto 
for  you  and  for  me.  All  are  not  dead;  and,  where 
there  is  a  spark  of  patriotic  fire,  we  will  rekindle  it. 
Say  you  that  the  Tories  spare  no  pains  to  disparage 
our  measures?  I  knew  they  would,  and  should  have 
greatly  doubted  of  the  importance  of  the  measures, 
if  they  had  not  been  nettled."1     Anxious,  however,  as 

1  John  Adams,  at  this  time,  owing  to  his  health  and  professional  practice,  was 
averse  to  political  life.  His  Diary  (Life  and  Works  of  John  Adams,  ii.  298),  of 
the  year  1772,  supplies  interesting  glimpses  of  political  men.  He  says,  Sept.  22, 
"  I  will  devote  myself  wholly  to  my  private  business ;  "  Nov.  21,  "  I  must  avoid 
politics,  political  clubs,  town-meetings ; "  Nov.  28  (he  had  removed  his  family  to 
Boston),  "  I  am  disengaged  from  public  affairs  ; "  Dec.  16,  he  dined  with  Warren, 
at  Kev.  Mr.  Howard's  :  Captain  Phillips  was  of  the  party,  who  said,  "they  (the 
people)  were  all  still  and  quiet  at  the  southward,  and  at  New  York  they  laugh  at 
us."  Dec.  29,  Samuel  Pemberton  and  Samuel  Adams  invited  him  to  deliver 
the  next  oration,  which  he  declined  to  do.  Dec.  30,  "  Spent  the  evening  with 
Mr.  Samuel  Adams,  at  his  house.  Had  much  conversation  about  the  state  of 
affairs,  Cushing,  Phillips,  Hancock,  Hawley,  Gerry,  Hutchinson,  Sewall,  Quincy, 
&c.  Adams  was  more  cool,  genteel,  and  agreeable  than  common  ;  concealed  and 
restrained  his  passions,  &c.     He  affects  to  despise  riches,  and  not  to  dread  pov- 


COMMITTEES   OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  213 

the  originators  of  the  measure  were  for  its  success, 
they  did  not  follow  the  report  into  the  country,  and 
speak  there  in  public  meetings  in  its  favor.  I  have 
not  seen  the  mention  of  a  single  address,  delivered  by 
a  Boston  orator  to  a  political  gathering  in  the  other 
towns,  during  the  ten  years'  controversy  before  the 
war;1  nor  of  a  speech,  delivered  by  a  patriot  from 
the  country,  at  a  Boston  public  meeting.  The  popu- 
lar leaders  relied  on  correspondence  and  the  press, 
in  the  promotion  of  their  objects. 

The  report  was  its  own  orator.  In  a  few  weeks 
after  it  was  sent  out  on  its  mission,  the  fears  of  the 
timid  were  dispelled,  and  the  faith  of  the  confident 
was  justified.  "When  the  selectmen  of  the  towns 
read  it2  in  their  legal  meetings,  it  reached  communi- 
ties which  were  planted  under  Christian  influences, 

erty ;  but  no  man  is  more  ambitious  of  entertaining  his  friends  handsomely,  or 
of  making  a  decent,  an  elegant,  appearance  than  he.  He  has  lately  new  covered 
and  glazed  his  house,  and  painted  it  very  neatly,  and  has  new  papered,  painted, 
and  furnished  his  rooms  ;  so  that  you  visit  at  a  very  genteel  house,  and  are  very 
politely  received  and  entertained.  Mr.  Adams  corresponds  with  Hawley,  Gerry, 
and  others.  He  corresponds  in  England,  and  in  several  of  the  other  provinces. 
His  time  is  all  employed  in  the  public  service." 

1  In  one  instance,  application  was  made  to  Josiah  Quincy,  jun.,  to  prepare 
resolutions  for  the  town  of  Petersham,  which  Gordon. (i.  316)  incorporates  into 
his  text.  The  introduction,  and  several  resolutions  which  are  marked  with  an 
asterisk,  were  not  supplied  by  Quincy. 

2  The  "Boston  Gazette,"  Dec.  28,  1772,  has  the  proceedings  of  the  town  of 
Marblehead,  on  the  15th  inst.  It  is  said  the  debates  lasted  through  the  day,  and 
that  the  meeting  was  composed  of  the  greatest  number  of  inhabitants  ever 
known  to  attend  a  town-meeting  in  this  place.  One  resolve  provides  that  one 
of  the  pamphlets  be  preserved  in  the  clerk's  office,  and  read  annually ;  and,  — 

"  Further :  To  inform  posterity,  should  their  rights  and  liberties  be  preserved, 
how  much  they  are  indebted  to  many  eminent  patriots  of  the  present  day :  that 
the  names  of  the  Hon.  John  'Hancock,  Esq.,  moderator  of  the  meeting  that 
originated  the  state  of  rights ;  of  the  Hon.  James  Otis,  Esq.,  Mr.  Samuel  Adams, 
Esq.,  Dr.  Warren,  and  other  members  of  the  committee  which  reported  them,  — 
be  recorded  in  the  book  of  this  town,  as  great  supporters  of  the  rights  and  liber- 
ties of  this  province,  and  gentlemen  who  do  much  honor  and  service  to  their 
country." 


214  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

fixed  in  habits  of  personal  independence,  and  invig- 
orated by  the  customs  of  freedom;  whose  youth  were 
nurtured  in  the  common  schools,  and  whose  young 
men  were  trained  in  civil  affairs  in  the  town-meeting. 
These  communities  were  and  are,  all  over  the  coun- 
try, fountains  of  public  spirit  that  never  failed  in  a 
crisis  to  supply  a  noble  conservatism  on  the  side  of 
law  and  liberty.  It  was  instinctively  felt  that  the 
report  dealt  with  precious  heirlooms  which  were  prized 
and  cherished.  As  the  people  mused  on  its  thought, — 
each  community  kindling  its  own  fires,  —  patriotism 
warmed;  and  the  flow  of  sentiment  from  every  quar- 
ter, to  the  Boston  committee,  had  the  power  of  an 
intelligent  public  opinion. 

The  journals,  those  photographs  of  passing  time, 
preserved  a  picture  of  this  great  scene  for  the  admi- 
ration of  posterity.  Their  record  of  the  communing 
of  the  towns  with  the  metropolis,  by  addresses,  let- 
ters, and  resolves,  often  elaborate,  ever  fresh,  and 
always  soul-stirring,  is  an  authentic  manifestation  of 
the  spirit  of  the  time.  They  embrace  the  names  of  the 
chief  men  of  the  place  as  the  local  committee,  in- 
dorse the  sentiment  of  the  report,  pledge  to  support 
the  metropolis  as  the  exponent  of  the  general  cause, 
and  express  a  desire  for  union.  w  May  every  town  in 
this  province,"  are  the  words  of  Cambridge,  K  and 
every  colony  upon  the  continent,  be  awakened  to  a 
sense  of  danger,  and  unite  in  the  glorious  cause  of 
liberty!"1     "It  becomes  us,"  a  town  resolved  in  the 

1  The  "  Boston  Gazette  "  of  Dec.  28, 1772,  has  the  "  following  letter,  lately  re- 
ceived from  Cambridge,"  which  will  give  an  idea  of  this  political  communion  :  — 
"  To  the  Committee  of  Communication  and  Correspondence  at  Boston :  — 

"  The  committee  appointed  by  the  town  of  Cambridge  to  write  to  the  commit- 
tee of  communication  and  correspondence  at  Boston,  gladly  embrace  this  oppor- 


COMMITTEES  OF  CORRESPONDENCE.      215 

heart  of  the  province,  "  to  rely  no  longer  on  an  arm 
of  flesh,  but  on  the  arm  of  that  All-powerful  God 
who  is  able  to  unite  the  numerous  inhabitants  of  this 
extensive  country  as  a  band  of  brothers  in  one  com- 
mon cause."  In  a  month,  forty-five  towns,  out  of  two 
hundred  and  fifty  in  the  province,  heartily  indorsed 
the  report.  A  week  later,  it  was  stated  that  the  num- 
ber had  increased  to  eighty.  The  announcement  was 
then  made  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  print  the 
proceedings  of  all  the  towns,  and  to  make  selections 
would  be  to  show  impartiality;  and  for  this  reason 
the  journals  stopped  entirely  the  publication  of  them; 
but  a  card,1  from  authority,  appeared  in  the  journals, 

tunity.  In  the  name  and  behalf  of  the  said  town  of  Cambridge,  and  with  the  most 
sincere  respect,  they  acknowledge  the  vigilance  and  care,  discovered  by  the  town 
of  Boston,  of  the  public  rights  and  liberties ;  acquainting  you  that  this  town  will 
heartily  concur  in  all  salutary,  proper,  and  constitutional  measures  for  the  redress 
of  those  intolerable  grievances  which  threaten,  and,  if  continued,  must  over- 
throw the  happy  civil  constitution  of  this  province. 

"It  is  with  the  greatest  pleasure  we  now  inform  you,  that  we  think  the 
meeting  was  as  full  as  it  has  been,  for  the  choice  of  a  representative,  for  a  num- 
ber of  years,  if  not  fuller ;  and  that  the  people  discovered  a  glorious  spirit,  like 
men  determined  to  be  free.  We  have  here  enclosed  you  a  copy  of  the  votes  and 
proceedings  of  this  town,  at  their  meetings,  so  far  as  they  have  gone. 

"  We  would  add,  may  the  town  of  Boston,  the  capital  of  this  province,  rejoice 
in  perpetual  prosperity  !  May  wisdom  direct  her  in  all  her  consultations  !  May 
her  spirited  and  prudent  conduct  render  her  a  terror  to  tyrants !  May  every 
town  in  this  province,  and  every  colony  upon  the  continent,  be  awakened  to  a 
sense  of  danger,  and  unite  in  the  glorious  cause  -of  liberty.  Then  shall  we  be 
able  effectually  to  disappoint  the  machinations  of  our  enemies.  To  conclude, 
that  this  land  may  be  purged  from  those  sins  which  are  a  reproach  to  a  people, 
and  be  exalted  by  righteousness  ;  that  God  Almighty  may  be  our  God,  as  he  was 
the  God  of  our  fathers ;  and  that  we  may  be  possessed  of  the  same  principles 
of  virtue,  religion,  and  public  spirit  which  warmed  and  animated  the  hearts  of 
our  renowned  ancestors, — is  the  sincere  prayer  of  your  friends  in  the  common 
cause  of  our  country,  the  committee  of  the  town  of  Cambridge. 

"  Ebenezek  Stedman,  per  order." 

1  To  the  Public.  — It  is  proposed  that  all  the  proceedings  of  the  towns  in  the 
Massachusetts  province,  for  the  preservation  of  the  rights  of  America,  be  col- 
lected and  published  in  a  volume,  that  posterity  may  know  what  their  ancestors 
have  done  in  the  cause  of  freedom  ;  it  is  expected  that  the  inhabitants  of  every 


216  LIFE    OF  JOSEPH   WARREN". 

recommending  that  the  whole  of  this  action  in  behalf 
of  the  rights  of  America  be  collected  in  a  volume,  in 
order  that  posterity  may  know  what  their  ancestors 
did  in  the  cause  of  freedom;  and  each  town,  however 
small,  was  desired  and  expected  to  publish  its  senti- 
ments to  the  world,  in  order  that  its  name,  with  the 
names  already  printed,  might  be  included  in  this  cata- 
logue of  fame,  and  handed  down  to  future  ages !  So 
firm  in  the  faith  were  this  generation,  that  the  rising 
in  the  horizon  was  not  a  rushlight,  but  a  sun,  destined 
to  illumine  the  political  heavens ;  and  that  future 
ages  would  hail  with  acclaim  the  early  gleams  of  its 
dawn. 

The  blindness  of  Toryism  was  remarkable.  Its 
leaders  piled  ridicule  on  the  origin  of  this  movement, 
its  object,  and  its  execution.  They  said  there  were 
not  twenty  men  in  Faneuil  Hall  when  the  "  Circular 
Letter  "  was  voted  upon,  when  the  selectmen  deemed 
it  necessary  to  certificate  three  hundred;  they  dis- 
charged volleys  of  rhetorical  criticism  on  portions  of 
the  phraseology  of  the  report;  and  they  scornfully 
asked  what  the  band  of  corresponding  committees 
could  do :  Hutchinson,  unusually  obtuse,  declaring  the 
plan  to  be  foolish;  Franklin,  of  ]S~ew  Jersey,  saying 
it  was  only  a  scheme  to  keep  the  party  alive;  and  not 
one  of  them  seeing  the  national  power  that  was  germi- 
nating. But,  in  after  years,  Hutchinson  says  in  his 
history,  "  Such  principles  in  government  were  avowed 
as  would  be  sufficient  to  justify  the  colonies  in  revolt- 
ing, and  forming  an  independent  state;   and  such  in- 

town,  however  small,  will  at  this  time  publish  their  sentiments  to  the  world,  that 
their  names,  with  those  who  have  already  published,  may  be  recorded  in  this  cat- 
alogue of  fame,  and  handed  down  to  future  ages.  —  Boston  Gazette,  Jan.  18,  1773. 


COMMITTEES    OF   CORRESPONDENCE.  217 

stances  are  given  of  the  infringement  of  their  rights 
by  the  exercise  of  parliamentary  authority,  as,  upon 
like  reasons,  would  justify  an  exception  to  the  author- 
ity in  all  cases  whatsoever:  nevertheless,  there  was 
color  for  alleging  that  it  was  not  expressly  denied  in 
every  case.  The  whole  frame  of  it,  however,  was 
calculated  to  strike  the  colonists  with  a  just  claim 
to  independence,  and  to  stimulate  them  to  assert  it." 

The  closer  the  story  of  our  national  life  is  studied, 
the  greater  must  be  the  attention  which  the  formation 
and  direction  of  public  opinion  will  command.  This 
appeal  of  Boston  reached  the  body  of  the  people,  and 
revealed  the  thought  that  was  in  their  minds,  prior  to 
their  doing  a  great  revolutionary  deed.  Before  this 
appeal,  there  were  apathy  and  a  feeling  of  false  secu- 
rity; after  it,  there  was  a  general  sense  of  danger: 
before  this  movement,  there  was  no  party  organiza- 
tion ;  after  it,  the  Whigs  became  connected  by  a  trust- 
worthy representation  throughout  the  province,  which 
widened  until  it  became  colonial,  and  each  local  com- 
mittee felt  the  inspiration  of  being  co-workers  with  a 
national  party.  The  scheme  found  the  ball  of  revo- 
lution moving  sluggishly:  it  imparted  an  irresistible 
momentum.  The  report  was  to  the  American  cause 
what  the  Grand  Remonstrance  was  to  the  English 
Revolution.  A  step  had  been  taken,  in  inaugurating 
the  regular  action  of  popular  power,  towards  that 
Union  which  was  destined  to  place  on  Public  Liberty 
the  most  beautiful  face  that  ever  adorned  that  angel- 
form.1 

1  Daniel  Webster's  Works,  vi.  226 
28 


218  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

DESTRUCTION    OF   THE   TEA. 

Warren  on  New-year's  Day.  —  The  Patriots  and  Union.  —  Hutch- 
inson's Speech.  —  Death  of  Elizabeth  Warren.  —  The  Call  for 
a  Congress.  —  Tea  Importation.  —  Action  of  Philadelphia.  — 
Proceedings  of  Boston.  —  The  Destruction  of  the  Tea.  —  Con- 
temporary Vindication. 

1773.     January  to  December. 

Warren  was  required  to  devote  himself  still  more 
to  the  public  service,  by  being  a  member  of  the  com- 
mittee of  correspondence.  Its  records  attest  his  con- 
tinuous labors  in  the  patriot  cause.  This  committee, 
as  the  executive  power  of  the  "Whigs,  took  the  lead 
in  the  measures  that  resulted  in  the  destruction  of  the 
tea  in  Boston  harbor;  and  "Warren  was  in  the  fore- 
ground of  the  whole  action  in  this  great  crisis.  I 
know  of  no  revolutionary  deed  more  worthy  of  a 
careful  analysis  and  a  grateful  remembrance.  It 
brought  into  requisition  the  press,  the  club,  the  public 
meeting,  and  the  new  party  organization.  This  act 
of  self-preservation,  like  a  decisive  battle,  influenced 
the  course  of  events.1 

i  It  is  said,  in  a  political  review  in  the  "  Independent  Chronicle,"  Dec.  25, 
1777,  that  it  is  "certain  the  consequences  of  the  destruction  of  the  tea"  were  "a 
dissolution  of  civil  government,  the  seizure  of  the  capital,  the  commerce  of  it 
interdicted,  and  a  military  government,  supported  by  a  formidable  armament, 
both  by  sea  and  land."  William  C.  Rives  ("Life  of  James  Madison,"  i.  40), 
says,  "  This  memorable  occurrence  was  undoubtedly,  in  the  immediate  sequence 
of  the  events  which  it  produced,  the  proximate  cause  of  the  American  Revolu- 
tion."    The  late  Joseph  T.  Buckingham  ("Annals  of  Mass.  Charitable  Associa- 


DESTRUCTION   OF   THE   TEA.  219 

Warren  passed  the  evening  of  New-year's  Day 
with  a  circle  of  kindred  spirits,  among  whom  were 
Cushing,  Pemberton,  and  John  Adams,  whose  diary 
supplies  a  glimpse  of  this  social  occasion.  The  con- 
versation, mostly  political,  turned  on  matters  in  Rhode 
Island,  the  judges'  salaries,  the  town-meetings,  and 
recent  lucubrations  by  General  Brattle,  a  Tory;  and 
there  was  good-natured  badinage  on  each  other's 
characters.  Adams  remarked  of  Cushing,  that  he 
never  knew  a  pendulum  to  swing  so  clear;  Warren 
repeated  a  remark  of  Pemberton,  that  John  Adams 
was  the  proudest  and  cunningest  fellow  he  ever  knew, 
—  adding,  w  that  he  (Adams)  was  rather  a  cautious 
man,  but  he  could  not  say  he  ever  trimmed:  when 
he  spoke  at  all,  he  spoke  his  sentiments."  Adams,  in 
his  diary  of  this  day,  renewed  his  determination  to 
devote  himself  to  the  pleasures  and  duties  of  private 
life.  In  another  place  he  writes,  "I  have  never 
known  a  period  in  which  the  seeds  of  great  events 
have  been  so  plentifully  sown  as  this  winter.  A 
providence  is  visible  in  that  concurrence  of  causes 
which  produced  the  debates  and  controversies." 

The  political  horizon,  aglow  with  the  harbingers  of 
a  new  American  day,  seemed  to  the  learned  and  the 
unlettered  the  sign  of  a  providence  beckoning  them  on. 
This  feeling  is  seen  in  every  great  step  towards  the 
goal  of  nationality.  I  state  a  fact  as  certain  as 
the  Revolution.1     What  was  then  faith  is  now  sight. 

tion,"  19),  says,  "  It  is  an  event  which  has  never  yet  been  so  copiously  described, 
nor  so  elaborately  considered  in  its  effects,  as  it  deserves  by  the  philosophical 
historian." 

1  Washington,  on  taking  the  oath  as  President  of  the  United  States,  said : 
"  No  people  can  be  bound  to  acknowledge  and  adore  the  invisible  hand  which 
conducts  the  affairs  of  men,  more  than  the  people  of  the  United  States.  Every 
step  by  which  they  have  advanced  to  the  character  of  an  independent  nation 
seems  to  have  been  distinguished  by  some  token  of  providential  agency." 


220  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

It  is  plain  that  these  signs  were  indications  of  the 
under-current  that  was  setting  towards  independence. 
Still,  it  was  a  tendency  rather  than  an  aim,  —  the 
working  of  ideas  rather  than  the  plan  of  man.  The 
immediate  object  of  the  Whigs,  as  they  formed  them- 
selves into  a  national  party,  whether  they  acted  in 
Virginia  or  in  Massachusetts,  was,  in  the  common 
expression  of  their  great  thought,  a  union  of  all  the 
colonies  on  the  continent.  They  saw  in  this  union 
not  merely  the  unconquerable  arm  of  America,  but  a 
blessing  to  mankind.1  It  became  a  part  of  their 
religion  to  promote  it.  They  yearned  for  it  as  though 
they  appreciated  what  it  would  be  in  its  development; 
as  though  they  felt  there  was  hanging  on  it  — 

"  Humanity,  with  all  its  fears, 
With  all  the  hopes  of  future  years." 

The  declarations  of  the  towns,  in  answer  to  the 
Boston  [November  meeting,  manifested  great  simi- 
larity of  political  sentiment;  and,  besides  zeal  for 
union,  they  showed  a  determination  to  hold  on  to 
their  local  government.     The  Boston  committee  of 

1  The  national  sentiment  found  in  the  press,  during  the  eight  months  pre- 
ceding the  destruction  of  the  tea,  is  remarkable.  I  copy  from  an  article  in  the 
"  Boston  Gazette "  of  June  14,  1773,  Supplement,  to  show  the  feeling  of 
the  time:  — 

"  Messrs.  Printers,  — I  have  lived  ten  years  in  America,  and  I  am  fully  con- 
vinced from  history,  that  no  people  since  the  world  has  been  inhabited  ever 
equalled  the  Americans  in  the  progress  they  have  made  in  settlement,  manufac- 
tures, learning,  &c;  and  it  is  evident  that  they  will  soon  surpass  all  nations  in  those 
things  which  constitute  the  dignity  and  happiness  of  mankind.  The  union  of 
the  colonies,  which  now  is  the  grand  object  the  Americans  are  pursuing,  will  fix 
their  rights  and  liberties  upon  an  immovable  basis,  and  at  once  secure  them 
against  all  their  designing  enemies,  foreign  and  domestic,  British,  French,  Span- 
ish, and  all  others.  The  unconquered  and  unconquerable  arm  of  America, 
whenever  it  is  lifted  up,  will  make  its  foes  tremble.  .  .  .  Americans,  your  sources 
of  wealth  and  power  are  boundless ;  be  sensible  of  your  dignity,  feel  your  true 
importance,  act  in  character,  and  you  will  be  for  ever  free." 


DESTRUCTION   OF   THE   TEA.  221 

correspondence  say,  in  one  of  their  replies,  *  A  large 
number  show  that  a  uniformity  of  sentiment,  though 
expressed  in  a  variety  of  language,  runs  through 
them  all:  freedom  from  every  legislation  on  earth 
but  that  of  this  province  is  the  general  claim."  And 
the  committee,  as  if  to  meet  a  growing  ultraism, 
wrote,  "We  do  not  aim  at  freedom  from  law  and 
lawful  authority,  but  from  the  tyrannical  edicts  of  a 
British  parliament  and  ministry."  The  movement 
received  warm  commendation  in  the  press,  and  in 
other  colonies;  and  the  members,  cheered  by  the 
uprising  and  the  union,  placed  on  their  records  an 
expression  of  the  faith,  "  that  Providence  would  crown 
the  efforts  of  the  colonies  with  success,  and  thus 
their  generation  would  furnish  the  example  of  public 
virtue  worthy  of  the  imitation  of  all  posterity."1  . 

The  Tories  took  a  different  view  of  the  signs  of  the 
times.  Hutchinson,  keenly  sensitive  to  any  supposed 
invasion  of  the  national  sovereignty,  but  extremely 
dull  to  any  violations  of  constitutional  rights,  saw  in 
the  Boston  report  a  culmination  of  the  theory  as 
to  local  powers,  which  he  characterized  as  a  total 
independence  of  parliament;  and  regarded  the  move- 
ment "  as  tending  to  sedition  and  mutiny."  He  said, 
"The  contagion  which  had  begun  in  Boston  was 
spreading  through  the  towns."  — w  They  succeed  in 
their  unwearied  endeavors  to  propagate  the  doctrine 

i  The  same  faith  is  seen  in  the  press.  The  "Boston  Gazette"  of  Jan.  11, 
1773,  says,  "  It  must  afford  the  greatest  pleasure  to  the  friends  of  liberty  and  the 
constitution,  to  perceive  the  country  so  thoroughly  awakened  to  a  sense  of  their 
danger ;  that  almost  every  town  have  or  are  about  calling  meetings,  to  express 
their  sentiments  at  this  alarming  crisis ;  that  union  and  good  sense,  patriotism 
and  spirit,  already  manifested  in  all  parts  of  this  province,  must,  under  Provi- 
dence, work  out  our  political  salvation,  in  spite  of  all  the  efforts  of  our  enemies 
to  prevent  it." 


222  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

of  independence  upon  parliament,  and  the  mischiefs  of 
it  every  day  increase."  —  K  What  can  be  more  insolent 
than  the  resolves  passing  every  day  in  the  province." 
— "  Every  day,  through  the  unwearied  pains  of  the 
leaders  of  the  opposition,  made  proselytes  to  these 
new  opinions  of  government."  He  wrote  (Jan.  7, 
1773) ,  that  "  he  had  discovered  that  the  same  persons 
who  laid  this  dangerous  plot  of  drawing  in  all  the 
towns  in  the  province"  meant,  when  this  was  done, 
to  issue  a  circular  from  the  House  of  Representatives, 
and  to  endeavor  to  effect  the  same  thing  in  all  the 
assemblies  on  the  continent.  He  said  that,  since  he 
had  been  governor,  he  had  avoided,  as  far  as  it  was 
possible,  the  points  of  controversy  between  the  king- 
dom and  the  colonies ;  but  a  measure  had  been 
entered  upon,  which,  if  pursued,  must  work  a  total 
separation  from  Great*  Britain;  and,  were  he  to  do 
nothing,  he  might  be  charged  with  conniving  at  pro- 
ceedings which  he  ought  to  have  opposed  with  all  the 
means  at  hand.  He  therefore  determined,  in  a  con- 
sultation with  his  confidential  friends,  though  not 
with  the  advice  of  his  council,  to  present  the  Admin- 
istration side  to  the  general  court.  Though  it  might 
not  have  the  effect  he  could  wish  on  the  assembly, 
still  he  hoped  it  might  change  the  minds  of  the  peo- 
ple. In  brief,  the  governor,  in  this  official  way, 
resolved  to  make  an  appeal  to  public  opinion. 

Hutchinson  accordingly  (Jan.  6,  1773)  opened  the 
session  of  the  general  court  with  a  speech,  containing 
an  elaborate  defence  of  the  theory  of  the  supremacy 
of  parliament  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  and  an  arraign- 
ment of  the  towns  which  had  denied  this  theory.  He 
reached  the  conclusion,  that,  in  consequence,  the  bonds 


DESTRUCTION   OE   THE   TEA.  223 

of  government  were  weakened,  and  its  authority  was 
made  contemptible.  It  was  a  subtle  and  thorough 
presentation  of  the  Tory  side  of  the  controversy, 
which  was  much  praised  by  the  friends  of  the  author, 
though  deeply  regretted  in  England.  The  House  re- 
turned a'  keen,  searching,  triumphant  reply,  which 
was  an  uncommonly  able  exposition  of  the  Whig  side, 
and  elicited  the  warmest  eulogies  from  the  patriots. 
John  Adams  related,  years  afterwards,  that  the  com- 
mittee charged  with  framing  this  reply  invited  him  to 
aid  them;  and  that,  at  their  first  meeting,  they  exhib- 
ited a  draft,  neatly  and  elegantly  prepared,  which,  at 
the  instance  of  Samuel  Adams,  had  been  drawn  up 
by  "Warren.  w  It  was,"  Adams  says,  w  full  of  those 
elementary  principles  of  liberty,  equality,  and  frater- 
nity which  have  since  made  a  figure  in  the  world, — 
principles  which  are  founded  in  nature,  and  eternal, 
unchangeable  truth,  but  which  must  be  well  under- 
stood and  cautiously  applied."  It  contained,  however, 
no  answer  to  the  governor's  constitutional  points. 
Adams  criticised  it  freely;  and,  by  request,  revised 
it.  He  drew  a  line  over  the  eloquent  parts  of 
"the  oration,"  introduced  legal  and  constitutional 
authorities,  and  met  with  the  committee  several  even,- 
ings  until  the  reply  was  completed.  He  says,  "  The 
effect  on  public  opinion  was  beyond  expectation." 
There  is  undoubtedly  a  certain  correctness  in  the 
long  relation  of  Adams.  Warren  probably,  on  some 
occasion,  prepared  such  an  "oration,"  and  Adams 
rendered  the  critical  service  which  he  described;  but 
he  attributes  to  this  reply  an  effect  on  public  opinion 
that  can  only  be  ascribed  to  the  Boston  town-meeting 
of  November;  and,  according  to  Bancroft,  this  mas- 


224  LITE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

terly  answer  of  the  House  was  from  the  pen  of  Samuel 
Adams.1 

w  I  have  stopped  the  progress  of  the  towns  for  the 
present,"  Hutchinson  wrote  (Feb.  18,  1773),  "and  I 
think  I  have  stopped  the  prosecution  of  another  part 
of  the  scheme,  which  was  for  the  assembly  to  invite 
every  other  assembly  on  the  continent  to  assent  to 
the  same  principles.  This  part  has  been  acknowl- 
edged to  me  by  the  speaker  [dishing] ,  who  is  in  all 
these  measures."  The  quietness  that  continued  in 
other  colonies  favored  this  view.  "A  general  state 
of  quiescence,"  Arthur  Lee  wrote  to  Joseph  Reed 
(Feb.  18,  1773) ,  n  seems  to  prevail  over  the  whole 
empire,  Boston  only  excepted.  I  admire  the  perse- 
verance with  which  they  pursue  the  object  of  having 

1  The  relation  of  John  Adams  may  be  seen  in  his  Works  (ii.  311,  318). 
Bancroft  (vi.  448),  says  that  Samuel  Adams  had  the  aid  of  Joseph  Hawley. 
Hutchinson  addressed  two  elaborate  speeches  to  the  House  on  the  question  of 
legislative  supremacy,  and  the  House  returned  answers  to  both  :  the  last  answer 
was  on  the  2d  of  March.  The  facsimile,  in  Adams's  Works,  of  a  note  of  Samuel 
Adams,  shows  that  John  Adams  was  consulted  on  both  occasions.  This  note 
was  written  when  Samuel  Adams  was  preparing  the  second  reply,  and  relates  to 
a  statement  which  he  made  in  the  first  reply,  on  the  authority  of  John  Adams. 
Hutchinson,  on  the  10th  of  March,  said  that  the  replies  to  the  House  were  written 
by  Samuel  Adams,  "  with  the  aid  of  Hawley  and  the  lawyer  Adams."  —  "  They 
have,"  he  says,  "  such  an  opinion  of  them,  that  they  have  ordered  the  whole  con- 
troversy to  be  printed  in  a  pamphlet  for  the  benefit  of  posterity."  Lord  Dartmouth 
disapproved  of  the  governor's  course.  In  a  letter  of  June  14,  1773,  Hutchinson 
wrote  to  Lord  Dartmouth,  "  It  gives  me  pain  that  any  step  which  I  have  taken 
with  the  most  sincere  intention  to  promote  His  Majesty's  service  should  be 
judged  to  have  a  contrary  effect."  On  the  same  day  he  wrote  to  the  under- 
secretary, J.  Pownall,  "I  had  the  fullest  evidence  of  a  plan  to  engage  the 
colonies  in  a  confederacy  against  the  authority  of  parliament.  The  towns  of  this 
province  were  to  begin ;  the  assemblies  to  confirm  their  doings,  and  to  invite 
the  other  colonies  to  join." 

The  controversy  was  elicited  by  the  Boston  town-meeting  of  November. 
The  town  also,  in  March,  replied  to  Hutchinson.  Samuel  Adams  was  the  chair- 
man of  the  committee,  and  Warren  was  a  member  of  it.  Perhaps  it  was  on  this 
occasion  that  Warren  composed  "  the  oration,"  and  John  Adams  sat  with  the 
committee  from  evening  to  evening  until  an  answer  to  Hutchinson  was  prepared. 


DESTRUCTION   OF   THE   TEA.  225 

their  violated  rights  redressed."1  Hutchinson  had 
neither  intimidated  the  metropolis,  nor  stopped  the 
meetings  in  the  country.  Boston  had  its  usual  annual 
commemoration  of  the  massacre,2  when  Warren  was 
on  the  committee  that  matured  the  business ;  and, 
three  days  later  (March  8),  he  was  appointed  a  mem- 
ber of  an  able  committee,  Samuel  Adams  being  the 
chairman,  to  vindicate  the  November  town-meeting 
from  the  aspersions  of  Hutchinson.  This  committee, 
in  an  elaborate  paper,  advocated  the  right  of  the 
towns  to  assemble  to  consider  political  matters,  went 

1  Samuel  H.  Parsons,  of  Providence,  K.I.,  in  a  letter  to  Samuel  Adams,  March 
3,  1773,  says,  "  When  the  spirit  of  patriotism  seems  expiring  in  America  in  gen- 
eral, it  must  afford  a  very  sensible  pleasure  to  the  friends  of  American  liberty  to 
see  the  noble  efforts  of  our  Boston  friends  in  the  support  of  the  rights  of  Amer- 
ica, as  well  as  their  unshaken  resolution  in  opposing  any,  the  least  invasion  of 
their  charter  privileges."  He  suggested  an  annual  meeting  of  commissioners 
of  the  colonies,  and  dwells  on  the  New-England  Confederacy  of  1643. 

2  The  oration  on  this  anniversary  was  delivered  by  Dr.  Benjamin  Church, 
who  was  a  member  of  the  committee  of  correspondence,  became  subsequently  a 
member  of  the  provincial  congress  and  the  general  court,  and,  in  October,  1775, 
was  convicted  of  holding  a  secret  correspondence  with  the  enemy. 

Hutchinson  (see  note  on  p.  224)  says,  that  he  had,  as  early  as  the  6th  of  Janu- 
ary, 1773,  the  fullest  evidence  of  the  plans  of  the  patriots.  Later,  he  sent  (Oct. 
19,  1773)  to  Lord  Dartmouth  a  copy  of  a  letter,  written  by  the  Massachusetts 
agent  in  London  (Franklin)  to  Speaker  Cushing,  elaborately  urging  the  necessity 
of  a  congress;  probably  the  letter  dated  July  7,  1773,  printed  in  Sparks's 
"  Franklin,"  viii.  60.  Hutchinson  not  only  did  not  name  the  person  who  supplied 
him  with  the  copy  of  this  letter,  but  asked  Lord  Dartmouth  not  to  let  it  be 
known  that  he  (Hutchinson)  supplied  the  copy,  saying,  if  it  were  known,  that  "  it 
might  be  the  means  of  preventing  any  further  useful  intelligence  which  he  might 
otherwise  have  from  the  same  person." 

Who  was  this  person  1  It  is  stated  by  Dr.  Cooper,  in  a  letter,  that  Church 
had  an  understanding  with  Hutchinson  as  to  the  delivery  of  the  5th  of  March 
oration ;  and  that  Church  did  this  service  to  throw  the  patriots  off  their  guard. 
Paul  Revere  says  (1  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  v.  106),  that  words  uttered  on  an  evening 
in  1774,  at  a  caucus  at  the  Green  Dragon,  were  reported  to  him  the  next  day, 
through  a  Tory  channel,  and  by  a  Whig  at  heart,  though  of  Tory  connections. 
Itevere  relates  other  circumstances  connected  with  Church,  and  says,  "  I  know 
that  Dr.  Warren  had  not  the  greatest  affection  for  him." 

There  is  little  doubt  that  the  person  who  supplied  Hutchinson  with  informa- 
tion was  Dr.  Church. 

29 


226  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAREEX. 

at  length  into  the  subject  of  the  meeting,  and  treated 
briefly  the  question  of  parliamentary  supremacy;  urg- 
ing that  it  was  impossible  for  parliament  to  legislate 
for  the  colonies  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  without  vio- 
lating rights  belonging  to  the  people  as  men,  as 
Christians,  and  as  subjects,  or  without  destroying  the 
foundation  of  its  own  constitution.  They  said  it  was 
an  unspeakable  satisfaction  that  so  many  towns,  and 
so  many  "gentlemen  of  figure  in  other  colonies,"  had 
indorsed  the  November  movement.  w  It  adds  a  dig- 
nity to  our  proceedings,"  are  their  words,  K  that  the 
House  of  Representatives,  when  called  upon  by  the 
governor  to  bear  their  testimony  against  them,  saw 
reason  to  declare  that  they  had  not  discovered  that 
the  principles  advanced  by  the  town  of  Boston  were 
unwarrantable  by  the  constitution."  An  expression 
of  this  feeling — that  the  town  was  acting  in  harmony 
with  all  friends  of  the  cause — is  frequently  seen. 

The  proceedings  of  the  November  town-meeting 
were  sent  by  the  Boston  committee  to  leading  Whigs 
of  Virginia  and  other  colonies.1  Meantime  the  burn- 
ing of  the  "  Gaspee,"  in  Rhode  Island,  occasioned 
fresh  legislation  by  parliament  affecting  personal 
rights.  When  the  Virginia  assembly  came  together, 
in  March,  Dabney  Carr  moved  the  memorable  reso- 
lutions that  formed  a  colonial  committee  of  cor- 
respondence for  that  colony,  and  invited  all  the 
assemblies    on   the    continent   to  join  them.      This 

1  The  report  was  sent  to  Franklin,  who  had  it  printed  in  London,  and  wrote  a 
preface  for  this  edition,  in  which  he  said  it  was  "  not  the  production  of  a  private 
writer,  but  the  unanimous  act  of  a  large  American  city."  Sparks  ("  Works  of 
Franklin,"  iv.  381)  says  of  this  report,  "It  was  the  boldest  exposition  of  Ameri- 
can grievances  which  had  hitherto  been  made  public,  and  was  drawn  up  with  as 
much  ability  as  freedom." 


DESTRUCTION   OF   THE    TEA.  227 

was  another  great  step.  It  was  the  organization  of 
a  national  party.  It  filled  the  hearts  of  the  Boston 
patriots  with  joy.  w  The  reception  of  the  truly  patri- 
otic resolves,"  Samuel  Adams  wrote  to  Kichard  Henry 
Lee,  "of  the  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia,  gladden 
the  hearts  of  all  who  are  friends  of  liberty.  Our 
committee  of  correspondence  had  a  special  meeting 
on  the  occasion,  and  determined  to  circulate  imme- 
diately printed  copies  of  them  in  every  town  in  the 
province.1  ...  I  am  desired  by  them  to  assure  you 
of  their  veneration  for  your  most  ancient  colony,  and 
their  unfeigned  esteem  for  the  gentlemen  of  your 
committee.  ...  I  hope  you  will  have  the  hearty  con- 
currence of  every  assembly  on  the  continent."  And 
the  patriot  gave  an  assurance  of  the  hearty  co-opera- 
tion of  Massachusetts.  Hutchinson,  when  he  saw 
the  action  of  Virginia,  abandoned  the  futile  claim 
of  having  thwarted  the  patriots;  urged  that  their 
triumph  would  be  greater  than  ever,  if  their  doings 
were  allowed  to  pass  unnoticed  by  the  ministry;  said 

1  The  "Boston  Gazette,"  May  17,  1773,  has  a  letter  by  the  Woburn  commit- 
tee, addressed  to  the  Boston  committee,  which  shows  the  manner  in  which  the 
action  of  Virginia  was  responded  to  by  the  towns.     Woburn  is  about  ten  miles 

from  Boston :  — 

"  Woburn,  April  24, 1773. 

"Gentlemen,  —  We  have  just  received  your  letter,  dated  the  9th  inst., 

wherein  are  contained  not  only  the  spirited  proceedings  of  the  town  of  Boston 

of  the  8th  of  March  last,  but  an  extract  of  the  noble  and  patriotic  resolves  of  the 

Honorable  House  of  Burgesses  in  Virginia,  which,  in  our  esteem,  are  worthy 

the  imitation  of  every  house  of  general  assembly  on  this  continent ;  and  may 

they  all  follow  the  example  which  that  virtuous  province  hath  set,  whose  name 

was  given  to  it  in  honor  of  a  virgin ! 

"  We  are  with  respect,  gentlemen,  your  obedient  and  humble  servants, 

"  Samuel  Wyman,      \ 

Robert  Douglass,/   Committee  of 

Samuel  Blodget,   >  Correspondence 

Loammi  Baldwin,  l  for  Woburn." 

Timothy  Winn,      / 


228  LIFE    OF  JOSEPH   WARREN. 

that  something  should  be  done,  though  he  was  at 
a  loss  to  say  what  it  should  be ;  and  endeavored  to 
rouse  his  party  to  decisive  action.  He  complained 
that,  after  the  delivery  of  his  last  address,  the  Gov- 
ernment was  deserted,  and  alleged  that  a  dozen  of 
the  best  men  on  his  side  had  left  the  general  court 
when  it  was  in  their  power  to  have  given  affairs  a 
turn  in  favor  of  the  Tory  cause. 

"While  engaged  in  the  labors  of  the  committee,  and 
doubtless  sharing  the  general  joy,  "Warren's  home 
became  a  house  of  mourning  by  the  death  of  his  wife. 
She  left  four  children.  The  "Boston  Gazette"  (May 
3,  1773)  has  the  following  notice  and  tribute :  — 

"  On  Tuesday  last,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Warren,  the  amiable  and  virtu- 
ous consort  of  Dr.  Joseph  Warren,  in  the  twenty-sixth  year  of  her 
age.     Her  remains  were  decently  interred  last  Friday  afternoon. 

"  If  fading  lilies,  when  they  droop  and  die, 
Robbed  of  each  charm  that  pleased  the  gazing  eye, 
With  sad  regret  the  grieving  mind  inspire, 
What  then  when  virtue's  brightest  lamps  expire  1 
Ethereal  spirits  see  the  system's  right, 
But  mortal  minds  demand  a  clearer  sight. 
In  spite  of  reason's  philosophic  art, 
A  tear  must  fall  to  indicate  the  heart. 
Could  reason's  force  disarm  the  tyrant  foe, 
Or  calm  the  mind  that  feels  the  fatal  blow, 
No  clouded  thought  had  discomposed  the  mind 
Of  him  whom  Heaven  ordained  her  dearest  friend. 
Good  sense  and  modesty  with  virtue  crowned 
A  sober  mind,  when  fortune  smiled  or  frowned ; 
So  keen  a  feeling  for  a  friend  distressed, 
She  could  not  bear  to  see  a  worm  oppressed. 
These  virtues  fallen  enhance  the  scene  of  woe, 
Swell  the  big  drops  that  scarce  confinement  know, 
And  force  them  down  in  copious  showers  to  flow. 
But  know,  thou  tyrant,  Death,  thy  force  is  spent,  — 
Thine  arm  is  weakened,  and  thy  bow  unbent. 
Secured  from  insults  from  your  grisly  train 
Of  marshalled  slaves  t'  inflict  disease  and  pain, 


DESTRUCTION   OF   THE   TEA.  229 

She  rides  triumphant  in  the  aerial  course, 
To  land  at  pleasure's  inexhausted  Source. 
Celestial  Genii,  line  the  heavenly  way, 
And  guard  her  passage  to  the  realms  of  day." 

The  w  Massachusetts  Gazette  "  of  May  20, 1773,  has 
the  following :  — 

"  Epitaphium  Dominae  Elizsae*  War  *  *  *." 

"  Et  tumulum  facite,  et  tumulo  superaddite  carmen."  —  Virg. 

"  Omnes,  flete,  dolete,  cari  virtutes  amici ! 
Heu !  nostras  terras  dulcis  Eliza  fugit. 
Quisnam  novit  earn,  gemitusque  negare  profundos 
Posset1?  permagni  est  criminis  ille  reus."  —  D*****. 

About  this  time,  Samuel  Adams  was  requested  to 
name  one  or  more  persons  for  membership  of  the 
London  "  Society  for  Supporting  the  Bill  of  Rights," 
the  main  object  of  which  was  the  preservation  of  the 
English  constitution  as  it  had  been  established  at 
the  Revolution.  In  reply,  Adams  wrote  to  Arthur 
Lee,  a  member,  as  follows :  w  I  can  with  the  greatest 
integrity  nominate  my  two  worthy  and  intimate 
friends,  John  Adams  and  Joseph  Warren,  Esqs.; 
the  one  eminent  in  the  profession  of  law,  and  the 
other  equally  so  in  that  of  physic ;  both  of  them 
men  of  an  unblemished  moral  character,  and  zealous 
advocates  of  the  common  rights  of  mankind." 

At  the  election  of  representatives  in  May,  Thomas 
Cushing,  Samuel  Adams,  John  Hancock,  and  William 
Phillips,  received  nearly  all  the  votes ;  the  largest  num- 
ber being  four  hundred  and  eighteen,  and  the  lowest 
being  only  five  less.  The  committee  chosen  by  the 
town  to  prepare  the  customary  instructions  to  them 
consisted  of  Warren  as  the  chairman,  Benjamin 
Church,  Joseph  Greenleaf,  Nathaniel  Appleton,  and 
William  Cooper.      The  draft  probably  was  by  War- 


230  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREX. 

ren.  It  regarded  the  unanimity  of  the  election,  at 
the  important  juncture,  as  evidence  of  the  confidence 
which  the  people  reposed  in  the  ability  of  these 
patriots  and  their  inflexible  attachment  to  consti- 
tutional rights;  and  of  the  general  conviction  that 
they  would  vigorously  oppose  encroachments  on  their 
ancient  privileges,  and  never  betray  their  constituents 
by  surrendering  the  powers  "of  framing  laws  and 
taxes  for  the  people  to  any  usurper  under  heaven." 
These  terms  indicate  the  ardent  character  of  this 
paper.  It  was  quite  elaborate.  It  dwelt  on  political 
grievances,  and  claimed  that  the  privileges  and  powers 
of  the  commons  of  the  colony  as  to  legislation  were  as 
uncontrollable  within  the  colony  as  were  the  com- 
mons of  England  within  the  realm,  but  that  both 
were  subject  "  to  the  revision  of  the  king."  It  elosed 
by  warmly  commending  the  plan  proposed  by  "  the 
noble,  patriotic  sister  colony  of  Virginia,"  with  the 
most  sanguine  expectation,  that  a  union  of  counsels 
and  conduct  among  the  colonies,  by  the  smiles  of 
Heaven,  would  assuredly  fix  their  rights  on  a  solid 
basis. 

The  legislature,  which  met  in  May,  promptly  re- 
sponded to  the  union  action  of  Virginia,  by  choosing 
a  legislative  committee  of  correspondence.  It  was 
soon  announced,  that  Connecticut,  Rhode  Island,  and 
New  Hampshire  had  joined  in  this  action;  and  it  was 
said  (June  14)  in  the  press,  — 

"  The  day,  the  important  day,  is  come,  of  old 
By  our  prophetic  ancestors  foretold,"  — 

of  a  union  of  the  colonies.     Under  this  couplet,  which 
heads  an  article,  is  the  following :  "  Things  are  mov- 


DESTRUCTION   OF   THE    TEA.  231 

ing  with  a  rapid  progress  to  complete  the  triumph 
of  freedom  in  America:  the  hand  of  Providence  is 
evidently  working  out  our  political  salvation.  Expe- 
rience has  taught  Americans  their  strength  and 
importance  among  the  nations,  and  wisdom  has  now 
led  them  to  adopt  a  plan  of  union."  One  nationality 
was  the  inspiring  and  elevating  thought.  "  No  peo- 
ple/' it  was  said,  w  that  ever  trod  the  stage  of  the 
world  have  had  so  glorious  a  prospect  as  rises  before 
the  Americans.  There  is  nothing  good  or  great  but 
their  wisdom  may  acquire;  and  to  what  heights  they 
will  arrive  in  the  progress  of  time  no  one  can  con- 
ceive." 

The  demand  for  a  congress  of  all  the  colonies  was 
frequently  made  in  the  press  and  on  festive  occasions. 
An  elaborate  essay,  by  a  Philadelphian,  is  reprinted 
in  the  w  Gazette  "  of  the  15th  of  March,  filling  a  side 
and  a  half,  which  recommends  a  congress,  in  order  to 
form  a  court  like  that  of  the  Amphictyons  of  Greece. 
A  spirited  appeal  in  this  paper  of  the  2d  of  August 
urges  a  meeting  of  American  States.  M  Britons,  at- 
tend! Americans,  give  ear!"  are  its  words:  "the 
people  of  this  continent  are  awakened  by  the  cause 
of  liberty,  and  are  now  forming  plans  to  preserve  it  in 
perfection  to  future  ages.  There  should  be  a  meet- 
ing of  American  States,  composed  of  members  chosen 
by  the  several  houses  of  representatives  in  the  colo- 
nies, to  consider  what  measures  will  most  effectually 
preserve  the  liberties  and  promote  the  prosperity  of 
America.  Let  every  man  of  sentiment  and  patriotism 
rouse  up  his  genius." 

•  The  Fourteenth  of  August,  the  anniversary  of  the 
uprising  against  the  Stamp  Act,  was  celebrated  with 


232  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

great  spirit,  when  a  large  procession  marched  from 
Boston  to  Roxbury.  A  "union  flag"  floated  over  the 
tent  in  which  the  company  had  their  entertainment; 
and  among  the  toasts  were,  "  The  patriotic  House  of 
Burgesses  of  our  ancient  sister  colony  of  Virginia." 
—  "A  constitutional  and  permanent  union  of  the 
colonies  in  North  America."  —  "  The  Sons  of  Liberty 
throughout  America." 

I  have  nothing  to  relate  of  Warren  especially,  until 
he  acted  with  his  brother  patriots  on  the  tea-question. 
His  name  is  not  connected  with  the  publication  of  the 
letters  of  Hutchinson  and  others,  supplying  proofs 
of  their  agency  in  introducing  arbitrary  power,  which 
created  great  excitement.  ]STor  is  there  any  identifi- 
cation of  his  contributions  to  the  press,  though  there 
is  much  matter  written  in  his  style.  For  instance,  a 
communication  in  the  "Gazette"  (Sept.  27),  signed 
W.,  is  in  the  same  elevated  tone  of  citations  already 
made.  "  It  must  awaken,"  are  the  words,  "  all  the 
feelings  of  humanity  to  behold  a  prospect  of  liberty 
for  the  many  millions  who  compose  our  growing  em- 
pire, and  entail  it  to  future  ages:  this  is  a  blessing 
for  which  we  cannot  too  long  and  too  earnestly  con- 
tend; and  I  trust  all  future  generations  will  bless  the 
present  for  their  manly  exertions  in  so  noble  a  cause. 
"We  long  wandered  in  uncertainty,  and  our  motions 
were  eccentric;  but  we  have  now  reduced  American 
policy  to  a  system  (first  formed  by  our  vigilant 
brethren  of  Virginia),  the  grand  principles  of  which 
are,  that  a  constant  correspondence  shall  be  main- 
tained between  the  colonies,  and  nothing  important 
be  transacted  without  consulting  the  whole." 

Hutchinson's  letters  of  this  period  are  very  volu- 


DESTRUCTION   OF   THE   TEA.  233 

minous.  He  had  much  to  say  of  *  the  grand  incen- 
diary," Samuel  Adams.  "  Our  principal  incendiary," 
he  wrote,  "has  a  great  deal  of  low  art  and  cunning;" 
and  he  related  the  success  of  the  scheme  of  forming 
committees  of  correspondence.  He  said  (July  10), 
*  We  have  now  subsisting  in  this  province,  commit- 
tees of  correspondence  in  most  of  the  towns  of  the 
province;  committees  of  the  house  and  council  to 
correspond  with  their  respective  agents,  to  effect  the 
removal  of  the  governor  and  lieutenant-governor,  and 
for  other  purposes;  a  committee  of  correspondence 
of  the  house  to  concert  with  committees  of  corre- 
spondence, with  other  assemblies,  and  to  give  infor- 
mation." He  was  in  hopes  the  colonies  would  not 
unite  in  the  proposed  measure  of  a  congress;  was 
much  cheered,  after  a  trip  into  the  country,  to  find 
the  excitement  which  the  publication  of  his  letters 
occasioned  had  subsided;  and  he  wrote  (Sept.  6), 
w  In  a  late  journey  to  the  remote  parts  of  the  prov- 
ince, I  was  surprised  to  find  the  flame,  which  had 
spread  so  universally,  so  soon  and  so  generally  extin- 
guished." 

Soon  after  the  statement  in  the  press,  just  cited,  of 
a  general  understanding  that  the  patriots  of  one  colo- 
ny would  transact  nothing  important  without  consult- 
ing the  patriots  of  the  other  colonies,  reached  through 
inter-colonial  committees  of  correspondence,  or  a  na- 
tional party  organization,  it  was  announced  that  there 
was  to  be  an  insidious  importation  of  tea,  on  which 
the  duty  had  been  retained.  I  need  go  no  further 
into  general  history  than  to  state,  that  the  king  re- 
solved to  try  the  question  with  America  by  this  tax; 
and,  at  his  suggestion,  an  act  was  passed  by  parlia- 

30 


234  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

ment,  authorizing  the  East-India  Company  to  export 
tea  to  America,  duty  free  in  England,  but  subject  to 
the  existing  threepence  tax  in  America,  which  was 
to  be  paid  into  the  national  treasury  by  the  company's 
agents.  It  was  designed  in  this  way  to  collect  the 
duty,  and  obtain  a  recognition  of  the  supremacy  of 
parliament. 

The  fact  was  announced  in  a  Philadelphia  journal 
(Sept.  29),  in  a  letter  from  London,  (dated  Aug.  4), 
as  follows :  "  The  East-India  Company  have  come  to 
a  resolution  to  send  six  hundred  chests  of  tea  to  Phil- 
adelphia, and  the  like  quantity  to  New  York  and 
Boston;  and  their  intention,  I  understand,  is  to  have 
warehouses,  and  sell  by  public  sale  four  times  a  year, 
as  they  do  here."  The  company,  on  receiving  the 
requisite  license,  made  consignments  of  teas  simulta- 
neously to  Charleston,  Philadelphia,  New  York,  and 
Boston;  and  selected  certain  persons  in  each  of  these 
ports  to  act  as  consignees,  or,  as  they  were  called,  tea 
commissioners.  This  new,  practical  issue  turned  dis- 
cussion at  once  from  questions  having  mainly  a  local 
bearing,  as  that  of  the  judges'  salaries,  royal  instruc- 
tions, and  the  star-chamber  commission  in  Rhode 
Island,  to  the  original  question  of  taxation,  which 
bore  directly  on  all  the  colonies. 

All  America  was  in  a  flame  about  this  insidious  tea 
importation.1     The  political  matter  in  the  press  now 

1  A  British  officer  at  New  York,  in  a  letter  to  a  person  in  London,  dated  Nov. 
1, 1773,  says,  "  All  America  is  in  a  flame  on  account  of  the  tea  exportation.  The 
New  Ydrkers,  as  well  as  the  Bostonians  and  Philadelphians,  are,  it  seems,  deter- 
mined that  no  tea  shall  be  landed.  They  have  published  a  paper,  in  numbers, 
called  the  "Alarm."  It  begins  first  with  "dear  countrymen,"  and  then  goes  on 
exhorting  them  to  open  their  eyes,  and,  like  sons  of  Liberty,  throw  off*  all  con- 
nection with  the  tyrant,  their  mother-country.  They  have,  on  this  occasion, 
raised  a  company  of  artillery,  and  every  day  almost  are  practising  at  a  target. 


DESTRUCTION    OF    THE    TEA.  235 

became  more  abundant  than  ever.  Differences  of 
opinion  are  seen  as  to  the  way  the  duty  on  the  tea 
was  to  be  paid.  "  We  know,"  it  was  said,  w  that  on  a 
certificate  of  its  being  landed  here,  the  tribute  is,  by 
an  agreement,  to  be  paid  in  London.  Landing,  there- 
fore, is  the  point  in  view;  and  every  nerve  will  be 
strained  to  obtain  it."  It  was  asked  in  New  York, 
w  Are  the  Americans  such  blockheads  as  to  care 
whether  it  be  a  hot  red  poker  or  a  red  hot  poker 
which  they  are  to  swallow,  provided  Lord  North 
forces  them  to  swallow  one  of  the  two?"  At  that 
time,  political  science  had  not  devised  written  consti- 
tutions creating  tribunals  with  powers  like  the  su- 
preme courts  of  the  States,  and  the  United  States, 
to  relieve  the  people  from  the  operation  of  palpably 
unconstitutional  acts;1  and  the  only  thing  practicable 
was  to  follow  in.  popular  action,  the  irregular  mode, 
which  had  been  so  long  customary  in  England.  In 
this  way  it  was  determined  to  thwart  the  designs  of 
the  East-India  Company. 

Public  opinion  was  first  brought  to  bear  on  the 
consignees.  An  able  hand-bill  was  circulated  in  Phil- 
adelphia, headed,  "By  uniting  we  stand;  by  dividing 

Their  independent  companies  are  out  at  exercise  every  day.  The  minds  of  the 
lower  people  are  inflamed  by  the  examples  of  some  of  their  principals.  They 
swear  that  they  will  burn  every  ship  that  comes  in  ;  but  I  believe  our  six  and 
twelve-pounders,  with  the  Royal  Welsh  Fusiliers,  will  prevent  any  thing  of  that 
kind."     This  was  printed  in  the  newspapers. 

1  James  Otis,  in  his  "  Rights  of  the  British  Colonies  of  1764,"  says  that  the 
courts  had  this  power.  "The  equity  and  justice  of  a  bill,"  he  says,  p.  41, 
"maybe  questioned  with  perfect  submission  to  the  legislature.  Reasons  may 
be  given  why  an  act  ought  to  be  repealed,  and  yet  obedience  must  be  yielded  to 
it  till  that  repeal  takes  place.  If  the  reasons  that  can  be  given  against  an  act 
are  such  as  plainly  demonstrate  that  it  is  against  natural  equity,  the  executive 
courts  will  adjudge  such  act  void.  It  may  be  questioned  by  some,  though  I 
make  no  doubt  of  it,  whether  they  are  not  obliged  by  their  oaths  to  adjudge  such 
act  void." 


236  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   W  ARREST. 

we  fall ; "  signed  Scsevola,  and  addressed  K  To  the 
commissioners  appointed  by  the  East-India  Company 
for  the  sale  of  teas  in  America."  They  were  char- 
acterized as  "political  bombardiers  to  demolish  the 
fair  structure  of  American  liberty;"  it  was  said  that 
all  eyes  were  fixed  on  them,  and  they  were  urged  to 
refuse  to  act.  This  was  followed  by  a  great  public 
meeting,  held  w  at  the  State  House,"  which  passed  a 
series  of  resolves  against  this  tea  importation,  and 
requested  the  tea  consignees  to  resign.  They  soon 
bowed  to  public  opinion,  and  relinquished  their  trust. 
The  hand-bill  just  referred  to  was  reprinted  in  the 
journals  of  New- York,  where  the  merchants  assem- 
bled, and  thanked  the  captains  and  owners  of  the 
ships  belonging  to  that  port,  for  declining  to  take 
the  East-India  Company  tea  on  freight. 

The  towns  of  Massachusetts  were  still  responding 
to  the  Boston  town-meeting  of  November,  and  choos- 
ing committees  of  correspondence ;  and  their  proceed- 
ings appeared  from  time  to  time  in  the  journals.1 
The  Boston  committee  of  correspondence,  keeping  a 
vigilant  eye  on  public  affairs,  said,  in  a  circular  to  the 
towns  (Sept.  21),  that  their  enemies  were  alarmed  "at 
the  union  which  they  see  is  already  established  in  this 
province,  and  the  confederacy  into  which  they  expect 
the  whole  continent  of  America  will  soon  be  drawn;" 
urged  that  the  talk  of  conciliatory  measures  by  the 

1  The  Boston  town-meeting  of  November,  1772,  continued  to  provoke  com- 
ment from  the  Tories ;  and  this  undoubtedly  stimulated  the  Whigs  to  keep  up 
their  action.  Though  the  editors  of  the  "  Boston  Gazette  "  said  (Jan.  21,  1773), 
that  they  should  insert  no  more  reports  of  the  proceedings  of  the  towns  in  answer 
to  Boston,  "  unless  by  particular  request,  especially  as  they  were  to  be  printed  in 
a  volume,"  yet  these  reports  continued  to  appear  in  the  paper.  The  whole  first 
side  of  its  issue  of  the  30th  of  August,  1773,  is  filled  with  the  resolves  and  letter 
of  the  town  of  Harvard,  in  answer  to  the  Boston  report  of  November. 


DESTRUCTION   OF   THE    TEA.  237 

ministry  was  insidious;  and  averred  that  the  cause  de- 
manded the  greatest  wisdom,  vigilance,  and  fortitude.1 
The  committee  appointed  by  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, in  a  letter  (Oct.  21)  addressed  to  the  com- 
mittees of  the  other  colonies,  represented  that  the 
ministerial  measures  could  only  "  end  in  absolute  des- 
potism," and  dwelt  on  the  importance  of  union;  "so 
that,  in  whichsoever  of  the  colonies  any  infringements 
were  made  on  the  common  rights  of  all,  that  colony 
might  have  the  united  efforts  of  all  for  its  support." 
"  We  are  far,"  are  its  words,  "  from  desiring  that  the 
connection  between  Great  Britain  and  America  should 
be  broken.  Esto  perjpetua  is  .  our  ardent  wish,  but 
upon  the  terms  only  of  equal  liberty."  The  letter 
closed    by   urging    the    necessity   that   each   colony 

1  The  committee  received  spirited  replies  to  this  circular.  The  following  was 
from  Charlestown,  where  the  Bunker-hill  Battle  was  fought.  The  original  is 
indorsed  in  Cooper's  handwriting,  "Received  Oct.  12, 1773;  not  to  be  printed:  — 

"  Seth  Sweetser,  Clerk  of  Committee  of  Charlestown,  to  William  Cooper,  Clerk  of 
Committee  of  Boston. 

"  Charlestown,  Oct.  11, 1773. 

«  Sir,  —Last  Saturday  I  received  a  letter  from  you,  purporting  to  be  the  just 
remarks  of  the  worthy  and  watchful  committee  of  correspondence  for  the  town 
of  Boston,  upon  the  present  situation  of  our  public  affairs,  highly  fit  to  be  well 
considered  of  by  every  friend  to  his  country.  I  am  proud  of  the  good  opinion 
the  committee  have  of  me ;  and  they  may  depend  upon  my  using  my  utmost 
endeavors  that  the  salutary  ends  they  aim  at  may  be  answered ;  and,  were  my 
power  and  influence  equal  to  my  wishes,  there  would  not  be  one  enemy  to  our 
happy  constitution  left  on  this  continent;  and  I  believe  here  are  our  greatest. 
Those  that  are  inimical  to  us,  finding  that  violent  measures  do  not  answer  their 
designs,  will  try  what  flattery  can  do  (a  more  dangerous  method),  by  insinuating, 
that,  if  we  will  desist  from  asserting  our  claim  of  rights,  we  shall  soon  be  eased 
of  the  grievances  we  complain  of.  A  rattle  this,  fit  only  to  lull  a  crying  child  to 
rest.  If  this  new  scheme  should  take,  (which  God  forbid !)  tyranny  and  bondage 
will  soon  follow,  which  are  more  terrifying  to  a  generous  mind  than  the  sound 
of  the  trumpet  summoning  to  fight  for  liberty  in  the  most  bloody  field  of  battle, 

"  I  am,  with  all  possible  respects,  the  committee's  most  obedient  and  very 
humble  servant,  Seth  Sweetser. 

"  William  Cooper,  as  clerk  of  the  committee  of  correspondence  for  the  town  of  Boston,  to 
be  communicated  to  said  committee." 


238  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WAKEEX. 

should  take  effectual  methods  to  counteract  the  de- 
sign of  the  ministry  in  the  shipment  of  the  teas  by 
the  East-India  Company.1 

There  was  nowhere  a  more  general  or  a  deeper 
feeling  on  the  subject  of  the  teas  than  in  Boston. 
The  consignees  were  either  relatives  or  hearty  sym- 
pathizers with  the  governor.  Two  of  them  were  his 
sons  Elisha  and  Thomas,  the  latter  subsequently  one 
of  the  mandamus  counsellors.  The  others  were 
Richard  Clarke  and  Sons,  Benjamin  Faneuil,  jun., 
and  Joshua  Winslow,  persons  of  great  respectability. 
The  elder  Clarke,  a  Harvard  graduate,  was  a  mer- 
chant of  high  standing,  one  of  whose  daughters 
married  J.  S.  Copley,  the  artist,  who  was  the  father 
of  the  late  Lord  Lyndhurst.  All  the  consignees 
subsequently  went  to  England,  and  some  had  their 
property  confiscated. 

All  eyes  were  now  fixed  on  the  consignees,  who 
saw  reflected  in  the  press,  in  excited  language,  the 
tone  of  public  opinion,  and  could  see  that  it  was  sim- 
ilar to  what  it  was  in  other  places.  The  hand-bill 
that  was  circulated  in  Philadelphia  was  printed  in  all 
the  Boston  papers,  even  in  the  Tory  paper,  Draper's, 
(Oct.  25) ;  and  also  the  proceedings  of  the  people, 
both  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia.  Still  there 
was  no  resignation  of  the  consignees.  As  the  time 
approached  when  the  tea  ships  might  be  expected,  the 
subject  was  considered  in  the  North-end  Caucus, 
which  was  composed  mostly  of  mechanics,  many  of 
whom  lived   in  this  part  of  the  town;    and  its  ses- 

1  This  remarkable  letter  is  in  the  Massachusetts  archives.  The  following  is 
the  postscript :  "  It  is  desired  you  would  not  make  the  contents  of  this  letter 
public,  as  it  will  give  our  enemies  opportunity  to  counteract  the  design  of  it." 


DESTRUCTION   OF   THE    TEA.  239 

sions,  at  which  a  mechanic  always  presided,  were 
miniature  town-meetings.  Warren  was  one  of  the 
members  in  whose  judgment  they  had  great  confi- 
dence. This  body  voted  (Oct.  23),  that  they  "would 
oppose  with  their  lives  and  fortunes  the  vending  of 
any  tea  "  that  might  be  sent  to  the  town  for  sale  by 
the  East-India  Company.  These  proceedings  were 
secret. 

There  is  no  evidence  to  connect  this  caucus  with  a 
hand-bill1  that  appeared  a  few  days  after,  inviting  the 
freemen  of  Boston  and  the  neighboring  towns  to 
meet  at  Liberty  Tree,  to  hear  the  consignees  make  a 
public  resignation  of  their  office,  and  to  swear  to  re- 
ship  to  London  any  teas  that  might  be  consigned  to 
them;  or  with  the  notice,  on  the  night  of  the  1st  of 
November,  served  on  the  consignees,  who  were  roused 
from  their  sleep,  and,  by  letter,  warned  to  appear  at  the 
same  place,  and  not  to  fail  at  their  peril.  No  names 
were  attached  to  the  hand-bill  or  the  letter.  The 
governor  and  the  consignees,  however,  regarded  both 
as  proceeding  from  the  popular  leaders,  and  looked 
forward  to  the  proposed  meeting  with  deep  concern. 
Hutchinson  advised  his  sons  not  to  be  out  of  town 
on  the  day  appointed  for  it. 

The  North-end  Caucus  was  again  called  together 

1  Draper's  "  Gazette  "  says,  hand-bills  were  stuck  up  all  over  the  town  on 
Tuesday  morning ;  but  gives  only  the  following,  dated  on  the  day  of  the  meet- 
ing:— 

"  To  the  Freemen  of  this  and  the  neighboring  towns. 

"  Gentlemen"*—  You  are  desired  to  meet  at  Liberty  Tree,  this  day,  at  twelve 
o'clock  at  noon  ;  then  and  there  to  hear  the  persons  to  whom  the  tea  shipped  by 
the  East-India  Company  is  consigned,  make  a  public  resignation  of  their  office 
as  consigners  upon  oath ;  and  also  swear  that  they  will  re-ship  any  teas  that  may 
be  consigned  to  them  by  said  company  by  the  first  vessel  sailing  for  London. 

"  O.  C,  Secretary. 
"  Boston,  Nov.  3, 1773. 

"  8^"  Show  us  the  man  that  dare  take  down  this." 


240  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAREEN. 

(Nov.  2)  for  deliberation  on  this  subject;  when  one 
committee  was  sent  to  invite  the  committee  of  corre- 
spondence to  meet  with  them,  and  another  committee 
invited  John  Hancock;  and  thus  were  assembled  the 
choice  Whig  spirits  of  the  town.  This  action  indi- 
cates good  sense,  and  the  importance  attached  to  the 
occasion.  The  proceedings  cannot  be  related  in  de- 
tail. The  official  record  of  this  session  is  brief;  but 
the  action  was  to  the  point,  and  significant :  "  Voted 
that  the  tea  shipped  by  the  East-India  Company  shall 
not  be  landed." 

On  "Wednesday  morning  (Nov.  3),  a  large  flag  was 
raised  above  the  Liberty  Tree :  the  town-crier  sum- 
moned the  people  to  meet  at  this  place,  and  the  bells 
rang  from  eleven  to  twelve  o'clock.  About  five  hun- 
dred assembled,  among  whom  were  three  of  the  repre- 
sentatives,—  Adams,  Hancock,  and  Phillips,  —  the 
selectmen,  the  town-clerk  and  treasurer,  Warren, 
Molineux,  and  several  other  of  the  prominent  pa- 
triots ;  making  a  fair  representation  of  the  character, 
intelligence,  and  wealth  of  the  town.  The  consignees, 
Hutchinson  says,  "agreed  they  would  be  together, 
that  they  might  all  fare  alike;"  and  were  at  the 
warehouse  of  Richard  Clarke,  at  the  lower  end  of 
King  Street,  with  a  few  of  their  friends  and  a  justice 
of  the  peace.  The  governor  was  at  the  Town  House, 
at  the  head  of  the  same  street. 

The  presiding  officer  of  the  meeting  is  not  named. 
It  is  related,  that,  the  consignees  not  appearing,  a 
select  numbe/  went  into  Liberty  Hall,  and  made 
choice  of  seven  or  nine,1  to  wait  on  the  consignees, 

1  The  names  of  eight  are  William  Molineux,  William  Dennie,  Joseph  War- 
ren, Benjamin  Church,  Major  Barber,  Gabriel  Johonnot, ■  Proctor,  and 

Ezekiel  Cheever. 


DESTRUCTION   OP   THE    TEA.  241 

and  request  their  resignation  of  their  trust;  and,  in 
case  they  refused,  or  declined  to  give  a  pledge  not  to 
land  the  tea  or  to  pay  the  duty  on  it,  to  present  a 
resolve  to  them,  declaring  them  to  be  enemies  to  their 
country.  The  committee  immediately  proceeded  in 
their  duty;  those  named  as  acting,  being  Messrs.  Mol- 
ineux,  "Warren,  Dennie,  Church,  and  Johonnot,1  who 
were  followed  by  a  portion  of  the  meeting.  Hutch- 
inson saw  the  procession,  —  it  might  have  been  as  it 
passed  the  Town  House,  —  and  says  there  were  on 
the  committee,  citizens  of  considerable  popularity, 
who  were  accompanied  by  a  large  body  of  the  people, 
many  of  them  not  of  the  lowest  rank.  On  arriving 
at  the  warehouse,  some  entered  the  lower  story,  the 
doors  of  which  had  been  left  open,  while  the  commit- 
tee went  up  the  stairs  leading  to  the  counting-room 
in  which  were  the  consignees,  but  found  the  doors 
closed.  A  parley  was  carried  on  between  these  par- 
ties through  an  open  window,  Molineux  acting  as  the 
spokesman.  "From  whom  are  you  a  committee?" 
asked  Clarke.  "From  the  whole  people"  was  the 
reply.  The  names  of  the  committee  were  then  read, 
and  the  demand  of  the  meeting  was  stated.  "  I  shall 
have  nothing  to  do  with  you,"  Clarke  said.  The  con- 
signees declined  to  resign  their  trust.  The  resolve 
was  now  read,  declaring  them  to  be  enemies  of  their 
country.  When  the  committee  returned  to  the  lower 
story  of  the  building  and  reported  the  result,  the  cry 
arose,  "Out  with  them!  out  with  them!"  and  some 
pushed  up  stairs.  A  slight  disturbance  had  occurred, 
from  an  attempt  by  Mr.  Clarke's  friends,  on  a  request 
from  the  counting-room,  to  close  the  doors  of  the 

i  These  are  named  in  Bernard's  narrative  as  acting  at  Clarke's  warehouse. 

31 


242  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

warehouse.  This  was  resisted;  and  the  doors  were 
unhinged,  and  carried  to  another  street.  The  justice, 
who,  in  the  king's  name,  now  commanded  the  peace, 
was  hooted  at  and  struck,  when  the  people  were 
persuaded  to  refrain  from  further  violence.  One  of 
the  Hutchinsons,  with  a  friend,  soon  came  out  of  the 
counting-room,  passed  quite  unmolested  through  the 
crowd,  and  joined  his  father  in  the  council  chamber 
at  the  head  of  the  street.  He  had  with  him  less  than 
a  quorum  of  the  council,  and  did  not  act.  The  com- 
mittee soon  returned  to  Liberty  Tree,  where  they 
reported  in  form  to  the  meeting;  when  the  people 
dispersed.  The  character  of  the  citizens  who  gave 
countenance  to  this  meeting  attested  its  respecta- 
bility :  it  reflected  the  general  sentiment ;  and  the 
rough  denial  of  a  demand,  which  in  other  places  had 
been  complied  with,  was  ominous  of  the  future.1 

It  was  said  by  the  Tories,  that  the  meeting  at 
Liberty  Tree  was  irregular,  and  of  no  account. 
Petitioners  for  a  town-meeting  now  represented 
(Nov.  4)  the  common  alarm  at  the  report  that  the 
East-India  Company  were  shipping  cargoes  of  tea  to 
America;  that  they  had  reason  to  fear,  what  more 
than  any  thing  in  life  was  to  be  dreaded,  the  tribute 
would  be  established,  and  thus,  by  this  political  plan, 
the  liberties  for  which  they  had  so  long  contended 
would  be  lost  to  them  and  their  posterity;  and  they 
prayed  for  a  town-meeting  to  take  such  steps  as  their 
safety  and  well-being  required.    The  selectmen  issued 

1  Bancroft,  vi.  484,  gives  the  conversation  at  Clarke's  warehouse.  Bernard 
says  that  it  was  Mr.  Hatch,  the  justice,  who  was  struck.  The  "  Gazette  "  and 
"  News  Letter  "  say  that  the  whole  body  of  the  people  went  from  Liberty  Tree 
to  King  Street.  Hutchinson's  letters  are  voluminous  on  the  proceedings  relating 
to  the  tea. 


DESTRUCTION    OF    THE    TEA.  243 

a   notification   for   a   meeting,  to   be  held   the   next 
day  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning. 

The  meeting  on  the  fifth  of  November  was  largely 
attended,    and    John   Hancock   was   the   moderator. 
Aftei  earnest  debates,  it  was  decided  that  the  sense  of 
the  town  could  not  be  better  expressed  than  in  the 
words  of  a  series  of  resolves  which  had  been  passed 
at  a  meeting  convened  (Oct.  18)  for  the  same  object 
in  Philadelphia;  and  these  resolves,  temperate  intone 
but   clear   in   principle   and  decided  in  terms,  were 
adopted.    They  declare  that  freemen  have  an  inherent 
right  to  dispose  of  their  property;  that  the  tea  tax 
was  levying  contributions  on  them  without  their  con- 
sent; that  the  purpose  of  it  tended  to  render  assem- 
blies useless,  and  to  introduce  arbitrary  government; 
that  a  steady  opposition  to  this  ministerial  plan  was  a 
duty  which  every  freeman  owed  to  himself,  his  coun- 
try, and  posterity;  that  the  East-India  Company  im- 
portation was  an  attempt  to  enforce  this  plan;   and 
that  whoever  countenanced  the  unloading,  vending, 
or  receiving  the  tea,  was  an  enemy  to  his  country. 
They  requested  the  consignees,  out  of  regard  to  their 
character   and  to  the  peace  of  the  province,  imme- 
diately to   resign  their  appointment.      The  meeting 
chose  a  committee1  to  present  these  resolves  to  the 
consignees;  it  voted  that  the  town  expected  the  mer- 
chants, under  no  pretext  whatever,  would  import  any 
tea  liable  to  duty;   and  it  then  adjourned  until  three 
o'clock.     At  this  hour  there  was  again  a  full  meet- 
ing, when  the  committee  reported  that  the  consignees 
gave  as  a  reason  why  a  definite  answer  could  not  be 

1  This  committee  consisted  of  the  moderator,  Henderson  Inches,  Benjamin 
Austin,  and  the  selectmen. 


244  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WARREN. 

given  until  Monday,  that  two  of  their  number,  the 
Hutchinsons,  were  at  Milton;  and,  as  they  chose  to 
have  a  consultation,  they  could  not  agree  upon  an 
answer  until  that  day.  Samuel  Adams,  "Warren,  and 
Molineux  were  then  desired  to  acquaint  the  Messrs. 
Clarke  and  Mr.  Faneuil  that  the  town  expected  an 
immediate  answer  from  them;  and  the  committee 
soon  reported  that  a  reply  might  be  expected  in  half 
an  hour.  These  consignees,  in  a  letter,  gave  the 
reasons  why  they  regarded  it  as  impossible  for  them  to 
comply  with  the  request  of  the  town ;  but  the  meeting 
voted  the  letter  to  be  unsatisfactory.  A  commit- 
tee,1 Warren  being  a  member,  was  directed  to  wait 
on  the  Hutchinsons,  and  request  an  immediate  resig- 
nation ;  and  then  the  meeting  adjourned  until  the 
next  day.  One  of  the  Hutchinsons  was  at  the  gov- 
ernor's house,  at  Milton;  and  the  other  was  at  the 
house  of  the  lieutenant-governor,  in  Boston. 

Faneuil  Hall,  on  the  next  day,  was  crowded.  The 
committee  to  wait  on  the  Hutchinsons  reported  that 
they  sought  them  in  vain  at  Milton,  but  found  Thomas 
Hutchinson  in  town,  who,  in  a  letter,  stated  that, 
when  he  and  his  brother  knew  definitely  that  they 
had  been  appointed  factors,  they  would  be  sufficiently 
informed  to  answer  the  request  of  the  inhabitants. 
This  cool  reply  caused  great  excitement  in  the  meet- 
ing ;  there  were  cries,  "  To  arms  !  to  arms ! "  and 
the  ominous  words  were  responded  to  by  clapping  of 
hands,  and  general  applause.  As  usual,  good  sense 
predominated;  and  the  meeting  simply  voted  that  the 
obnoxious  letter  was  daringly  affrontive  to  the  town, 

1  This  committee  consisted  of  John  Hancock,  John  Pitts,  Samuel  Adams, 
Samuel  Abbot,  Joseph  Warren,  William  Powell,  and  Nathaniel  Appleton. 


DESTRUCTION   OF   THE    TEA.  245 

and  then  dissolved.  Hutchinson  (Nov.  8)  said  that 
he  was  trying  to  collect  evidence  of  the  inflammatory 
speeches  that  had  been  uttered,  but  could  find  no 
person  willing  to  give  it. 

Nothing  material,  in  relation  to  the  tea  question, 
occurred  for  a  week.  No  person,  it  was  said,  at- 
tempted the  smallest  affront  to  the  tea  commissioners. 
The  town  was  quiet.  It  was  believed  that  the  tea 
ships  were  near  the  harbor;  and  the  journals  were 
full  of  political  speculation,  some  of  it  inflammatory, 
but,  in  the  main,  strong,  well  put,  statesmanlike,  and 
of  an  elevating  character.  There  is  significance 
even  in  the  names  selected  for  signatures.  They 
are  not  of  the  school  of  Rousseau,  but  of  Milton. 
"Sydney"1  says,  "America  seems  to  be  reserved  by 
Providence  for  a  land  of  real  freedom,  that  the  world 
may  see  in  these  latter  days  the  true  glory  of  liberty." 
w  Locke  "  says,  w  It  will  be  considered  by  Americans, 
whether  the  dernier  resort  and  only  asylum  for  their 
liberties  is  not  an  American  commonwealth."2  It  was 
evident  to  the  leaders  on  both  sides,  that  things  were 
drifting  to  the  pass  of  a  great  exigency ;  nor  did  they 
disagree  in  the  view  which  they  took  of  the  principle 
at  stake. 

1  Massachusetts  Spy,  Nov.  11,  1773. 

2  lb.,  Nov.  26.  Z.,  in  the  "  Boston  Gazette,"  Oct.  11,  1773,  writes  :  "  How 
shall  the  colonies  force  their  oppressors  to  proper  terms  ?  This  question  has 
been  often  answered  by  our  politicians  ;  viz.,  'Form  an  independent  State,  — an 
American  commonwealth.'  This  plan  has  been  proposed,  and  I  can't  find  that 
any  other  is  likely  to  answer  the  great  purpose  of  preserving  our  liberties  :  I 
hope,  therefore,  it  will  be  well  digested  and  forwarded,  to  be  in  due  time  put  into 
execution,  unless  our  political  fathers  can  secure  American  liberties  in  some 
other  way.  As  the  population,  wealth,  and  power  of  this  continent  are  swiftly 
increasing,  we  certainly  have  no  cause  to  doubt  of  our  success  in  maintaining 
liberty,  by  forming  a  commonwealth,  or  whatever  measures  wisdom  may  point 
out  for  the  preservation  of  the  rights  of  America." 


246  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

Hutchinson  says  that  he  w  foresaw  that  this  would 
prove  a  more  difficult  affair  than  any  which  had  pre- 
ceded it." 1  He  regarded  the  principle  of  the  suprem- 
acy of  parliament  to  be  in  issue :  with  his  ideas  of  the 
prerogative  of  the  Crown,  and  British  sovereignty,  he 
could  not  think  of  yielding  the  point  of  the  whole 
controversy,  and  he  determined  to  make  no  conces- 
sion. He  described  (Nov.  15),  with  much  particu- 
larity, the  state  of  affairs,  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Dart- 
mouth. After  remarking  that  the  people  of  the 
town  were  in  a  great  ferment,  and  that  he  had  done 
all  that  he  could  to  preserve  the  peace  without  the 
aid  of  the  council,  he  says,  "  They  [the  council]  pro- 
fess to  disapprove  of  the  tumultuous,  violent  pro- 
ceedings of  the  people:  but  they  wish  to  see  the 
professed  end  of  the  people  in  such  proceedings  at- 
tained in  a  regular  way  ;  and,  instead  of  joining  with 
me  in  proper  measures  to  discourage  an  opposition 
to  the  landing  and  sale  of  the  teas  expected,  one  and 
another  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  greatest  influence 
intimate,  that  the  best  thing  that  can  be  done  to  quiet 
the  people  would  be  the  refusal  of  the  gentlemen  to 
whom  the  teas  are  consigned  to  execute  the  trust; 
and  they  declare  they  would  do  it,  if  it  was  their 
case,  and  would  advise  all  their  connections  to  do  it. 
Nor  will  they  ever  countenance  a  measure  which  shall 
tend  to  carry  into  execution  an  act  of  parliament 
which  lays  taxes  upon  the  colonies  for  the  purpose  of 
raising  revenue.  The  same  principle  prevails  with  by 
far  the  greater  part  of  the  merchants,  who,  though  in 
general  they  declare  against  mobs  and  violence,  yet 
they  as  generally  wish  the  teas  may  not  be  import- 

1  Hutchinson's  History,  iii.  425. 


DESTRUCTION    OF   THE    TEA.  247 

ed."  Hutchinson  repeatedly  concedes  in  his  letters 
that  the  mass  of  the  people  acted  in  the  conviction 
that  their  rights  were  invaded.  This  citation  pre- 
sents the  merchants  in  an  honorable  light;  the  action 
of  the  North-end  Caucus  speaks  for  the  mechanics; 
and  the  proceedings  of  the  towns  attest  the  spirit  of 
the  yeomanry.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  Hutch- 
inson, in  his  unbending  course,  stood  almost  alone; 
for  his  political  friends  advised  concession.  In  this 
he  exactly  represented  his  royal  master  George  III. 
At  this  time,  Lord  North  was  accustomed  to  reply  to 
remonstrances,  that  His  Majesty  was  resolved  to  try 
the  question.  In  the  words  of  an  English  writer,  the 
hazardous  experiment  was  to  be  attempted  on  men, 
many  of  whose  ancestors  had  fled  to  the  desert  from 
the  tyranny  of  that  martyred  sovereign,  who  had  the 
same  imprudent  propensity  for  trying  questions  with 
his  subjects;1  and  the  Bostonians  stood  forth,  like 
their  native  rocks,  sharp,  angular,  and  defiant.2 

Samuel  Adams,  like  the  royal  governor,  believed 
that  he  was  engaged  in  an  extraordinary  work.  He 
wrote  (Nov,  9)  to  Arthur  Lee,  w  One  cannot  foresee 
events;  but,  from  all  the  observation  I  am  able  to 
make,  my  next  letter  will  not  be  upon  a  trifling  sub- 
ject;" and  in  that  next  letter  he  characterized  the 
event  which  he  dwelt  upon  "  as  remarkable  as  had 
happened  since  the  commencement  of  the  struggle 
for  American  liberty."  Though  there  was  a  presenti- 
ment that  an  event  of  great  moment  was  at  hand,  yet 
the  popular  leaders  at  the  helm  —  Adams,  Warren, 
Hancock,  Molineux,  and  Young  were  subsequently 
named  to  the  privy  council  as  the  most  prominent  — 

i  Macknight's  Life  of  Burke,  ii.  38.  2  lb.,  ii.  40. 


248  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAKREX. 

were  not  moved  by  the  desire  to  force  the  town  to 
do  a  deed  for  the  sake  of  the  name ;  but  they  simply 
aimed  to  meet  honorably  a  great  exigency.  They 
asked  of  power  no  greater  concession  than  had  been 
made  elsewhere.  A  failure  to  obtain  the  resignation 
of  the  consignees  had  already  created  suspicion;  and 
fears1  began  to  be  expressed  abroad  that  Boston 
would  not  meet  the  expectations  of  the  patriots  of 
other  colonies.  "When  the  cautious  or  the  timid 
of  the  town  questioned  whether  it  were  not  premature 
to  push  matters  in  this  case  to  extremities,  it  was 
replied  by  the  bold  and  determined,  that,  if  fidelity  to 
the  common  cause  were  likely  to  bring  on  a  quarrel 
with  Great  Britain,  it  was  the  best  time  for  it  to 
come.  "  Our  credit,"  it  was  said,  w  also  is  at  stake : 
we  must  venture ;  and,  unless  we  do,  we  shall  be  dis- 
carded by  the  Sons  of  Liberty  in  the  other  colonies, 
whose  assistance  we  may  expect  upon  emergencies, 
in  case  they  find  us  steady,  resolute,  and  faithful." 2 
The  union  of  the  colonies,  inchoate  as  it  was,  had 
become  a  moral  power. 

In  this  way,  by  the  force  of  circumstances,  there 
were  engaged  face  to  face  the  actors  on  this  public 
and  even  national  stage.  The  "Post  Boy"  (Nov. 
15),  in  a  semi-official  tone,  said,  "We  learn  that  His 
Majesty  has  declared  his  intention  of  supporting  the 

1  Gordon  (i.  331)  relates,  that,  before  these  events,  Thomas  Mifflin,  of  Phila- 
delphia, subsequently  the  governor,  being  in  Boston,  said  to  the  Boston  patriots, 
in  relation  to  the  teas,  "  Will  you  engage  that  they  shall  not  be  landed  ?  If  so, 
I  will  answer  for  Philadelphia."  The  patriots  pledged  their  honor  to  resist  the 
landing.  In  all  the  Boston  journals  of  Nov.  11,  1773,  there  is  printed  a  letter 
from  Philadelphia,  in  which  are  the  following  sentences :  "  There  are  many 
fears  respecting  Boston.  ...  It  is  to  be  hoped  the  town  of  Boston  will  appear 
on  the  present  occasion  with  their  usual  spirit."  — Massachusetts  Spy,  Nov.  10. 

2  Gordon,  i.  336. 


DESTRUCTION   OF   THE    TEA. 


249 


supreme  authority  and  right  of  the  British  parliament 
to  make  laws  binding  on  the  colonies; "  which  agrees 
so  precisely  with  Hutchinson's  views  of  his  duty,  that 
he  might  have  penned  it.  He  did  pen  on  this  day,  in 
the  letter  to  Lord  Dartmouth  already  cited,  these 
words :  w  The  persons  to  whom  the  teas  are  intrusted 
declare,  that,  whilst  they  can  be  protected  from  vio- 
lence to  their  persons,  they  will  not  give  way  to 
the  unreasonable  demands  which  have  been  made 
upon  them."  "When  Power  was  thus  clinging  to 
every  inch  of  its  formal  authority,  and  a  determined 
people  were  standing  firmly  on  their  rights,  there 
could  be  no  compromise;  and  so  events  moved  stead- 
ily on  to  the  consummation  of  an  act  which,  in  its 
consequences,  proved  second  only  to  the  Declaration 
of  Independence.1 

A  fresh  fact,  now  freely  commented  on  in  the  press, 
deepened  the  interest  of  the  hour.  Hutchinson, 
under  his  own  hand,  issued  an  order2  to  Colonel  John 

1  The  storage  or  detention  of  a  few  cargoes  of  teas  is  not  an  object  in  itself 
sufficient  to  justify  a  detail  of  several  pages ;  but,  as  the  subsequent  severities 
towards  the  Massachusetts  were  grounded  on  what  the  ministry  termed  their 
refractory  behavior  on  this  occasion,  and  as  those  measures  were  followed  by 
consequences  of  the  highest  magnitude  both  to  Great  Britain  and  the  colonies, 
a  particular  narration  of  the  transactions  of  the  town  of  Boston  is  indispensable. 
—  Mrs.  Warren's  History  of  the  American  Revolution,  i.  105. 

2  I  am  indebted  to  Colonel  James  W.  Sever  for  a  copy  of  this  order.  He  has 
the  original,  which  is  in  Hutchinson's  handwriting :  — 

"  Massachusetts  Bay.  By  the  Governor.  g 

"  To  Colonel  John  Hancock,  Captain  of  the  Governor"1  s  Company  of  Cadets,  $c. 

"  The  Cadet  Company  under  your  command  having  signalized  itself  hereto- 
fore upon  a  very  necessary  occasion,  and  the  late  tumultuous  proceedings  in  the 
town  of  Boston  requiring  that  more  than  usual  caution  should  be  taken  at  this 
time  for  the  preservation  of  the  peace,  I  think  it  proper  that  you  should  forthwith 
summon  each  person  belonging  to  the  company  to  be  ready,  and  to  appear  in 
arms,  at  such  place  of  parade  as  you  think  fit,  whensoever  there  may  be  a  tumul- 
tuous assembling  of  the  people  in  violation  of  the  laws,  in  order  to  their  being 
aiding  and  assisting  to  the  civil  magistrate,  as  occasion  may  require. 

"Dated  at  Boston,  the  11th  day  of  November,  1773. 

32  "Th.  Hutchinson." 


250  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WABRBN. 

Hancock,  "the  Captain  of  the  Governor's  Company  of 
Cadets,"  to  summon  forthwith  each  member  to  hold 
himself  ready  to  appear  in  arms  whenever  there  might 
be  w  a  tumultuous  assembling  of  the  people  in  viola- 
tion of  the  laws,"  which  showed  an  intention  to  use 
military  force  to  suppress  public  meetings.  This 
company  took  its  orders  directly  from  the  governor. 
It  rendered  service  in  the  riots  of  the  26th  of  August, 
1765;  was  accustomed  to  parade  on  holidays,  such  as 
coronation  and  election  days;  and  was  often  compli- 
mented for  its  discipline.  It  occasioned  also  uneasi- 
ness, that  companies  of  the  British  troops  stationed  at 
Castle  William  were  now  marched  into  the  neigh- 
boring towns.  There  was  now  quite  a  respectable 
naval  force  in  the  harbor,  under  the  command  of 
Admiral  Montague. 

On  the  seventeenth,  a  vessel  arrived  from  London 
with  the  news  that  three  ships  for  Boston,  under 
Captains  Bruce,  Hall,  and  Coffin,  and  having  the 
East-India  Company's  teas  on  board,  had  sailed  down 
the  channel,  and  that  other  tea  vessels  had  cleared 
for  Philadelphia:  when  petitioners  to  the  selectmen 
—  the  fourth  name  being  Warren's  —  stated  that 
the  town  was  alarmed  at  the  hourly  expectation 
of  the  arrival  of  the  teas;  and,  apprehending  that 
the  consignees  might  be  sufficiently  informed  on  the 
terms  of  its  consignment  as  to  be  able  to  give  their 
promised  answer  to  the  town,  they  asked  for  a  town- 
meeting;  when  the  selectmen  appointed  one  for  the 
next  day.  On  the  same  day,  one  of  the  firm  of 
the  Clarke's  arrived  in  town  from  abroad;  and  being, 
in  the  evening,  at  the  house  of  his  father,  Richard 
Clarke,  on  School  Street,  a  mob  attempted  to  get  into 


DESTRUCTION    OF    THE    TEA.  251 

the  door,  broke  windows,  and  did  other  damage;  but, 
though  a  pistol  was  fired  from  the  second  story, 
vigilant  and  influential  friends  of  the  patriot  cause 
promptly  appeared,  checked  the  outrage,  and  per- 
suaded the  mob  to  disperse.  No  person  was  seriously 
injured. 

The  town-meeting  held  the  next  day  was  brief,  but 
to  the  point.  Hancock  was  the  moderator.  A  com- 
mittee was  appointed  to  wait  on  the  consignees,  and 
to  say  to  them,  that  it  was  the  desire  of  the  town 
that  they  would  give  the  final  answer  to  the  request 
whether  they  would  resign  their  appointment;  which 
elicited  the  following  letter:  — 

Boston,  Nov.  18,  1773. 
SIR?  —  In  answer  to  the  message  we  have  this  day  received  from 
the  town,  we  beg  leave  to  say  that  we  have  not  yet  received  any 
orders  from  the  East-India  Company  respecting  the  expected  teas; 
but  we  are  now  further  acquainted,  that  our  friends  in  England  have 
entered  into  general  engagements  in  our  behalf,  merely  of  a  com- 
mercial nature,  which  puts  it  out  of  our  power  to  comply  with  the 
request  of  the  town. 

We  are,  sir,  your  most  humble  servants, 

Richard  Clarke  and  Sons. 
Benjamin  Faneuil,  Jun.,  for  Self  and 

Joshua  Winslow,  Esq. 
Elisha  Hutchinson,  for  my 
Brother  and  Self. 

This  answer  was  voted  to  be  unsatisfactory,  and 
this  last  town-meeting  on  the  tea  question  now  dis- 
solved. Its  calmness  and  dignity  were  ominous. 
"This  sudden  dissolution,"  Hutchinson  says,  "struck 
more  terror  into  the  consignees  than  the  most  mina- 
tory resolves." 

On  the  next  day  (Nov.  19),  the  consignees,  in  a 
petition,  asked  leave  "  to  resign  themselves,  and  prop- 


252  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WARREN. 

erty  committed  to  their  care,  to  His  Excellency  and 
their  Honors,  as  guardians  and  protectors  of  the  peo- 
ple ; "  and  that  measures  might  be  devised  w  for  the 
landing  and  securing  the  teas  until  the  petitioners 
could  safely  dispose  of  them,  or  could  receive  direc- 
tions from  their  constituents."  This  elicited  discus- 
sion in  the  press,  and  debates  in  the  council.  It  was 
urged  against  the  scheme,  that  it  was  no  part  of  the 
legitimate  functions  of  this  body  to  become  the  trus- 
tees and  storekeepers  of  certain  factors  for  the  East- 
India  Company:  they  might  as  well  become  the 
trustees  and  storekeepers  of  all  individuals.  "  The 
council,"  Hutchinson  says,  w  desired  me,  upon  one 
pretence  or  another,  to  adjourn  the  consideration  of 
the  petition  of  the  consignees  until  the  29th." 

The  consignees  now  endeavored  to  secure  the 
landing  of  the  tea  that  was  expected;  while  the  popu- 
lar leaders  were  resolute  that  the  tea  should  never  be 
sold  in  Boston,  though  they  were  ready  to  agree 
to  a  temporary  storage  of  it  until  the  consignees 
could  have  time  to  consult  their  principals,  provided 
it  was  subject  "to  the  inspection  of  a  committee 
of  gentlemen."1  The  committee  of  correspondence 
now  invited  the  committees  of  Dorchester,  Eoxbury, 
Brookline,  and  Cambridge  to  meet  in  conference,  at 
the  selectmen's  chamber,  in  Faneuil  Hall.  Having 
ing  unanimously  voted  to  use  their  joint  influence  to 

1  The  chairman  of  the  Board  of  Selectmen,  John  Scollay,  says,  Dec.  23, 
1773,  "  Had  the  consignees,  on  the  town's  first  application  to  them,  offered  to 
have  stored  the  tea,  subject  to  the  inspection  of  a  committee  of  gentlemen,  till 
they  could  write  their  principals,  and  until  that  time  [agreed  that]  no  duty 
should  be  paid,  which,  no  doubt,  the  commissioners  of  the  customs  would  have 
consented  to  ...  I  am  persuaded  the  town  would  have  closed  with  them."  It 
was  the  determination,  he  says,  "  that  the  tea  should  not  be  landed  subject  to  s 
duty." 


DESTRUCTION    OF   THE    TEA.  253 

prevent  the  landing  and  sale  of  the  expected  tea,  they 
authorized  (Nov.  22)  a  joint  committee,  of  which 
"Warren  was  a  member,  to  address  a  letter  to  other 
towns,  representing,  that  they  were  reduced  to  the 
dilemma  either  to  sit  down  in  quiet  under  this  and 
every  burden  that  might  be  put  upon  them,  or  to  rise 
up  in  resistance  as  became  freemen;  to  impress  the 
absolute  necessity  of  making  immediate  and  effectual 
opposition  to  this  detestable  measure;  and  soliciting 
their  advice.  Charlestown  was  so  zealous  in  the 
cause  that  its  committee  was  added.  These  commit- 
tees continued  to  hold  conferences,  Hutchinson  wrote, 
"like  a  little  senate."  On  this  day  (Nov.  22)  the 
w  Gazette  "  said,  "  Americans !  defeat  this  last  effort 
of  a  most  pernicious,  expiring  faction,  and  you  may 
sit  under  your  own  vines  and  fig-trees,  and  none  shall 
hereafter  dare  to  make  you  afraid." 

The  selectmen,  deeply  concerned  for  the  peace  of 
the  town, — Hancock,  the  commander  of  the  Cadets, 
being  one, — now  had  conferences  with  the  consignees, 
which  are  related  with  much  particularity  in  the  town- 
records,  but  need  not  be  dwelt  on.  "Though  we 
labored,"  John  Scollay,  one  of  the  selectmen,  says, 
"  night  and  day  in  the  affair,  all  our  efforts  could  not 
produce  an  agreement  between  them  and  the  town."1 
The  selectmen  plainly  said  to  the  consignees,  that 
nothing  less  than  sending  the  tea  back  to  England 
would  satisfy  the  people.  Some  of  the  Tory  party 
also  at  this  time  urged  an  arrangement  to  this 
effect;  but  the  consignees  would  only  agree  (Nov. 
27)   that   nothing    should  be  done  in  a  clandestine 

1  John  Scollay's  Letter,  Dec.  23, 1773,  is  admirable.  It  is  in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
Coll.,  4th  series,  iv.  379. 


254  LIFE    Or   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

way ;  that  the  vessels  should  come  up  to  the  wharves ; 
and  that,  when  they  received  the  orders  that  accom- 
panied the  teas,  they  would  hand  in  proposals  to  the 
selectmen,  to  be  laid  before  the  town.1  For  better 
security,  they  retired  to  the  country ;  and  even  Hutch- 
inson now  thought  of  going  to  the  castle,  that  he 
might,  in  personal  safety,  w  more  freely  give  his  sense 
of  the  criminality  of  the  proceedings." 

When  the  Boston  tea  commissioners  had  braved 
public  opinion  more  than  a  month  after  their  brethren 
in  Philadelphia  had  resigned,  the  intelligence  spread 
—  Sunday  morning,  November  twenty-eighth  —  that 
a  tea  ship  was  in  the  harbor.2  It  was  the  "Dart- 
mouth," Captain  Hall,  owned  by  a  Quaker,  Francis 
Rotch,  two  persons  whose  movements  for  a  few  days 
greatly  exercised  the  public  mind.  The  selectmen, 
in  the  expectation  of  receiving  the  promised  proposal 
of  the  consignees,  held  a  session  of  their  board  at 
twelve  o'clock,  another  at  five  o'clock,  and  continued 
its  session  until  nine  o'clock,  when  they  learned  that 

1  Hutchinson  says,  in  his  History  (hi.  425),  "that  he  advised  that  the  tea 
ships  should  be  anchored  without  the  castle,  and  there  wait  for  orders."  He  also 
says  that  the  custom  in  England,  in  instances  of  acts  deemed  unconstitutional, 
was  referred  to  in  the  council.  One  member  observed,  "  that  the  last  riot  (at 
Clarke's  house)  was  not  of  the  most  enormous  kind;  that,  in  Sir  Robert  Wal- 
pole's  time,  mobs  had  been  frequent  in  England.  Government  there  was  then 
forced  to  give  up  the  excise  ;  ...  the  people  would  not  bear  the  Cider  Act ;  .  .  . 
that  the  disorders  among  the  people  here  were  caused  by  unconstitutional  acts  of 
parliament."  The  "Annual  Register  "  of  1832  contains  a  record  of  the  popular 
action  that  was  required  to  extort  from  the  ruling  classes  the  Reform  Bill.  The 
riots  were  terrible. 

2  The  "  Boston  Gazette  "  of  Nov.  29  thus  announced  the  arrival  of  the  first 
cargo  of  tea  in  Boston  :  "  Yesterday  morning,  Captain  Hall,  in  the  ship  '  Dart- 
mouth,' came  to  anchor  near  the  castle,  in  about  eight  weeks  "  from  London. 
On  board,  "  it  is  said,  are  one  hundred  and  fourteen  chests  of  the  so-much- 
detested  East-India  Company's  tea,  the  expected  arrival  of  which  pernicious 
article  has  for  some  time  past  put  all  these  northern  colonies  in  a  very  great 
ferment." 


DESTRUCTION   OP    THE    TEA. 


255 


they  could  not  see  the  consignees  that  evening,  nor 
could  the  intelligence  of  their  locality  be  obtained. 
The  selectmen,  seeing  the  storm  rising,  desired  to  get 
the  expected  proposals,  in  order  that  a  regular  town- 
meeting  might  be  called  before  any  other  meeting 
could  take  place.1  The  committee  of  correspondence 
were  also  in  session  this  day,  and  obtained  from  the 
owner  of  the  "Dartmouth"  a  promise  not  to  enter 
her  until  Tuesday.  They  issued  a  circular  letter  to 
the  committees  of  Cambridge,  Charlestown,  Dorches- 
ter, and  Eoxbury,  convening  « the  little  senate"  on 
the  next  morning.  The  following  characteristic 
words,  in  the  original  draft,2  are  in  "Warren's  hand- 
writing :  — 

"A  part  of  the  tea  shipped  by  the  East-India  Company  is  now 
arrived  in  this  harbor,  and  we  look  upon  ourselves  bound  to  give  you 
the  earliest  intimation  of  it ;  and  we  desire  that  you  favor  us  with  your 
company  at  Faneuil  Hall,  at  nine  o'clock  forenoon,  there  to  give  us 
your  advice  what  steps  are  to  be  immediately  taken  in  order  effectu- 
ally to  prevent  the  impending  evil ;  and  we  request  you  to  urge  your 
friends  in  the  town  to  which  you  belong  to  be  in  readiness  to  exert 
themselves  in  the  most  resolute  manner  to  assist  this  town  in  its 
efforts  for  saving  this  oppressed  country." 

The  journals  of  Monday3  announced  that  the  "Dart- 
mouth" had  anchored  off  the  Long  Wharf;  that  other 

i  John  Scollay's  Letter.  2  Bancroft,  who  has  the  original  manuscript. 

3  This  morning  the  following  notification  was  posted  up  through  this  town  :— 

"  Friends  !  Brethren  !  Countrymen  !  —  That  worst  of  plagues,  the  detested 
tea  shipped  for  this  port  by  the  East-India  Company  is  now  arrived  in  this  har- 
bor ;  the  hour  of  destruction,  or  manly  opposition  to  the  machinations  of  tyranny, 
stares  you  in  the  face  ;  every  friend  to  his  country,  to  himself  and  posterity,  is 
now  called  upon  to  meet  at  Faneuil  Hall,  at  nine  o'clock  this  day  (at  which  time 
the  bells  will  ring),  to  make  a  united  and  successful  resistance  to  this  last,  worst, 
and  most  destructive  measure  of  administration.  t 

"  Boston,  Nov.  29, 1773." 

So  that  it  yet  remains  doubtful  what  will  be  the  consequence  of  this  impor- 
tation ;  but,  it  is  said,  the  gentlemen  to  whom  the  tea  is  consigned  are  disposed 


256  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH   WARREN. 

ships  with  the  poisonous  herb  might  be  expected; 
and,  conceding  to  the  consignees  a  disposition  to  do 
all  in  their  power  to  quiet  the  public  mind,  even  to 
ship  the  tea  back  to  the  place  it  came  from,  they 
repeated  the  assurance  that  the  tea  would  not  be  suf- 
fered to  be  landed  or  to  be  sold;  for  it  was  the 
w  determination  of  almost  all  the  people,  both  of  town 
and  of  country,  resolutely  to  oppose  the  artful  mea- 
sures of  the  East-India  Company  in  every  possible 
way."  The  journals  also  contained  a  call  for  a  public 
meeting,  to  be  held  in  Faneuil  Hall  at  nine  o'clock, — 
which  had  been  printed  in  a  hand-bill  form  and  posted 
over  the  town,  —  to  make  united  and  successful  re- 
sistance to  the  last,  worst,  and  most  destructive 
measure  of  the  British  Administration.  By  the  side 
of  this  call,  there  was  an  inspiring  voice  from  the 
country  in  the  proceedings  of  a  noble  town-meeting 
held  in  Cambridge.  How  the  hearts  of  the  patriots 
must  have  throbbed,  and  their  purpose  must  have 
been  strengthened,  by  fearless  and  high-toned  re- 
solves, pronouncing  Boston  to  be  struggling  for  the 
liberties  of  the  country;  announcing  that  the  men  of 
Cambridge  could  no  longer  remain  idle  spectators, 
and  pledging  themselves  to  be  ready,  at  the  shortest 
notice,  to  join  the  men  of  Boston  and  of  other  towns 
in  any  measure  that  might  be  thought  proper  to 
deliver  them  and  their  posterity  from  slavery!  The 
brave  Colonel   Gardner  lived  here,  was  one  of  the 

to  do  every  thing  in  their  power  to  quiet  the  minds  of  the  people  relative  thereto, 
and  are  willing  that  baneful  article  should  be  re-shipped  to  the  place  from  whence 
it  came.  Be  that  as  it  may,  however,  we  are  assured  it  will  not  be  permitted  to 
be  landed  or  sold  here ;  it  being  the  determination  of  almost  all  the  people,  both 
of  town  and  country,  resolutely  to  oppose  this  artful  measure  of  the  India  Com- 
pany in  every  possible  way. —  Massachusetts  Gazette  (Tory),  Nov.  29,  and  Boston 
Gazette  (  Whig). 


DESTRUCTION   OF   THE    TEA. 


257 


foremost  of  the  patriots,  and  redeemed  this  pledge 
when  he  poured  out  his  blood  by  "Warren's  side  at 
Bunker  Hill. 

At  nine  o'clock,  on  the  ringing  of  the  bells,  a  great 
concourse  gathered  in  and  around  Faneuil  Hall;  for 
again  the  yeoman  left  his  field,  the  mechanic  his  shop, 
and  the  merchant  his  counting-room,  to  turn  politi- 
cians and  act  for  the  country.1  "  The  form  of  a  town- 
meeting,"  Hutchinson  says,  "  was  assumed,  the  select- 
men of  Boston,  town-clerk,  &c,  taking  their  usual 
places;  but,  the  inhabitants  of  any  other  towns  being 
admitted,  it  could  not  assume  the  name  of  a  legal 
meeting  of  any  town."  The  selectmen  were  John 
Scollay,  John  Hancock,  Timothy  Newell,  Thomas 
Marshall,  Samuel  Austin,  Oliver  Wendell,  and  John 
Pitts,  — in  most  cases  Scollay's  name  appearing  first 
in  signatures  to  official  papers,  —  who  were  serving 
their  country  well,  and  whose  names  are  household 
words;  and  the  ever-faithful  William  Cooper  was  the 
town-clerk.  The  meeting  chose  for  the  moderator, 
Jonathan  Williams,  who  hitherto  had  not  been  promi- 
nent, but  was  a  citizen  of  character  and  wealth.  The 
meeting  voted,  that,  "  as  the  town  of  Boston,  in  a  full 
legal  meeting,  had  resolved  to  do  the  utmost  in  its 
power  to  prevent  the  landing  of  the  tea,  this  body 
were  absolutely  determined  that  the  tea  which  had 
arrived  should  be  returned  to  the  place  whence  it 
came,  at  all  hazards."  The  meeting  then,  better  to 
accommodate  the  people,  adjourned  to  the  Old  South 
Meeting-house,  where  it  is  said  "five  or  six  thou- 
sand of  respectable  inhabitants  met,  —  men  of  the 
best  characters  and  of  the  first  fortunes."2 

1  See  page  69.  2  Scollay's  Letter. 


258  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

Governor  Hutchinson  came  into  town  from  Milton 
early  in  the  morning.  He  says,  w  Although  this  meet- 
ing or  assembly  consisted  principally  of  the  lower 
ranks  of  the  people,  and  even  journeymen  tradesmen 
were  brought  to  increase  the  number,  and  the  rabble 
were  not  excluded,  yet  there  were  divers  gentlemen 
of  good  fortune  among  them."  The  consignees  were 
within  two  miles  of  Castle  William,  having  in  their 
possession  an  order  from  the  governor  for  their  ad- 
mission to  that  place  of  refuge.  "  They,"  Hutchinson 
says,  w  apprehended  they  should  be  seized,  and,  may 
be,  tarred  and  feathered  and  carted,  —  an  American 
torture,  —  in  order  to  compel  them  to  a  compliance :  " 
groundless  apprehensions,  certainly;  for  neither  re- 
venge, nor  a  spirit  of  hostility  to  rights  of  property  or 
persons,  formed  a  part  of  the  programme  of  the  pop- 
ular leaders. 

The  meeting  at  the  Old  South  deliberated  long  on 
the  question.  Crown  officials  name,  as  leading  char- 
acters in  the  debates,  Samuel  Adams,  "Warren,  Han- 
cock, Young,  and  Molineux.  w  Adams  was  never  in 
greater  glory,"  Hutchinson  says.  It  needs  the  words 
uttered  on  this  occasion  by  earnest  men,  whose  souls 
were  in  their  work,  to  do  them  justice.  A  few  of  the 
speakers  talked  in  a  style  that  was  violent  and  inflam- 
matory; others  were  calm,  and  advised  moderation, 
and,  by  all  means,  to  abstain  from  violence;  but  the 
men  who  apjDeared  to  have  the  confidence  and  esteem 
of  the  people  were  unanimous  that  the  tea  should 
be  sent  back  to  London.1  A  patriot  from  Rhode 
Island  says  he  was  so  unexpectedly  entertained  and 
instructed  by  the  regular  and  sensible  conduct  of  the 

1  Williamson's  Examination. 


DESTRUCTION   OF   THE    TEA.  259 

meeting,  that  he  should  have  thought  himself  rather 
in  the  British  senate  than  in  the  promiscuous  assem- 
bly of  a  people  of  a  remote  colony,  had  he  not  been 
convinced  by  the  genuine  integrity  and  manly  hardi- 
hood of  its  rhetoricians,  that  they  were  not  tainted  by 
venality  nor  debauched  by  luxury.1  The  speeches 
that  elicited  this  tribute  perished  with  the  hour.  The 
meeting  resolved,  that  no  duty  on  the  tea  should  be 
paid  in  Boston;  and,  to  give  the  consignees  time  to 
make  the  expected  proposals,  adjourned  till  three 
o'clock.  On  learning  of  the  first  vote  passed  in 
Faneuil  Hall,  the  consignees  withdrew  to  Castle 
William.2 

It  is  remarked,  that  "Whigs  and  Tories  united 
in  the  action  of  this  meeting;3  which  indicates,  that 
the  candid  among  the  friends  of  the  ministry  were 
desirous  to  wash  their  hands  of  any  sanction  of  this 
scheme  of  absolute  power.  Both  these  parties  were 
also  represented  in  the  council,  which  happened,  by 
adjournment,  to  be  in  session  at  the  Town  House,  not 
three  hundred  yards'  distance  from  the  excited  con- 
course who  had  gathered  in  and  around  the  Old 
South.  Governor  Hutchinson  was  present.4  On 
the  Tory  side  were  Judges  Danforth,  Leonard,  and 
Russell,  who  had  many  years  been  members ;  Isaac 
Royall,  for  thirty  years  of  the  house  or  the  council; 
and  John  Erving,  one  of  the  most  eminent  of  Amer- 
ican merchants.  On  the  Whig  side  were  James  Bow- 
doin,  the  future  governor;  James  Pitts,  of  inflexible 
public  virtue;    Samuel   Dexter,  an  able  man,  and  a 

i  Boston  Gazette,  Dec.  20,  1773.  2  Hutchinson,  Dec.  2,  1773. 

8  Scollay's  Letter,  Dec.  23,  1773:  "These  meetings  consisted  of  all  sorts, 
both  Whig  and  Tory."  4  Letter,  Dec.  2. 


260  LITE    OF   JOSEPH   WAKREN. 

benefactor  of  learning;  Artemas  Ward,  the  future 
general;  and  John  Winthrop,  a  professor  in  Harvard 
College,  of  great  fame  in  the  philosophic  world,  and 
of  large  political  service.  These  ten  members,  who, 
by  their  private  worth  and  public  virtue,  were  worthy 
representatives  of  their  political  friends,  discussed 
the  terms  of  an  elaborate  and  statesman-like  report 
on  the  petition  of  the  consignees,  which  had  been 
made  at  the  previous  session.  It  traced  the  progress 
of  events  candidly  and  truthfully,  and  ascribed  the 
prevailing  excitement  to  unconstitutional  taxation.  I 
have  space  to  state  only  one  of  its  points,  —  that 
touching  on  the  issue  of  the  hour.  The  consignees 
asked  for  measures  to  secure  the  landing  of  the  teas. 
The  report  averred  that  the  duty  on  the  tea  must  be 
either  paid  or  secured  on  its  being  landed;  and,  were 
the  Board  to  direct  or  advise  any  measure  for  landing 
it,  they  would  of  course  advise  to  a  measure  for  pro- 
curing the  payment  of  the  duty.  The  vote  on  the 
acceptance  of  this  report  was  unanimous.  The  coun- 
cil would  only  advise  the  governor  to  renew  his 
orders  to  the  sheriffs  and  justices  to  preserve  the 
public  peace.1  Hutchinson  pointed  "to  the  rabble  that 
were  together,"  and  urged  the  council  to  join  him 
in  some  measure  to  break  up  the  unlawful  assembly.2 
He  says,  members  thought  the  consignees  ought  to 
decline  to  execute  their  trust.  When  he  asked, 
"  whether  the  council  would  give  him  no  advice  upon 
the  disorders  then  prevailing,"  the  answer  was,  w  that 

1  The  full  report  of  the  proceedings  of  the  council  on  the  petition  of  the  con- 
signees was  printed  in  the  journals  of  Dec.  27,  1773. 

2  Whilst  the  rabble  were  together  in  one  place,  I  was  in  another  not  far  dis- 
tant, with  His  Majesty's  council,  urging  them  to  join  with  me  in  some  measure 
to  break  up  this  unlawful  assembly,  to  no  purpose.  —  Letter,  Dec.  1,  1773. 


DESTRUCTION   OF   THE   TEA.  261 

the  advice  already  given  was  intended  to  meet  the 
case."  The  action  of  the  Board  was  calculated  to 
confirm  the  resolution  of  the  people.  While  it 
shrank  from  encouraging  a  spirit  of  hostility  to 
personal  rights,  it  did  justice  "  to  the  high  sense  of 
liberty  derived  from  the  manners  and  constitution 
of  the  mother-country,"  entertained  "by  the  town 
and  the  province." 

The  governor  this  afternoon  requested  the  justices 
of  the  town  to  meet,  and  use  their  endeavors  to  sup- 
press any  riots  the  people  might  engage  in.  The 
meeting,  at  its  adjournment  in  the  Old  South,  on 
motion  of  Samuel  Adams,  voted  that  the  tea  in  Cap- 
tain Hall's  ship  must  go  back  in  the  same  bottom;  it 
informed  the  owner  of  the  vessel  that  the  entry  of  the 
tea,  and  the  captain  that  the  landing  of  it,  would  be 
at  their  peril;  it  appointed  a  watch  of  twenty-five 
men  for  the  security  of  vessel  and  cargo,  with  Ed- 
ward Proctor  for  the  captain  that  night;  and  it  voted 
that  the  summons  of  the  justices  by  the  governor 
was  a  reflection  on  the  people.  Near  the  close  of  the 
day,  Hancock  stated  that  the  tea  consignees  did  not 
receive  their  letters  from  London  until  the  previous 
evening,  and  that  they  were  so  dispersed  that  they 
could  not  have  a  meeting  early  enough  to  make  their 
proposals,  and  were  desirous  of  further  time;  when 
the  meeting,  out  of  great  tenderness  to  them,  ad- 
journed to  the  next  morning. 

The  meeting  on  Tuesday  was  viewed  with  the 
deepest  interest  by  the  Crown  officials  and  by  the  peo- 
ple. The  public  utterances  of  the  previous  day  were 
reported  to  the  governor,  who  says  that  nothing  could 
have  been  more  inflammatory, —  one  of  the  speakers 


'262  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREX. 

,said  that  the  only  way  to  get  rid  of  the  tea  was  to 
throw  it  overboard, — but  Hutchinson  looked  upon  the 
men  of  fortune  who  were  present  and  acted,  as  a  bond 
of  security  for  the  safety  of  the  tea.  w  I  can  scarcely 
think,"  he  wrote,  "they  will  prosecute  their  mad 
resolves."  But  he  saw  that  the  tea  ship,  now  under 
the  surveillance  of  a  watch,  was  virtually  in  hands 
outside  the  law,  and  judged  that  the  constituted 
authorities,  in  this  case,  were  powerless.1  He  said, 
that,  if  the  meeting  went  to  the  length  it  threat- 
ened to  go,  he  should  be  obliged  to  retire  to  the 
castle,  as  otherwise  he  could  not  make  any  exertion 
of  strength  in  support  of  the  king's  authority.2  He 
decided  that  he  could  not  let  the  meeting  go  on 
longer  in  silence,  though  what  he  could  say  or  do 
might  not  check  the  course  of  those  whom  he  termed 
"usurpers."3  He  felt  some  apprehension  as  to  the 
firmness  of  the  consignees.  There  was  great  pres- 
sure now  made  on  them  by  their  friends,  to  persuade 
them  to  resign  their  trust.  "  The  friends  of  old  Mr. 
Clarke,"  he  says,  "pressed  his  sons  and  other  con- 
signees to  a  full  compliance.  ...  I  hope  the  gentle- 
men will  continue  firm,  and  should  have  not  the  least 
doubt  of  it,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  solicitations  of 
the  friends  of  Mr.  Clarke."4  And  thus  Hutchinson, 
by  repressing  every  idea  of  concession,  aided,  even 
more  than  the  council,  the  progress  of  events  that 
tended  to  the  result  of  independence. 

The  adjourned  meeting  came  to  order  at  nine 
o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  consignees,  in  a  letter 
addressed   to   John   Scollay,  one   of  the  selectmen, 

i  History,  iii.  431.  2  Letter,  Dec.  1,  1773. 

8  History,  iii.  431.  4  Letter,  Dec.  1,  1773. 


DESTRUCTION    OF   THE    TEA.  263 

made  their  long-expected  proposals  to  the  meeting. 
Expressing  sorrow  that  they  could  not  return  satis- 
factory answers  to  the  two  messages  of  the  town,  they 
said  that  it  was  utterly  out  of  their  power  to  send  the 
teas  back,  but  were  ready  to  store  them  until  they 
could  have  time  to  write  to  their  constituents,  and 
receive  their  further  orders  respecting  them.  This 
letter  irritated  the  meeting,  and  it  would  take  no 
action  on  it.  Sheriff  Greenleaf  now  came  in  with  a 
proclamation  in  his  hands,  from  the  governor,  which 
he  begged  leave  of  the  moderator  to  read.  Objection 
was  made;  but  Samuel  Adams  spoke  in  favor  of 
granting  the  request,  when  the  meeting  consented  to 
hear  it.  The  governor  charged  the  meeting  of  the 
preceding  day  with  "  openly  violating,  defying,  and 
setting  at  naught  the  good  and  wholesome  laws  of 
the  province  under  which  they  lived;"  and,  as  great 
numbers  were  again  assembled  for  like  purposes,  the 
governor,  as  His  Majesty's  representative,  bore  testi- 
mony against  this  violation  of  the  laws.  "  I  warn," 
he  said,  w  exhort,  and  require  you,  and  each  of  3^011, 
thus  unlawfully  assembled,  forthwith  to  disperse,  and 
to  surcease  all  further  unlawful  proceedings,  at  your 
utmost  peril."  Immediately  there  was  a  long  and 
very  general  hiss,  and  then  a  vote  that  the  meeting 
would  not  disperse.  Mr.  Copley,  the  son-in-law  of 
Mr.  Clarke,  inquired  whether  the  meeting  would  hear 
the  Messrs.  Clarke,  whether  their  persons  would  be 
safe  to  come  from  and  return  to  the  place  where  they 
were,  and  whether  the  meeting  would  grant  Mr. 
Copley  two  hours  to  consult  with  them.  The  answers 
were  in  the  affirmative,  and  the  meeting  adjourned 
until  two  o'clock. 


264  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

The  report  of  the  proceedings  at  the  adjourned 
meeting  fills  two  columns  of  the  journals;  but  the 
action  that  bears  on  the  progress  of  events  may  be 
briefly  stated.  Rotch  the  owner,  and  Hall  the  cap- 
tain, of  the  "Dartmouth,"  and  the  owners  of  two 
other  vessels  expected  with  teas,  were  sent  for;  and 
all  promised  that  the  teas  should  not  be  landed,  but 
should  go  back  in  the  same  ships.  Mr.  Copley,  in  an 
apology  for  the  time  he  had  taken,  said  that  he  had 
to  go  to  the  castle,  where  the  consignees  informed 
him,  that,  as  they  resolved  to  adhere  to  their  pro- 
posals, it  would  be  inexpedient  for  them  to  appear  in 
the  meeting;  adding  to  their  former  proposal,  that  the 
tea  would  be  submitted  to  the  inspection  of  a  com- 
mittee. This  was  now  voted  to  be  unsatisfactory. 
Resolves  were  passed  to  the  effect,  that  all  who  im- 
ported teas  were  enemies  to  the  country;  that  the 
teas  should  be  returned  to  the  place  whence  they 
came;  and  the  meeting  voted  to  send  these  resolves 
to  the  other  colonies  and  to  England.  The  commit- 
tee of  correspondence  were  charged  to  make  pro- 
vision for  the  continuance  of  the  watch;  and  they,  if 
occasion  required,  were  directed  to  alarm  the  country 
by  ringing  the  bells  in  the  day,  and  by  tolling  them 
in  the  night;  the  brethren  present  from  the  country 
were  thanked  "  for  their  countenance  and  union,"  and 
desired  to  afford  their  assistance  on  the  notice  being 
given ;  and  it  was  voted,  "  That  it  is  the  determination 
of  this  body  to  carry  these  votes  and  resolutions  into 
existence,  at  the  risk  of  their  lives  and  property." 
Francis  Bernard,  in  his  narrative  laid  before  the 
privy  council,  in  1773,  says,  w  The  persons  who  prin- 
cipally proposed  the  questions  on  which  the  above 


DESTRUCTION    OF    THE    TEA.  265 

resolutions  and  proceedings  were  founded,  were  Mr. 
Adams,  Mr.  Molineux,  Dr.  Young,  and  Dr.  Warren; 
and  they  used  many  arguments  to  induce  the  peo- 
ple to  concur  in  these  resolutions."  The  meeting 
dissolved. 

This  was  another  of  the  remarkable  popular  demon- 
strations of  this  period.  The  comment  on  its  proceed- 
ings does  not  differ  materially  on  the  points  of  order 
or  spirit,  whether  by  Whig  or  Tory.  Hutchinson 
says,  "  A  more  determined  spirit  was  conspicuous  in 
this  body  than  in  any  of  the  former  assemblies  of  the 
people.  It  was  composed  of  the  lowest  as  well,  and 
probably  in  as  great  proportion,  as  of  the  superior 
ranks  and  orders;  and  all  had  an  equal  voice.  No 
eccentric  or  irregular  motions,  however,  were  suffered 
to  take  place.  All  seemed  to  have  been  the  plan  of  a 
few,  it  may  be  of  a  single  person."1  Samuel  Adams 
says,  "  The  business  of  the  meeting  was  conducted 
with  decency,  unanimity,  and  spirit."2  A  Rhode- 
Island  patriot  says,  "  The  people  determined  the  tea 
should  not  be  landed;  the  determination  was  deliber- 
ate, was  judicious ;  the  sacrifice  of  their  rights,  of  the 
union  of  all  the  colonies,  would  have  been  the  effect, 
had  they  conducted  with  less  resolution."3 

The  committee  of  correspondence,  Bernard  says, 
w  met  after  the  dissolution  of  this  meeting,  called  in 
the  committees  from  other  towns  to  join  with  them, 
kept  up  a  military  watch  or  guard  to  prevent  the 
landing  of  the  tea,  who  were  armed  with  muskets 
and  bayonets,  and,  every  half  hour  during  the  night, 
regularly  passed   the  word,  *A11  is  well,'  like  sen- 

1  Hutchinson's  History,  iii.  433.  2  Letter,  Dec.  31,  1773. 

8  Boston  Gazette,  Dec.  20,  1773. 
34 


266 


LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 


tinels  in  a  garrison."1     This  committee,  besides  send- 
ing relations  of  these  events  to  all  the  towns,2  with 
their  eye  on  the  union  idea  that  one  colony  should 
not  take  an  important  step  without  consulting  the 
other    colonies,    wrote    (Dec.    5)    to   Ehode   Island 
and  New  Hampshire,  and  (Dec.  6)  to  New  York  and 
Philadelphia,  explaining  their  course  at  this  critical 
conjuncture ;    and   they   acted   in   the   faith  —  their 
words  —  that  "harmony  and  concurrence  in  action, 
uniformly  and  firmly  maintained,  must  finally  conduct 
them  to  the  end  of  their  wishes,  namely,  a  full  enjoy- 
ment of  constitutional   liberty."      There  came   now 
from    other   colonies   cheering   assurances,   that   the 
Boston   action   had  been  watched  with  the  deepest 
interest,    and   hailed   with   the    liveliest   satisfaction. 
"When,  for  instance,  the  resolutions  of  the  first  town- 
meeting  on  the  tea  reached  Philadelphia,  the  peal  of 
its  bells  gave  expression  to  the  general  joy;  and  this 
inspiring   detail  was  now  read  by  the   Bostonians.3 
Yet  the  Philadelphia  patriots  doubted  whether  the 
Boston  action  would  come  up  to  the  manifesto;  and, 
in  letters  expressing  this  doubt,  they  warmly  urged 
firmness :  for,  they  said,  if  Boston  were  to  fall  back  in 
any  degree,  it  would  bring  on  it  reproach,  scorn,  and 
irretrievable  loss  of  confidence;  but,  by  carrying  its 
resolves  into  execution,  it  would  convince  the  world 
that  it  could  act  with  virtue  and  resolution.    A  letter, 
heralded  as  the  voice  of  Philadelphia,  read:  "Our  tea 

1  Bernard's  MS.  *2  Bancroft,  vi.  478. 

8  These  relations  appeared  in  the  Boston  journals  prior  to  the  destruction  of 
the  tea.  A  letter  from  Philadelphia,  dated  Dec.  11,  and  printed  in  the  "Boston 
Gazette,"  Dec.  20,  says,  "  Your  resolutions  of  the  29th  ult.  were  publicly  read  at 
our  Coffee  House,  last  Thursday,  to  a  large  company  of  our  first  merchants,  who 
gave  three  cheers  by  way  of  approbation." 


DESTRUCTION    OF    THE    TEA.  207 

consignees  have  all  resigned,  and  you  need  not  fear: 
the  tea  will  not  be  landed  here  nor  at  New  York. 
All  that  we  fear  is,  that  you  will  shrink  at  Boston. 
May  God  give  you  virtue  enough  to  save  the  liberties 
of  your  country ! " 1 

The  true  patriots  abroad  who  thus  earnestly,  coun- 
selled the  men  of  Boston  could  not  know  the  thor- 
ough action  of  its  popular  leaders.  The  committee 
of  correspondence,  it  is  said  in^the  press,  took  every 
step  which  prudence  and  caution  could  suggest  to 
execute  the  purpose  of  the  town.  It  happened  that 
the  next  tea  ship,  commanded  by  Captain  Coffin, 
arrived  (Dec.  7),  the  w  Gazette  "  said,  w  not  only  with 
the  plague  (tea)  on  board,  but  the  small-pox;"  which 
occasioned  immediate  action  by  the  selectmen  as  a 
Board  of  Health.  The  orders  they  gave  to  prevent 
a  clandestine  landing  of  the  tea  in  her  were  of  the 
most  peremptory  character.2  A  third  tea  vessel 
arrived,  under  Captain  Bruce;  and  soon  the  two  were 
directed  to  be  anchored  by  the  side  of  the  "  Dart- 
mouth," off  Griffin's  Wharf,  more  recently  called 
Liverpool  Wharf,  on  Purchase  Street.  One  guard 
answered  for  the  three  vessels.  This  force,  it  is 
related,  was  from  twenty-four  to  thirty-four  strong, 
and  served  nineteen  days  and  twenty-three  hours. 

i  Boston  Gazette,  Dec.  13,  1773. 

2  The  selectmen  (Dec.  8),  in  an  order  to  the  keeper  of  the  hospital  at  Rains- 
ford  Island,  the  quarantine-ground,  say,  "  Our  directions  are,  that  you  take  the 
whole  of  the  tea  from  between  decks  upon  the  deck  of  the  '  Briggandine.'  If 
the  weather  be  fair,  let  it  lay  on  the  deck  the  whole  day,  to  be  aired,  and  at 
night  see  it  put  between  decks  again;  and  you,  with  the  true  men  you  are 
ordered  to  take  down  with  you,  are  to  remain  on  board  during  the  time  the  tea 
is  on  deck,  and  on  no  account  to  absent  yourselves,  and  by  no  means  suffer  one 
chest  of  tea  to  be  landed  or  taken  away  by  any  one.  If  any  attempt  should  be 
made,  you  are  immediately  to  dispatch  a  messenger  to  inform  the  selectmen 
thereof." 


268  LIEE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

The  determined  opposition  to  the  landing  of  the 
teas  led  to  apprehensions  that  the  officials  might  use 
the  naval  force  to  effect  their  purpose:  there  was 
talk,  in  such  case,  of  making  resistance;  and  the 
community  was  now  greatly  excited.  w  Where," 
Hutchinson  said,  "the  present  disorder  will  end,  I 
cannot  make  a  probable  conjecture:  the  town  is  as 
furious  as  in  the  time  of  the  Stamp  Act."  — "  The 
flame,"  Abigail  Adams,  wife  of  John  Adams,  wrote 
(Dec.  5),  "is  kindled;  and,  like  lightning,  it  catches 
from  soul  to  soul.  Although  the  mind  is  shocked  at 
the  thought  of  shedding  human  blood,  more  especially 
the  blood  of  our  countrymen,  and  a  civil  war  is  of 
all  wars  the  most  dreadful,  such  is  the  spirit  that 
prevails,  that,  if  once  they  are  made  desperate,  many, 
very  many  of  our  heroes  will  spend  their  lives  with  the 
speech  of  Cato  in  their  mouths.  My  heart  beats  at 
every  whistle  I  hear,  and  I  dare  not  express  half  my 
fears."  The  actors  in  these  scenes  were  accustomed 
to  meet  in  the  home  in  which  this  American  matron 
presided,  and  Warren  was  the  beloved  family  physi- 
cian. One  of  her  sons,  John  Quincy  Adams,  then  in 
his  seventh  year,  broke  one  of  his  fingers  about  that 
time,  and  "Warren  was  called  in  to  treat  it.  Years 
after  this  lad  had  been  the  chief  magistrate  of  the 
nation,  he  related  to  me  the  details  of  the  accident; 
and,  with  interesting  revolutionary  reminiscences,  he 
mingled  glowing  tributes  to  his  patriot-mother  and 
the  venerated  martyr  of  Bunker  Hill. 

The  legal  status  of  the  tea  ships  now  became  an 
element  in  this  case.  A  vessel,  twenty  days  after  her 
arrival  in  port,  was  liable  to  seizure  for  the  non- 
payment of  duties  on  articles  imported  in  her;  nor, 


DESTRUCTION    OF    THE    TEA.  269 

on  landing  only  a  part  of  a  cargo,  could  she  be 
legally  cleared  in  Boston  or  entered  in  England. 
This,  in  a  few  days,  would  be  the  case  of  the  "  Dart- 
mouth." There  was  now  business  detail,  not  neces- 
sary to  dwell  on,  between  the  consignees,  the  owner, 
and  the  master;  and  the  governor  officially  advised 
Admiral  Montague  of  the  case,  who  ordered  the 
ships  of  war  "Active  "and  the  "King  Fisher"  to  guard 
the  passages  to  the  sea,  and  to  permit  no  unauthor- 
ized vessels  to  pass ;  so  that  Hutchinson  said  it  was 
not  possible  for  the  "  Dartmouth "  to  get  out  of  the 
harbor.  He  said  (Dec.  7)  that  "the  patriots  found 
themselves  in  a  web  of  inextricable  difficulties." 
Every  movement  was  reported  to  the  committee  of 
correspondence.  The  owner  of  the  "Dartmouth," 
Rotch,  was  summoned  (Dec.  11)  before  the  commit- 
tee, Samuel  Adams  chairman,  and  was  asked  why  he 
had  not  kept  his  pledge  to  send  his  vessel  and  tea 
back  to  London;  and  he  plead  that  it  was  out  of  his 
power  to  do  this.  He  was  advised  to  apply  for  a 
clearance  and  a  pass,  Adams  saying,  "  The  ship  must 
go:  the  people  of  Boston  and  the  neighboring  towns 
absolutely  require  and  expect  it." 

Two  days  later  (Dec.  13),  the  journals  arraigned 
the  owner  of  the  "  Dartmouth  "  because  he  had  not 
applied  to  the  officers  of  the  customs  for  a  clear- 
ance, and  declared  that  the  obstinacy  of  the  tea  com- 
missioners rendered  them  infinitely  more  obnoxious 
to  the  public  than  the  stamp-masters  were.  They 
contained  resolves,  passed  in  the  country  towns,  in 
support  of  Boston  on  this  question,  which  indeed, 
before  this,  continued  to  appear  from  time  to  time. 
Thus  Dorchester   (printed  Dec.  6),  in  legal  town- 


270  LITE    OF   JOSEPH   WAEKEX. 

meeting,  gave  the  assurance,  K  that,  should  this  coun- 
try be  so  unhappy  as  to  see  a  day  of  trial  for  the 
recovery  of  its  rights,  by  a  last  and  solemn  appeal  to 
Him  who  gave  them,  they  should  not  be  behind  the 
bravest  of  our  patriotic  brethren."  Marblehead  (the 
resolves  were  printed  on  the  13th  of  December) 
declared  that  the  proceedings  of  the  brave  citizens 
of  Boston  and  of  other  towns,  in  opposition  to  the 
landing  of  the  tea,  were  rational,  generous,  and  just ; 
that  they  were  highly  honored  for  their  noble  firm- 
ness in  support  of  American  liberty;  and  that  the 
men  of  that  town  were  ready  with  their  lives  to  assist 
their  brethren  in  opposing  all  measures  tending  to 
enslave  the  country.  The  proceedings  may  be  weary 
reading  to-day;  but  they  were  then  of  the  deepest 
interest  and  of  the  gravest  import,  and  show  the  life 
of  the  time.1     On  this  day,  the  committees  of  the  five 

1  The  "  Gazette  "  of  Dec.  13  contains  little  besides  advertisements,  and  matter 
about  the  tea  question.  Under  the  date  of  Philadelphia,  Dec.  1,  is  an  account 
of  the  sailing  of  a  tea  ship  from  London  for  that  port,  and  the  assurance  that 
"  she  will  meet  with  such  a  reception  that  will  convince  the  world  that  we  are 
neither  to  be  frightened  or  cajoled  out  of  our  liberty  by  nabobs,  ministers,  and 
ministerial  hirelings."  Under  the  date  of  New  York,  Dec.  6,  is  an  account  of 
the  declination  of  the  tea  consignees  of  that  city  to  receive  the  teas.  Under  the 
date  of  Salem,  Dec.  7,  the  following :  "  By  what  we  can  learn  from  private 
intelligence  as  well  as  the  public  proceedings  of  a  number  of  principal  towns  con- 
tiguous to  the  capital,  the  people,  if  opposed  in  their  proceedings  with  respect  to 
the  tea,  are  determined  upon  hazarding  a  brush ;  therefore  those  who  are  willing 
to  bear  a  part  in  it,  in  preserving  the  rights  of  this  country,  would  do  well  to  get 
suitably  prepared."     The  proceedings  of  Marblehead  appear  in  full. 

The  following  is  under  the  editorial  head :  "  The  East-India  tea  commis- 
sioners still  remain  immured  at  Castle  William.  Their  obstinacy  has  rendered 
them  infinitely  more  obnoxious  to  their  countrymen  than  even  the  stamp-masters 
were.  If  Mr.  Rotch,  the  owner  of  Captain  Hall's  ship,  does  not  intend  she  shall 
depart  directly  with  the  tea  she  brought,  he  ought  explicitly  to  declare  it,  that  the 
people  may  know  what  to  depend  upon  and  how  to  conduct  themselves.  It  does 
not  appear  that  she  is  yet  in  readiness,  or  that  he  has  even  made  a  demand  at 
the  Custom  House  for  a  clearance.  The  minds  of  the  public  are  greatly  irritated 
at  his  delay  hitherto  to  take  this  necessary  step  towards  complying  with  their 
peremptory  requisition." 


DESTRUCTION   OE   THE   TEA.  271 

neighboring  towns  already  named,  had  an  important 
session  in  Faneuil  Hall.  Its  doings  cannot  be  re- 
lated. Of  this  session  of  the  w  little  senate,"  and 
of  other  sessions  at  this  time,  it  is  written :  K  No 
business  transacted  matter  of  record."  There  can 
hardly  be  a  doubt  that  the  following  hand-bill,  which, 
on  the  next  day,  was  posted  over  the  town,  emanated 
from  this  source  :  w  Friends !  Brethren !  Country- 
men !  —  The  perfidious  arts  of  your  restless  enemies 
to  render  ineffectual  the  late  resolutions  of  the  body 
of  the  people,  demand  your  assembling  at  the  Old- 
South  Meeting-house,  precisely  at  ten  o'clock  this 
day,  at  which  time  the  bells  will  ring." 

The  meeting  on  Tuesday  (Dec.  14)  is  said  to  have 
been  larger  than  the  previous  meetings.  •  People  from 
the  neighboring  towns  came  in  to  attend  it.  A  citizen 
of  Weston,  Samuel  Phillips  Savage,  was  selected  for 
the  moderator.  Its  business  may  be  briefly  related. 
The  master  of  the  third  tea  ship,  Bruce,  promised  to 
ask  for  a  clearance  for  London  when  all  his  goods 
were  landed  except  the  tea.  Potch,  the  owner  of  the 
"Dartmouth,"  was  directed  to  appear,  and  to  apply 
forthwith  to  the  collector  for  a  clearance  for  her;  and 
Benjamin  Kent,  Samuel  Adams,  and  eight  others, 
were  appointed  to  accompany  him.  On  their  return, 
Potch  reported  that  the  collector  desired  to  consult 
with  the  comptroller,  and  promised  an  answer  on  the 
following  morning.  The  meeting  then  adjourned 
until  Thursday.  On  this  day  (14th),  the  committee 
of  correspondence  was  in  session  in  the  morning  and 
evening,  and  completed  their  preparations;  but  there 
is  no  record  of  their  doings. 

On  Wednesday  (Dec.  15) ,  the  committee  appointed 


272  LITE    OF   JOSEPH    WARRE5T. 

by  the  meeting  accompanied  Rotch  to  the  Custom 
House,  to  ask  a  clearance  of  the  collector,  Harrison; 
the  comptroller,  Hallowell,  being  present.  The  owner 
said  that  he  was  required  and  compelled  at  his  peril  by 
the  meeting  to  make  the  demand  for  a  clearance  of 
his  vessel  for  London,  with  the  tea  on  board;  and  one 
of  the  committee  stated  that  they  were  present  only  as 
witnesses.  The  collector  answered,  that,  as  articles 
subject  to  duty  were  on  board,  and  the  revenue  was 
not  paid,  he  could  not,  consistently  with  his  duty,  give 
a  clearance  until  the  ship  was  discharged  of  those 
articles.  The  vessel  could  not  have  gone  to  sea;  for 
on  this  day  Hutchinson  wrote,  K  It  is  notorious  that 
the  ship  cannot  pass  the  castle  without  a  permit  from 
the  governor,  for  which  a  fee  had  been  granted  by  a 
province  law  in  force  more  than  seventy  years."  He 
said  that  he  would  willingly  call  the  council  together; 
but  he  reasoned,  w  To  cause  them  to  be  convened,  and 
to  obtain  no  other  advice  from  them  than  they  gave 
before,  would  tend  to  strengthen  and  confirm  the 
people  in  their  extravagances."  As  he  mused  on  the 
drifting  of  the  current,  he  wrote,  in  a  private  letter 
to  Lord  Dartmouth,  "Before  the  peace,  I  thought 
nothing  so  much  to  be  desired  as  the  cession  of 
Canada.  I  am  now  convinced,  that,  if  it  had  re- 
mained to  the  French,  none  of  this  spirit  of  opposi- 
tion to  the  mother-country  would  have  yet  appeared; 
and  I  think  the  effects  of  it  worse  than  all  we  had 
to  fear  from  the  French  or  Indians."  Such  was  the 
mental  mood  of  the  representative  of  George  III.,  on 
whose  decision,  the  next  day,  hung  such  vast  issues. 

Thursday,  the  sixteenth  of  December,  was  by  far 
the  most  momentous  in  the  annals  of  Boston.1     The 

1  Bancroft,  vi.  484. 


DESTRUCTION   OF   THE    TEA.  273 

eyes  of  the  patriots  of  the  other  colonies  were  upon  it; 
or,  more  precisely,  the  committees  of  correspondence, 
the  representatives  of  a  national  party,  were  looking 
with  anxiety,  perhaps  with  lurking  doubt,  to  see  how 
the  branch  of  the  party  in  Boston  would  act  in  the 
crisis.  To  say  nothing  of  letters  received  by  its  com- 
mittee which  the  public  did  not  see,  there  appeared 
in  the  journals  of  this  morning,  matter  which  could 
not  fail  to  influence  public  opinion,  —  renewed  assur- 
ances that  not  a  chest  of  tea  would  be  allowed  to 
be  landed  in  ISew  York  or  Philadelphia,  —  evidences 
that  the  same  spirit  animated  the  patriots  of  South 
Carolina:  and  it  was  the  injunction  from  abroad, 
repeated  in  line  upon  line,  both  by  the  interior  towns 
of  the  province  and  from  the  remote  colonies,  for  the 
town  to  be  firm  and  resolute.  To  meet  these  expec- 
tations required  an  uncommon  work.  Thus  far  the 
popular  leaders  had  found  moral  force,  —  public  opin- 
ion embodied  in  petition,  remonstrance,  and  resolves, 
—  adequate  to  every  exigency ;  and,  notwithstanding 
occasional  disturbances  of  the  peace,  which  were 
always  deplored,  the  patriots  had  been  as  true  to 
the  idea  of  order  as  they  had  been  faithful  to  the 
cause  of  liberty.  Two  months'  efforts,  however,  only 
procured,  as  to  the  consignees,  a  repetition  of  the 
original  rough  and  peremptory  answer,  w  No  resigna- 
tion;"1 and,  as  to  the  teas,  a  flat  refusal  to  return 
them.  It  was  plain  that  action  which  would  meet  the 
demand  of  the  patriots,  united  as  they  never  were 
before,2  involved  a  departure  from  the  line  of  law, 
and  hence  a  revolutionary  deed. 

It  was   necessary  also  that  the  action  should  be 

i  Letter  of  Samuel  Cooper,  Dec.  17,  1773.  2  lb. 


274  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN". 

immediate.  The  twenty  days  allowed  to  one  of  the 
ships,  the  w  Dartmouth,"  for  a  clearance,  were  out  this 
day ;  after  which,  as  the  popular  leaders  had  grounds 
for  believing,  the  revenue  officials  would  take  pos- 
session of  her,  and  land  the  teas  under  cover  of  a 
naval  force;  and  opposition  to  this  would  inaugurate 
a  work  of  blood.  Though  it  might  have  been  clear 
that  the  hour  for  civil  war  had  not  come,  yet  it  was 
evident  that  public  duty  required  an  effectual  resist- 
ance to  the  landing  of  the  teas,  even  though  this 
might  require  their  destruction;  and  though  their 
destruction  might  prove  the  passage  of  an  American 
Rubicon.  The  patriots  would  gladly  have  avoided 
the  stern  work  before  them,  if  they  could  have  done 
it  with  honor.  But  submission  and  a  violation  of 
their  pledges  were  not  to  be  thought  of  for  a  moment ; 
and  it  was  resolved  to  follow  the  only  course  that 
would  meet  the  case  thoroughly.  The  considera- 
tions seem  to  be  of  a  weighty  character.  The  closer 
the  train  of  events  is  scanned  the  more  fully  will  it 
appear  that  the  patriots  did  not  proceed  blindly 
in  the  work  they  were  upon;  but,  as  if  they  had  a 
forecast  of  the  consequences  that  were  to  flow  from 
their  action,  they  conducted  in  what  went  before  it  in 
such  manner,  that,  conscious  that  their  hands  were 
void  of  offence,  they  might  after  it  not  only  be  pro- 
nounced free  from  the  imputation  involved  in  doing 
a  deed  of  sedition,  but  be  judged  worthy  of  the 
precious  verdict  rendered  to  those  who  faithfully 
serve  their  country. 

The  day  was  rainy;  no  hand-bills  are  named  as 
having  been  posted  in  the  streets,  and  no  rally- words 
are  seen  in  the  journals;  but  the  feeling  was  general 


DESTRUCTION   OF    THE    TEA.  275 

that  something  unusual  was  about  to  occur;  for  the 
inhabitants  of  the  town  mostly  suspended  business 
and  flocked  to  the  Old  South;  and  the  people  came 
in  for  twenty  miles  around.  " ^Nearly  seven  thousand 
persons,"  it  is  said,  "  gentlemen,  merchants,  yeomen, 
and  others,  respectable  for  their  rank  and  abilities 
and  venerable  for  their  age  and  character,  constituted 
the  assembly."  It  was  remarked  there  was  a  greater 
meeting  of  the  Body  than  ever,  and  its  spirit  sur- 
prised all  those  who  viewed  the  scene. 

The  committee  chosen  to  accompany  Rotch  to  the 
collector  reported  in  detail  the  manner  in  which  the 
application  for  a  clearance  had  been  denied.  Rotch, 
by  order,  came  in,  and  was  told  that  he  was  expected 
to  make  his  protest  at  the  Custom  House,  apply  to 
the  governor  for  his  pass  to  go  by  the  castle,  and 
proceed  on  this  day  with  his  vessel  on  his  voyage  for 
London;  when  he  replied  that  it  was  impracticable  to 
comply  with  this  requirement.  He  was  told  that  the 
twenty  days  in  which  he  promised  the  Body  his 
vessel  should  sail  expired  this  day;  and,  being  asked 
whether  he  would  now  direct  the  "Dartmouth"  to 
sail,  replied  that  he  would  not.  The  meeting,  after 
directing  Eotch  to  use  all  possible  dispatch  in  mak- 
ing his  protest  and  procuring  his  pass,  adjourned 
until  three  o'clock. 

The  afternoon  proceedings  may  be  as  briefly  re- 
lated, though  the  report  occupies  over  a  column  of 
the  journals.  Information  was  given  that  several 
towns  had  agreed  not  to  use  tea;  when  it  was  voted 
that  its  use  was  improper  and  pernicious ;  and  that  it 
would  be  well  for  all  the  towns  to  appoint  committees 
of  inspection,  "  to  prevent   this   detested  tea "  from 


276  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH   "WARREN. 

coming  among  them.  It  was  moved,  "  whether  it  be 
the  sense  and  determination  of  this  body  to  abide 
by  their  former  resolutions  with  respect  to  the  not 
suffering  the  tea  to  be  landed."  Samuel  Adams, 
Thomas  Young,  and  Josiah  Quincy,  jun.,  now  made 
speeches.  I  have  met  with  only  an  extract  of  the 
address  of  the  last-named  patriot,  who  was  passion- 
ately devoted  to  the  liberty  of  his  country.  The 
hectic  flush  on  his  cheek  and  his  failing  strength, 
indicated,  too  certainly,  his  early  death.     He  said :  — 

"  It  is  not,  Mr.  Moderator,  the  spirit  that  vapors  within  these  walls 
that  must  stand  us  in  stead.  The  exertions  of  this  day  will  call  forth 
events  which  will  make  a  very  different  spirit  necessary  for  our  salva- 
tion. Whoever  supposes  that  shouts  and  hosannas  will  terminate  the 
trials  of  the  day  entertains  a  childish  fancy.  We  must  be  grossly 
ignorant  of  the  importance  and  value  of  the  prize  for  which  we  con- 
tend ;  we  must  be  equally  ignorant  of  the  power  of  those  who  have 
combined  against  us ;  we  must  be  blind  to  that  malice,  inveteracy,  and 
insatiable  revenge,  which  actuate  our  enemies,  public  and  private, 
abroad  and  in  our  bosom,  to  hope  that  we  shall  end  this  controversy 
without  the  sharpest,  the  sharpest  conflicts,  —  to  flatter  ourselves  that 
popular  resolves,  popular  harangues,  popular  acclamations,  and  popular 
vapor  will  vanquish  our  foes.  Let  us  consider  the  issue.  Let  us 
look  to  the  end.  Let  us  weigh  and  consider  before  we  advance  to  those 
measures  which  must  bring  on  the  most  trying  and  terrific  struggle 
this  country  ever  saw." 

In  reply  to  this  plea  for  moderation,  it  was  said, 
"  ~Now  that  the  hand  is  at  the  plough,  there  must  be 
no  looking  back."  At  half  past  four,  the  vote  was 
passed,  nemine  contradicente,  that  the  tea  should  not 
be  landed.  Many  desired  that  the  meeting  might  be 
dissolved,  and  motions  to  this  effect  were  made  ; 
but  it  is  related,  "Some  gentlemen  of  the  country 
informing  the  Body  that  their  several  towns  were  so 


DESTRUCTION   OF    THE    TEA.  277 

very  anxious  to  have  full  information  as  to  this  matter, 
that  they  were  quite  desirous  the  meeting  should  be 
continued  until  six  o'clock,  especially  as  Mr.  Rotch 
had  been  met  on  his  way  to  Milton  for  a  pass;"  and 
the  motions  for  a  dissolution  were  overruled. 

The  interest  now  centred  on  Thomas  Hutchinson, 
the  royal  governor,  who  was  at  his  country-seat  at 
Milton.  It  is  not  named,  that  he  had  with  him,  at  an 
unusual  place  to  be  in  on  a  winter's  day,  any  of  his 
truest  friends  or  wisest  official  advisers,  to  plead,  as 
they  did  nearly  four  years  before  in  the  case  of  the 
removal  of  the  troops,  that  he  ought  to  bow  to  public 
opinion.  He  yielded  then  to  a  demand  mostly  local; 
but  now  it  was  virtually  the  united  voice  of  America 
which  urged  that  the  technical  forms  of  law  ought  to 
be  made  to  bend  to  a  wise  expediency.  He  acted  on 
his  own  responsibility  in  this  case.  His  course  does 
not  show  one  sign  of  vacillation  from  first  to  last,  but, 
throughout,  bears  the  marks  of  clear,  cold,  passion- 
less inflexibility.  It  was  with  him  a  foregone  con- 
clusion to  refuse  the  pass.  He  had  peremptorily  said 
that,  when  the  "Dartmouth"  had  been  regularly 
cleared,  he  would  give  a  pass  for  her  to  go  to  sea, 
but  not  before;  and  he  resolved  to  adhere  to  his 
word.  "When  the  persevering  Rotch  once  more 
appeared,  to  ask  for  a  pass,  Hutchinson  did  little 
else  than  ply  questions  touching  the  intention  of  the 
people  respecting  the  teas.  Rotch  told  him  that  they 
had  no  other  intention  than  to  force  the  teas  back  to 
England,  but  that  there  might  be  some  who  desired 
that  the  vessel  might  go  down  the  harbor,  and  be 
brought  to  by  a  shot  from  the  castle;  so  that  it  might 
be  said  that  the  people  had  done  every  thing  in  their 


278  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH   WARREX. 

power  to  send  the  tea  back.  Hutchinson  caught  at 
this  straw  of  the  patriots  of  easy  virtue  with  the 
instinct  of  a  drowning  man.  He  tendered  to  Eotch  a 
letter,  addressed  to  Admiral  Montague,  commending 
ship  and  goods  to  his  protection,  if  Eotch  would 
agree  to  have  his  ship  haul  out  into  the  stream;  but 
he  replied  that  none  were  willing  to  assist  him  in 
doing  this,  and  the  attempt  would  only  subject  him 
to  the  resentment  of  the  people.  Hutchinson  re- 
volved anew  the  idea  of  the  destruction  of  the  tea; 
but,  he  says,  "  nobody  suspected  this  until  an  attempt 
should  be  made  to  land  the  tea."  He  sternly  repeated 
his  former  refusal  to  grant  a  pass.  He  said,  "To 
have  granted  a  pass  to  a  vessel  which  1  knew  had  not 
been  cleared  at  the  Custom  House,  would  have  been 
a  direct  countenancing  and  encouraging  the  violation 
of  the  acts  of  trade."  With  this  answer  passed  his 
last  opportunity  for  concession.  Seldom  in  human 
affairs  have  greater  issues  hung  on  so  narrow  a  point. 
Seldom  has  a  decision  been  more  fatal  to  reputation. 
It  is  the  judgment  of  a  candid  British  historian,  that 
concession  was  unwisely  denied.1 

Eotch,  about  sunset,  left  Milton,  and  went  directly 
to  the  Old  South,  now  dimly  lighted  with  candles, 
and  crowded  with  patriots  anxious  to  hear  from  the 
governor.  It  was  nearly  six  o'clock,  and  quite  dark, 
when  Eotch  re-appeared  in  the  assembly,  and  related 
the  result  of  his  visit  to  the  governor.  The  people 
gave  vehement  huzzas ;  and  the  cry  arose,  "  A  mob ! 
a  mob!"  The  call  to  order  rose  above  all  other 
cries,  and  it  was  heeded.      One  of  the  patriots,  Dr. 

1  Lord  Mahon,  vi.  2,  says  that  concession  was  unwisely  declined  by  the 
governor. 


DESTRUCTION   OF   THE    TEA.  279 

Young,  now  said  that  Rotch  was  a  good  man,  who 
had  done  all  in  his  power  to  gratify  the  people;  and 
charged  them  to  do  no  hurt  to  his  person  or  property. 
The  final  question  was  calmly  put  to  him,  "  Whether 
he  would  send  his  vessel  back  with  the  tea  in  her, 
under  the  present  circumstances?"  This  was  his 
answer:  "He  could  not  possibly  comply,  as  he  appre- 
hended a  compliance  would  prove  his  ruin."  He  also 
admitted,  that,  if  called  upon  by  the  proper  persons, 
he  should  attempt  to  land  the  tea  for  his  own  secu- 
rity. Samuel  Adams  then  gave  the  word,  "This 
meeting  can  do  nothing  more  to  save  the  country." 
At  this  signal,  a  number  of  resolute  men  appeared 
at  the  door  of  the  church,  sounded  a  warwhoop, 
which  was  answered  from  the  galleries,  when  they 
passed  on.  Silence  was  immediately  commanded,  a 
peaceable  demeanor  was  enjoined,  and  the  meeting 
preserved  its  order  to  its  close.  The  great  purpose 
of  all  its  pleadings  and  proceedings  had  been  to 
devise  means  to  preserve  the  tea  without  its  being 
saleable ;  but,  no  one  being  able  to  suggest  any  plan 
for  effecting  this  object,  the  meeting,  with  great 
cheering,  was  dissolved. 

The  band  who  sounded  the  warwhoop  had  their 
faces  disguised,  wore  blankets  and  other  Indian 
costume,  and  carried  hatchets.  They  were  called 
Mohawks.  The  numbers  have  been  variously  esti- 
mated, being  stated  at  from  thirty  to  sixty.1  John 
Adams  says,  "Depend  upon  it,  they  were  no  ordi- 
nary Mohawks;"2  but  he  does  not  give  the  names 

1  Bancroft,  vi.  486,  names  "  forty  or  fifty."  In  the  "  Memoir  of  Hewes  "  are 
the  names  of  fifty -eight.  One  Charlestown  man,  who  is  not  named,  was  of  the 
party.     Dr.  Young  and  Paul  Revere  are  on  the  list,  though  not  Warren. 

2  John  Adams's  Works,  ii.  334.  * 


280  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH   WARKEX. 

of* any  of  the  party;  and  it  is  doubtful  whether 
more  than  few  of  them  have  ever  been  authentically 
identified.  They  came  from  a  room  in  the  rear  of 
Edes  and  Gill's  printing-office,  on  Queen,  now  Court, 
Street,  at  the  corner  of  Brattle  Street.  As  they 
passed  by  the  Old  South,  numbers  naturally  joined 
them;  and  the  throng  went  directly  to  Griffin's 
Wharf,  where  the  three  ships  lay  that  contained  the 
teas.  They  had  been  vigilantly  guarded  from  the 
hour  of  their  anchorage  in  the  harbor.  At  nine 
o'clock  of  the  night  on  which  the  "Dartmouth" 
arrived,  and  even  as  she  lay  under  the  stern  of  the 
admiral's  sixty-four  gun  ship,  a  guard  of  twenty- 
five  men  went  on  board;  and  thus  sharply  had  the 
three  vessels  been  watched,  day  and  night,  to  prevent 
the  teas  in  them  being  landed.1  Bernard  says,  "  Mr. 
Hancock,  the  governor's  captain  of  the  Cadet  Com- 
pany, was  one  of  the  guard  on  board  the  ships."2 
The  body  of  the  people  who  had  composed  the  great 
meeting  repaired  to  the  wharf,  and  stood  in  silence 
around  the  guard. 

The  party,  "  whooping  like  Indians,"  the  writer  of 
the  "  Dartmouth's  "  journal  says,  "  came  on  board  the 
ship ;  and,  after  warning  myself  and  the  custom-house 
officer  to  get  out  of  the  way,  they  unlaid  the  hatches 
and  went  down  the  hold,  where  were  eighty  whole  and 
thirty-four  half  chests  of  tea,  which  they  hoisted  upon 
deck,  and  cut  the  chests  to  pieces,  and  hove  the  tea 

1  In  the  "  Memoir  of  Hewes  "  are  citations  from  "  the  original  of  the  journal 
of  the  "  Dartmouth." 

2  Bernard's  MS.  Huchinson,  Dec.  14,  says  of  the  watch,  "I  sent  for  the 
colonel  of  the  regiment,  and  acquainted  him  he  ought  to  suffer  none  of  his  men 
to  appear  in  arms  but  by  authority  derived  from  me.  He  consulted  with  the 
other  field  officers,  and  made  return  that  it  was  not  in  their  power  to  restrain 
the  men  from  appearing  on  this  occasion." 


DESTRUCTION   OF   THE    TEA.  281 

all  overboard,  where  it  was  damaged  and  lost."  I 
have  not  met  with  any  thing  so  particular  as  to  the 
other  ships.  Notwithstanding  the  whoop,  mentioned 
to  have  been  given  when  the  party  went  on  board, 
they  proved  themselves  quiet,  orderly,  and  systematic 
workers;  the  parties  in  the  ships  doing  faithfully  the 
part  assigned  to  them.  In  about  three  hours,  they 
broke  open  three  hundred  and  forty-two  chests  of 
tea,  and  cast  their  contents  into  the  water.  There 
was  no  interference  with  them ;  no  person  was 
harmed;  no  other  property  was  permitted  to  be  in- 
jured ;  and  no  tea  was  allowed  to  be  purloined. 
There  is  much  anecdote  illustrative  of  these  facts; 
but  I  have  not  space  to  relate  it.  "  The  whole  was 
done  with  very  little  tumult,"  Hutchinson  says.  "All 
things  were  conducted  with  great  order,  decency,  and 
with  perfect  submission  to  government,"  wrote  John 
Adams.1  "We  do  console  ourselves  that  we  have 
acted  constitutionally,"  is  the  remark  of  John  Scol- 
lay.2  The  inquirer  will  seek  in  vain  in  this  deed  for 
the  tiger-like  growl  of  an  infuriated  mob.  It  was 
action  performed  out  of  a  sense  of  duty.  The  town 
was  never  more  still  of  a  Saturday  night  than  it  was 
at  ten  o'clock  of  that  memorable  evening.8  The  men 
from  the  country  carried  great  news  to  their  villages.4 
Joy  as  for  a  great  deliverance  now  instinctively 
thrilled  the  American  heart.  "  You  cannot  imagine," 
Samuel  Adams  wrote,  w  the  height  of  joy  that 
sparkles  in  the  eyes  and  animates  the  countenances 
as  well  as  the  hearts  of  all  we  meet  on  this  occa- 
sion."5—  "This,"  John  Adams  says,  "is    the    most 

i  Letter,  Dec.  17,  1773.  2  Letter,  Dec.  23,  1773.  8  John  Adams. 

4  Bancroft,  vi.  486.  6  Letter,  Dec.  31,  1773. 


282  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH  WABREX. 

magnificent  movement  of  all.  There  is  a  dignity,  a 
majesty,  a  sublimity,  in  this  last  effort  of  the  patriots 
that  I  greatly  admire.  .  .  .  This  destruction  of  the  tea 
is  so  bold,  so  daring,  so  fixed,  intrepid,  and  inflexible, 
and  it  must  have  so  important  consequences *  and  so 
lasting,  that  I  cannot  but  consider  it  an  epocha  in 
history."2  —  "We  are  in  a  perfect  jubilee,"  wrote  a 
New- York  Whig,  who  happened  to  be  in  Boston, 
saying  that  the  proceedings  were  w  lenient  and  regu- 
lar to  the  last : "  —  w  The  spirit  of  the  people  through- 
out the  country  is  to  be  described  by  no  terms  in  my 
power.  Their  conduct  last  night  surprised  the  admi- 
ral and  English  gentlemen,  who  observed  that  these 
were  not  a  disorderly  rabble  (as  they  have  been 
represented),  but  men  of  sense,  coolness,  and  intre- 
pidity. I  am  obliged  to  conclude  abruptly,  wishing 
my  beloved  countrymen  in  New  York  may  be  as 
resolute  and  successful  as  the  brave  Bostonians,  who, 
in  spite  of  opposition  and  calumny,  are  an  honor  to 
mankind."8 

The  people  of  the  other  colonies  expressed  like  joy 
on  the  reception  of  the  news  of  the  destruction  of  the 

1  Verses  in  the  "New-Hampshire  Gazette,"  Sept.  12,  1776,  commence:  — 

"  What  discontents,  what  dire  events, 
From  trifling  things  proceed  ? 
A  little  Tea,  thrown  in  the  sea, 
Has  thousands  caused  to  bleed." 

Robert  Burns  has  the  following,  in  a  song  to  the  tune  of  "  Gillicrankie  ": — 

"  When  Guilford  good  our  Pilot  stood, 
An'  did  our  hellim  thraw,  man, 
Ae  night,  at  tea,  began  a  plea, 
AVithin  America,  man : 

Then  up  they  gat  the  maskin-pat,* 

And  in  the  sea  did  jaw,t  man ; 
An'  did  no  less,  in  full  congress, 

Than  quite  refuse  our  law,  man." 

2  Adams's  Works,  ii.  323.  8  Evening  Post,  Jan.  3,  1774. 

*  Teapot.  t  Jerk. 


DESTRUCTION   OE   THE   TEA.  283 

tea.  In  New  York,  "  when  the  inhabitants  received 
the  intelligence,  they  were  in  high  spirits ;  vast  num- 
bers of  the  people  collected "  and  "  highly  extolled  the 
Bostonians:"1  in  Philadelphia,  the  news  was  received 
"with  the  ringing  of  bells  and  every  sign  of  joy 
and  universal  approbation;"  a  great  public  meeting 
voted  "the  most  perfect  approbation,  with  universal 
claps  and  huzzas;"  and  all  "rejoiced  that  the  virtue 
of  Boston  appeared  firm  and  triumphant."2  North 
Carolina  gave  the  inspiring  assurance,  that  the  act 
was  the  only  remedy  left  to  save  the  colonies  from 
destined  slavery;  and  that  the  actors,  besides  the 
satisfaction  arising  from  a  conscientious  discharge  of 
duty  due  to  posterity,  had  the  approbation  of  the 
whole  continent. 

This  generoujs  judgment  is  in  the  spirit  of  frater- 
nity out  of  which  grew  the  American  Union.  Facts 
show  that  there  was  the  same  spirit  in  all  the  thirteen 
colonies, — that  any  of  the  East-India  Company's  ships 
would  have  been  met  in  the  same  determined  manner. 
Circumstances  devolved  on  the  patriots  of  Massa- 
chusetts the  duty  of  meeting  the  first  tea  importation. 
They  were  presented  with  a  bitter  cup,  which  they 
would  have  refused,  could  they  have  done  it  honor- 
ably. A  community  of  easy  political  virtue,  by  choos- 
ing the  policy  of  non-action,  would  have  left  the  teas 
in  the  hands  of  the  crown-officials.  Then  the  patri- 
ots might  have  received  praise  from  the  class  who 
charged  them  with  sedition  and  rebellion,  and  doomed 
them  to  all  the  degrees  of  punishment.  But  these 
right-minded  men  felt  that  non-action  was  neglect 
of  duty;  and  they  grandly  rose  up  to  the  mark  of  a 

i  Boston  Gazette,  Jan.  3,  1774.  2  lb.,  Jan.  24,  1774. 


284  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

rare  opportunity.  A  prompt  home-criticism  reads, 
"The  people  have  been  mild  and  considerate;  they 
have  been  temperate  and  patient.  "When  their  mild- 
ness was  called  timidity,  and  their  consideration  want 
of  courage,  they  did  not  cease  to  reason  and  entreat. 
When  their  temperance  was  treated  with  insult,  and 
their  patience  with  contempt,  they  felt  the  injury, 
though  they  stayed  their  vengeance.  When  the  situ- 
ation of  public  affairs  called  them  to  resolve  upon 
their  danger  and  duty,  they  were  unanimous  and 
determined;  and  when  the  exigency  of  the  times 
increased,  and  resolutions  alone  were  vain,  they  pro- 
ceeded to  action  with  order  and  discretion,  and 
executed  the  only  remaining  duty  without  unneces- 
sary outrage  and  intemperate  revenge."1 

1  Boston  Gazette,  Dec.  20,  1773,  in  an  article  signed  "  Marchmont  Nedham," 
written  by  Josiah  Quincy,  jun.  John  Adams  (Works,  ii.  324)  vindicated  the 
destruction  of  the  tea,  contending  that  it  was  absolutely  necessary.  His  words 
are :  The  patriots  "  could  not  send  it  back.  The  governor,  admiral,  collector 
and  comptroller  would  not  suffer  it.  It  was  in  their  power  to  have  sent  it,  but 
in  no  other.  ...  To  let  it  be  landed  would  be  giving  up  the  principle  of  taxation 
by  parliamentary  authority,  against  which  the  continent  had  struggled  for  ten 
years." 

A  curious  pamphlet  of  the  time  is  entitled,  "  The  Wonder  of  Wonders,"  &c, 
purporting  to  be  an  account  of  the  appearance  of  an  angel,  devil,  and  ghost,  to  a 
gentleman  of  the  town  of  Boston,  on  the  nights  of  the  14th,  15th,  and  16th  of  Octo- 
ber, 1773,  as  he  related  the  affair  to  one  of  his  neighbors,  on  the  morning  of  the 
last  visitation.  It  was  designed  as  a  warning  to  all  those  who,  to  aggrandize 
themselves,  entail  wretchedness  on  millions  of  their  fellow-creatures.  It  has 
four  plates  :  1.  Devil.  2.  An  angel,  with  sword  in  one  hand,  and  a  pair  of  scales 
in  the  other.  3.  Beelzebub,  holding  in  his  right  hand  a  folio  book,  and  in  his 
left  a  halter.  4.  A  ghost,  having  on  a  white  gown,  his  hair  much  dishevelled. 
This  pamphlet  has  a  strain  of  remark,  quite  sensible,  on  the  destruction  of  the 
tea,  which  concludes,  "  Therefore,  when  every  legal  method  made  use  of  for 
returning  that  pernicious  and  destitute  commodity  had  proved  abortive,  a  num- 
ber of  Indians  from  Natick  and  elsewhere  came  in  the  night  and  demolished  it." 

Hutchinson  (Jan.  2,  1774)  took  the  following  commercial  view  of  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  tea :  "  Our  liberty  men  had  lost  their  reputation  with  Philadelphia 
and  New  York,  having  been  importers  of  teas  from  England  for  three  or  four 
years  past,  notwithstanding  the  engagements  they  had  entered  into  to  the  con- 


DESTRUCTION    OF   THE    TEA.  285 

It  is  praise  enough  to  say  of  Warren,  that  he 
is  seen  constantly  by  the  side  of  Samuel  Adams 
through  the  whole  of  these  interesting  occurrences. 
His  name  is  found  on  the  petitions  for  town-meetings, 
and  on  nearly  all  the  committees  of  the  public  assem- 
blies. He  was  presented  to  the  privy  council  as  one 
of  the  prominent  actors  in  these  proceedings,  and 
was  held  up  by  his  political  opponents  at  home  as  one 

trary.  As  soon  as  the  news  came  of  the  intended  exportation  of  teas  of  the 
East-India  Company,  which  must  of  course  put  an  end  to  all  trade  in  teas  by 
private  merchants,  proposals  were  made  both  to  Philadelphia  and  New  York  for 
a  new  union,  and  they  were  readily  accepted ;  for,  although  no  teas  had  been 
imported  from  England  at  either  of  those  places,  yet  an  immense  profit  had 
been  made  by  the  importation  from  Holland,  which  would  entirely  cease  if  the 
teas  from  the  East-India  Company,  should  be  admitted.  This  was  the  considera- 
tion which  engaged  all  the  merchants." 

A  Tory  pamphlet,  1775,  entitled  "A  Few  Remarks,"  on  the  Continental 
and  Provincial  Congress  of  1774,  ascribes  "  the  great  misery  "  of  the  time  to 
the  opposition  to  the  tea  duty,  and  thus  characterizes  the  destruction  of  the  tea  : 
"An  action  of  such  a  gross,  immoral  nature  as  cannot  be  justified  upon  the  prin- 
ciples of  equity  or  policy ;  an  action  which  laid  the  foundation  for  the  miseries 
and  calamities  we  are  now  groaning  under;  an  action  of  such  a  malignant, 
atrocious  nature  as  must  expose  the  wicked  perpetrators  of  it,  without  sincere 
repentance,  to  the  vengeance  of  that  being  who  is  a  God  of  order,  not  of  con- 
fusion ;  and  who  will  punish  all  thieves  as  well  as  liars  in  the  lake  which  burns 
with  fire  and  brimstone." 

Another  pamphlet,  entitled  "  A  Friendly  Address  to  all  Reasonable  Amer- 
icans," &c,  1774,  contains  comments  on  the  destruction  of  the  tea.  The  follow- 
ing shows  its  tone  :  "  Now  the  crime  of  the  Bostonians  was  a  compound  of  the 
grossest  injury  and  insult.  It  was  an  act  of  the  highest  insolence  towards 
Government,  such  as  mildness  itself  cannot  overlook  or  forgive.  The  injustice 
of  the  deed  was  also  most  atrocious,  as  it  was  the  destruction  of  property  to  a 
vast  amount,  when  it  was  known  that  the  nation  was  obliged  in  honor  to  protect 
it.  At  the  same  time,  it  was  very  notorious  that  the  intention  of  the  perpetra- 
tors was  by  this  example  to  lead  and  excite  others,  when  the  expected  oppor- 
tunity should  present,  to  the  same  wanton  excess  of  riot  and  licentiousness." 

The  quarrel  with  America  was  stated  in  the  following  way,  in  a  London 
Rhyme  copied  into  "Moore's  Diary,"  under  the  date  of  Nov.  10,  1775:  — 

"  Rudely  forced  to  drink  tea,  Massachusetts  in  anger 
Spills  the  tea  on  John  Bull,  —John  falls  on  to  bang  her, 
Massachusetts  enrag'd,  calls  her  neighbors  to  aid, 
And  gives  Master  John  a  severe  bastinade '. 
Now,  good  men  of  the  law !  pray  who  is  in  fault, 
The  one  who  begins,  or  resists  the  assault?  " 


286  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

of  the  Mohawks.  He  was  not  one  to  shrink  from 
any  post  of  duty;  and  it  is  not  more  improbable  that 
he  was  one  of  the  band  who  threw  the  tea  overboard, 
than  that  his  friend,  John  Hancock,  should  have  been 
one  of  the  guard  who  protected  the  actors. 

Warren,  in  the  progress  of  events,  was  soon  called 
into  wider  fields  of  action;  and  other  records,  with 
the  luminous  annals  of  Boston,  bear  to  posterity  simi- 
lar "  testimonials  of  his  accomplishments  as  a  states- 
man, and  his  integrity  and  services  as  a  patriot."1 

1  Perez  Morton's  Eulogy. 


THE   PORT  ACT   AND   THE   UNION.  287 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  BOSTON  PORT  ACT  AND  THE  AMERICAN  UNION. 

Warren's  Letters.  —  Effect  of  the  Destruction  of  the  Tea. — i 
The  Boston  Port  Act  :  its  Reception  in  Boston  ;  in  the  Colo- 
nies. —  The  Demand  for  a  Congress.  —  The  Progress  of  Union. 

December,  1773,  to  June,  1774. 

"I  ever  scorned  disguise:  I  think  I  have  done  my 
duty,"1  Warren  wrote,  after  valuable  service  in  the 
uprising  of  the  great  day  of  Lexington  and  Concord; 
and  these  words  may  indicate  the  frankness  and 
fidelity  with  which  he  counselled  and  acted  with  the 
popular  leaders  through  the  period  of  sullen  discon- 
tent which  began  on  the  passage  of  the  Townshend 
Bevenue  Bill,  and  ended  on  the  destruction  of  the 
tea.2  The  direct  sequence  of  this  event  was  severe 
penal  legislation,  which  was  the  proximate  cause  of 
the  [Revolutionary  War.  Warren's  spirit  rose  with  the 
rising  storm.  His  letters,  both  private  and  official, 
written  without  a  thought  of  effect,  delineate  uncon- 
sciously much  individual  character'  which  imprints 
itself  on  the  reader's  mind.  These  unstudied  utter- 
ances, rich  in  thought  and  feeling,  reveal  his  inner 
life  and  the  secret  of  his  personal  influence.     They 

i  Warren  to  General  Gage,  Cambridge,  April  20,  1775. 

2  Dr.  Belknap  says  that  there  succeeded  from  1767  a  period  of  sullen  discon- 
tent, which  came  to  an  end  on  the  16th  of  December,  1773,  in  the  bold  act  of 
destroying  the  tea  in  Boston  harbor.     This  brought  on  the  war. 


288  LIFE    OP   JOSEPH   WAUKE^. 

show  devotion  to  principle,  love  of  liberty  with  fidelity 
to  order,  and  large  sympathetic  power.  They  are  far 
more.  They  are  gushings  of  the  warm  lifeblood  of 
the  time,  —  sibylline  leaves,  on  which  are  inscribed 
glowing  characters,  to  be  read  and  to  enkindle  ever- 
more. 

The  official  letters  are  so  numerous  as  to  preclude 
the  printing  of  more  than  a  selection.  One  of  the 
private  letters  of  this  period  was  addressed  to  Arthur 
Lee,  who  was  in  London,  and  is  dated  five  days  after 
the  tea  was  destroyed.  In  this  letter,  "Warren  ex- 
presses the  opinion,  that,  unless  there  was  a  change 
in  the  policy  of  the  Administration,  Americans  would 
be  as  indifferent  to  the  interest  of  the  mother-country 
as  to  that  of  any  other  European  nation. 

Joseph  Warren  to  Arthur  Lee. 

Boston,  Dec.  21st,  1773. 
Sir,  —  My  respected  friend,  Mr.  Adams,  informs  me  of  the  honor  he 
has  done  me  by  mentioning  my  name  to  you  in  his  letters.  I  can  by 
no  means  lose  so  fair  an  opportunity  of  opening  a  correspondence  with 
one  to  whom  America  is  under  such  great  obligations.  Be  assured,  sir, 
we  are  not  insensible  to  your  merits.  The  clear  manner  in  which  you 
have  treated  the  dispute  between  Great  Britain  and  this  country  has, 
we  doubt  not,  enlightened  many  in  the  parent  State  as  well  as  in  this 
country.  But  nothing  seems  able  to  penetrate  the  Egyptian  darkness 
which  is  so  palpable  in  the  court  atmosphere.  We  have  long  waited 
for  something  wise  and  good  in  the  public  counsels  of  the  nation ;  at 
least  we  hoped  that  chance  would  lead  to  some  measures,  which,  if  not 
so  designed,  might  eventually  have  produced  some  agreeable  effects. 
But  hitherto  the  unpropitious  star  which  rules  unhappy  Britain  has  dis- 
appointed our  wishes  ;  every  step  taken  by  the  Administration  has 
increased  the  distance  between  her  and  the  colonies ;  and  I  fear,  that, 
unless  a  speedy  alteration  is  made  in  the  system  of  American  policy,  a 
few  years  will  render  us  as  indifferent  to  the  interests  of  the  mother- 
country  as  to  that  of  any  other  State  in  Europe.     However,  as  it  is 


THE   PORT   ACT   AND    THE    UNION.  289 

my  firm  opinion  that  a  connection  upon  constitutional  principles  may- 
be kept  up  between  the  two  countries,  at  least  for  centuries  to  come, 
advantageous  and  honorable  to  both,  I  always  respect  the  man  who 
endeavors  to  heal  the  wound,  by  pointing  out  proper  remedies,  and  to 
prevent  the  repetition  of  the  stroke,  by  fixing  a  stigma  on  the  instru- 
ment by  which  it  was  inflicted.  This  country  is  inhabited  by  a  people 
loyal  to  their  king,  and  faithful  to  themselves ;  none  will  more  cheer- 
fully venture  their  lives  and  fortunes  for  the  honor  and  defence  of  the 
prince  who  reigns  in  their  hearts,  and  none  will  with  more  resolution 
oppose  the  tyrant  who  dares  to  invade  their  rights.  From  this  short 
but  true  character  of  this  people,  it  is  easy  to  see  in  what  manner  a 
wise  king  or  a  sagacious  minister  would  treat  them.     But ! 

Mr.  Adams  will  give  you  a  full  account  of  the  tea  shipped  by  the 
East-India  Company  for  this  place.  It  now  is  in  the  power  of  that 
company  to  make  the  use  of  Dutch  tea  as  unpopular  in  this  country  as 
they  can  desire.  They  may  easily,  by  a  proper  application  to  an 
all-powerful  ministry,  lay  the  colonies  under  such  obligations  as  would 
be  greatly  to  the  company's  advantage.  But  it  is  certain  the  whole 
navy  of  Britain  will  not  prevent  the  introduction  of  Dutch  tea ;  nor 
will  her  armies  prevail  with  us  to  use  the  English  tea,  while  the  act 
imposing  a  duty  on  that  article  remains  unrepealed.  I  congratulate 
you  on  the  honor  conferred  on  your  brother  by  the  city  of  London :  in 
distinguishing  merit,  they  honor  themselves. 

This  will  be  presented  to  you  by  Dr.  Williamson,  who  has  labored 
abundantly  in  the  glorious  cause  in  which  we  are  engaged.  I  hope 
soon  to  be  convinced,  that  the  freedom  I  have  taken  in  writing  to  you 
is  not  disagreeable. 

I  am,  sir,  with  great  esteem,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

Joseph  Warren.1 

1  I  copy  this  letter  from  the  "  Life  of  Arthur  Lee,"  ii.  262,  the  original  not 
being  among  the  Lee  papers  in  Harvard- College  Library. 

The  following  is  in  the  "  Boston  Gazette  "  of  Dec.  20,  1773  :  — 
"  The  brethren  of  the  Honorable  Society  of  Free  and  Ancient  Accepted 
Masons  are  hereby  notified,  that  the  Most  Worshipful  Joseph  Warren,  Esq., 
Grand  Master  of  the  continent  of  America,  intends  to  celebrate  the  Feast  of 
St.  John  the  Evangelist,  on  Monday,  the  27th  December  inst.,  at  Freemasons' 
Hall,  Boston,  where  the  brethren  are  requested  to  attend  the  festival. 
"  By  order  of  the  Most  Worshipful  Grand  Master, 

"Wm.  Hoskins,  G.  Sec. 
"  N.B.  —  Tickets  may  be  had  of  Messrs.  Nathaniel  Coffin,  jun. ;  William  Moli- 
neux,  jun. ;  and  Mr.  Daniel  Bell.     The  tables  will  be  furnished  at  two  o'clock." 

37 


290  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAKREX. 

The  records  of  the  Boston  Committee  of  Corre- 
spondence contain  evidences  of  Warren's  labor  in  the 
patriot  cause.  "Whenever  there  appears  an  enumera- 
tion of  the  members  present,  his  name  is  among 
them.  He  was  placed  (Dec.  25,  1772)  on  a  perma- 
nent working  committee,  —  one  to  draft  replies  to 
the  letters  that  were  received  from  the  towns;  the 
members  being  Samuel  Adams,  Joseph  Warren, 
Nathaniel  Appleton,  Joseph  Greenleaf,  and  Thomas 
Young.  He  was  often  put  on  special  committees. 
He  was,  for  instance,  on  a  committee  (Feb.  25,  1773) 
to  prepare  a  petition  to  the  legislature  on  the  subject 
of  the  salaries  of  the  judges,  and  the  chairman  of  the 
committee  to  present  it.  He  was  directed  to  prepare 
(Sept.  7,  1773)  a  circular  letter,  to  be  sent  out  to  the 
several  towns  in  the  province,  and  also  one  to  be  sent 
to  the  colonies.  He  was  chairman  (Nov.  9,  1773)  of 
a  committee  of  three,  to  circulate  the  proceedings 
of  the  town;  and  (Dec.  8)  of  another  committee, 
to  K  collect  and  state  in  the  public  newspapers  "  cer- 
tain things  respecting  the  East-India  Company's  tea. 
He  was  directed  (Dec.  17),  at  a  meeting  when 
Speaker  Cushing  and  Samuel  Quincy  were  called  in, 
to  frame  a  declaration  relative  to  the  tea,  and  to  draAV 
up  a  narrative  of  the  recent  proceedings.  He  was 
(Dec.  30)  on  a  committee  w  to  invite  a\  correspond- 
ence with  New  York  and  Philadelphia;"  and  was  the 
chairman  (Jan.  8,  1774)  of  a  committee  to  draft  a 
reply  to  letters  received  from  Newport  and  Ports- 
mouth, both  of  which  drafts  are  copied  into  the 
records.     I  select  the  reply  to  Newport :  — 

Boston,  Jan.  24,  1774. 
Gentlemen,  —  We  can  never  enough  adore  that  Almighty  Dis- 
poser of  events  who  has,  [as]  it  were  by  general  inspiration,  awakened 


THE   PORT   ACT   ANT>    THE    UNIONS  291 

a  whole  continent  to  a  sense  of  their  danger,  and  afforded  them  the 
needed  wisdom  and  fortitude  to  lay  hold  on  the  means  of  their  redemp- 
tion from  the  most  debasing  and  insupportable  slavery. 

The  ample  declaration  of  the  resolution  of  our  brethren  at  New- 
port, whose  example,  we  flatter  ourselves,  will  persuade  the  colonies, 
assures  us  of  the  advice  and  assistance  of  that  respectable  people, 
when  the  aid  of  either  shall  be  required. 

A  frequent  and  full  communication  of  our  sentiments  upon  every 
occasion  you  judge  requisite  will  much  gratify  us.  By  such  com- 
munication throughout  the  colonies,  the  honest  party  will  become 
initiated  in  the  necessary  means  of  recovering  and  securing  their  greatly 
infringed  rights. 

The  present  dispute  inflames  millions.  Even  in  the  infant  colony 
of  West  Florida,  we  find  the  flame  of  patriotism  kindled,  and  making 
progress.  It  behooves  us,  brethren,  to  be  steady  and  determined ;  to 
possess  ourselves  with  a  thorough  understanding  of  every  article  of  our 
invaluable  rights ;  and  to  embrace  the  opportunity,  which  cannot  be 
far  distant,  of  having  them  established  on  a  firm  foundation.  Unanim- 
ity and  harmony,  in  such  a  momentous  undertaking,  will,  with  God's 
blessing,  ensure  its  success. 

The  Province  of  New  Hampshire  seems  thoroughly  in  earnest  to 
second  their  brethren  in  every  laudable  measure  for  the  recovery  and 
security  of  their  liberty ;  and  even  the  distressed  Canadians  hope  for 
relief  from  our  exertions. 

Happy  shall  we  be,  if,  in  so  noble,  so  righteous  a  struggle,  we 
finally  prevail;   glorious,  should  we  even  miscarry. 

We  are,  gentlemen,  your  most  humble  servants, 

William  Cooper,   Clerk 

This  letter  is  one  of  the  many  utterances  which 
show  the  common  faith  in  a  righteous  cause ;  and  the 
hope  of  its  triumph  was  based  on  the  union  there 
seemed  to  be  growing  in  support  of  it  from  "the 
infant  colony  of  West  Florida"  to  "the  distressed 
Canadians."  The  thought,  wrought  into  verse,  ap- 
peared at  the  head  of  a  spirited  communication  in  the 
"Boston  Gazette:"  — 

"  From  Florida,  where  heat  intensely  reigns, 
To  where  we  sought  the  Gaul  on  icy  plains, 


292  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WAEEEN. 

One  mortal  flame  through  every  breast  may  spread, 
By  insult  prompted,  and  by  freedom  led  : 
The  two-edged  sword  may  supersede  the  pen, 
And  every  son  of  Adam  say  '  Amen.' " 

The  writer,  as  he  contemplated  the  time  when  the 
sword  might  supersede  the  pen,  said,  in  this  appeal, 
w  There  is  no  time  to  be  lost.  A  congress  or  a  meet- 
ing of  the  States  is  indispensable.  Let  the  Gordian 
knot  be  tied,  and  whatsoever  the  people  shall  do  shall 
prosper."1  The  reliance  was  not  in  the  feeble  arm 
of  a  single  colony,  but  in  a  people  united  into  a  com- 
mon nationality. 

The  view  taken  of  the  effect  of  the  destruction  of 
the  tea,  by  the  two  great  exponents  of  their  several 
parties,  Hutchinson  and  Adams,  was  essentially  the 
same.  Hutchinson  said  that  it  had  created  a  new 
union  among  the  patriots.2  Samuel  Adams  wrote, 
K  The  ministry  could  not  have  devised  a  more  effect- 
ual measure  to  unite  the  colonies.  Our  committee 
have  on  this  occasion  opened  a  correspondence  with 
the  other  New-England  colonies,  besides  New  York 
and  Philadelphia.  Old  jealousies  are  removed,  and 
perfect  harmony  subsists  between  them."3  The  act 
was  looked  upon  as  necessary  to  the  union  of  the 
colonies ;  or,  more  exactly,  to  unite  "  the  honest 
party"  or  the  national  party.  In  fine,  the  destruction 
of  the  tea  was  one  of  those  events,  rare  in  the  life  of 
nations,  which,  occurring  in  a  peculiar  state  of  public 
opinion,  serve  to  wrest  public  affairs  from  the  con- 
trol of  men,  however  wise  or  great,  and  cast  them 
into  the  irresisible  current  of  ideas.  If,  in  America, 
it  so  awakened  a  whole  continent  to  such  a  sense  of 

1  Boston  Gazette,  Dec.  27,  1773.  2  Letter,  January,  1774. 

.     3  Letter  to  James  Warren,  Dec.  28,  1773 


THE   PORT   ACT   AND   THE    UNION.  293 

danger,  that  there  seemed  to  be  a  general  inspiration, 
created  by  the  Almighty  Disposer  of  events,  in  Eng- 
land it  roused  and  angered  the  intensest  of  nation- 
alities. Even  those  classed  the  friends  of  America 
pronounced  the  act  to  be  rebellion.  Singularly 
enough,  the  only  statesman  in  power,  who  character- 
ized the  deed  accurately,  was  Lord  Dartmouth,  who 
termed  it  a  "commotion." 

As  the  destruction  of  the  tea  was  a  blow  aimed 
at  the  policy  of  the  Administration,  and  not  at  the 
national  sovereignty,  the  patriots  expected  to  see 
their  friends  vindicate  it  in  England.  It  was  long 
held,  even  by  Samuel  Adams,  that,  as  the  principle, 
which,  developed,  would  entail  arbitrary  power  in 
America,  would  undermine  public  liberty  in  England, 
the  liberal  party  there  would  persist  in  their  efforts 
until  there  was  a  change  of  measures.  This  view  is 
often  expressed  in  the  journals.  The  broadside, 
issued  in  New  York,  relating  to  the  destruction 
of  the  tea,  for  instance,  closed  with  the  following 
verse : — 

"  The  making  Boston  harbor  into  tea, 
And  those  who  made,  and  helped  to  make  it, 
The  toast  of  all  Americans  will  be  ; 
Nor  one  true  Briton  will  refuse  to  take  it."  * 

On  the  reception  of  the  same  intelligence  in  Phila- 
delphia, "  A  New  Song  "  appeared  in  the  newspapers, 
describing  the  event,  one  verse  of  which  was:  — 

"  Squash  into  the  deep  descended, 
Cursed  weed  of  China's  coast : 
Thus  at  once  our  fears  were  ended ; 
British  right  shall  ne'er  be  lost."  2 


i  Handbill  in  New- York  Hist.  Soc.  Collections. 
2  Dunlap's  Penn.  Packet,  Jan.  3,  1774. 


294  LIFE   OF   JOSEPH   WAKREN. 

Candid  Tories,  even  after  the  destruction  of  the 
tea,  conceded  that  the  people  were  as  loyal  subjects 
as  any  in  the  British  dominions.  Isaac  Royall  was 
one  of  this  class.  He  had  long  been  in  political  life, 
lived  in  princely  style  at  Medford,  a  town  about  five 
miles. from  Boston,  where,  as  a  man  of  the  world,  he 
dispensed  a  generous  hospitality.  He  had  an  uncom- 
monly wide  intercourse  with  men  of  all  parties,  and 
seems  to  have  understood  the  aims  of  his  countrymen. 
He  wrote  (Jan.  18,  1774)  to  Lord  Dartmouth  as  fol- 
lows: "I  have  been  of  His  Majesty's  Council  and 
House  of  Representatives  here  thirty  years  without 
intermission,  the  last  twenty  of  which  has  been  at  the 
council  board.  I  firmly  believe  this  people  to  be  as 
truly  loyal  to  His  Majesty,  as  cordially  affected  to  the 
illustrious  House  of  Hanover,  and  as  ardently  desirous 
that  there  may  never  be  wanting  one  of  that  august 
family  to  sway  the  British  sceptre  until  time  shall  be 
no  more,  as  any  of  his  subjects  in  all  his  extended 
dominions.  Please  to  observe,  sir,  however,  that  I 
don't  pretend  to  justify  any  disturbances  which  have 
[been] ,  although  they  are  not  more  nor  greater  per- 
haps than  often  occur  in  large  and  free  govern- 
ments."1 This  may  be  set  against  the  whole  of  the 
diatribes  of  the  lower  tier  of  Tory  scribblers.  Sam- 
uel Adams  now  said  of  the  patriots,  K  They  wish  for 
nothing  more  than  a  permanent  union  with  her  (the 
mother-country)  upon  the  condition  of  equal  liberty. 
This  is  all  they  have  been  contending  for;  and  noth- 
ing short  of  this  will  or  ought  to  satisfy  them : "  and, 
months  later,  in  October,  Washington  said  that  he 
did  not  know  a  man  in  the  colonies  who  desired  inde- 
pendence. 

i  MSS.  Mass.  Hist.  Society. 


THE   PORT   ACT   AND    THE   UNION.  295 

The  charge,  however,  continued  to  be  kept  up,  that 
the  patriots  intended  to  deny  British  sovereignty; 
that  the  destruction  of  the  tea  was  a  proof  of  it;  and 
that  an  army  was  necessary  to  retain  the  colonies  in 
subjection.  The  period  of  five  months  following  this 
act  —  December  to  May  —  was  one  of  deep  and  even 
painful  interest.  In  all  mouths  were  the  questions, 
What  measures  will  the  ministry  take?  Will  they 
destroy  the  trade  of  Boston?  Will  they  arrest  the 
popular  leaders?  Will  they  annul  the  charter  of 
Massachusetts?  Will  they  resort  to  military  rule?1 
As  solutions  of  these  questions  were  awaited,  time 
passed  heavily  on.  John  Adams  wrote  (April  9), 
"Still!  silent  as  midnight!  The  first  vessels  may 
bring  us  tidings  which  will  erect  the  crests  of  the 
Tories  again,  and  depress  the  spirits  of  the  Whigs;" 
and  such  was  the  calmness,  that  he  said,  "  There  is 
not  spirit  enough  on  either  side  to  bring  the  question 
to  a  complete  decision."2  The  calmness  was  the 
w  boding "  quiet  in  which  those  who  feel  themselves 
the  objects  of  inevitable  calamity  await  the  result  in 
anxious  silence,  uncertain  when  or  where  the  work  of 
ruin  is  to  begin,  or  by  what  means  it  is  to  be  avoided.3 

The  Tory  threat  of  introducing  an  army,  or  of 
arresting  the  popular  leaders,  did  not  stop  the  work 
of  organization  by  the  Whigs.  The  journals  said 
that  the  committees  never  had  so  much  business  on 
their  hands;  and  the  committee  of  correspondence 
was  uncommonly  active.  A  town-meeting  was  held 
in  the  spring  to  provide  for  the  annual  commemo- 
ration  of  the   massacre.      Samuel  Adams   was   the 

1  John  Adams's  Works,  ii.  324.  2  /j#  jx>  337< 

3  Reed's  Life  of  Joseph  Reed,  i.  58. 


296  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

moderator ;  "Warren,  as  the  chairman  of  the  usual 
committee,  took  the  lead  in  all  the  proceedings ; 
and  John  Hancock  delivered  the  oration  before  a 
great  assembly  of  the  citizens.  The  orator  predicted 
fresh  aggressions  on  American  freedom,  pointed  to 
union  as  the  path  of  security,  and  urged  the  people 
to  be  ready  to  take  the  field  when  danger  called.  He 
said,  "  The  committee  of  correspondence  have  done 
much  to  unite  the  inhabitants  of  the  whole  continent 
for  the  security  of  the  common  interests ; "  but  urged 
that  the  posture  of  affairs  demanded  a  general  con- 
gress, to  lay  a  firm  foundation  for  the  common  safety, 
and  the  security  of  their  rights  and  liberties.  "  Sure- 
ly," the  orator  said,  "our  hearts  flutter  no  more  at 
the  sound  of  war  than  did  those  of  the  immortal  band 
of  Persia;"  and  in  "the  most  animating  confidence 
that  the  noble  struggle  for  liberty  would  terminate 
gloriously  for  America,"  he  thanked  God  for  an  illus- 
trious roll  of  patriots  (naming  only  Samuel  Adams), 
"  whom  nothing  could  divert  from  a  steady  pursuit  of 
the  interests  of  their  country,"  who  "  were  at  once 
its  ornaments  and  safeguard,"  and  "whose  revered 
names,  in  all  succeeding  times,  would  grace  the  an- 
nals of  their  country."  The  orator  exceeded  the 
anticipations  of  his  friends ;  and  his  oration  was  pro- 
nounced "  an  elegant,  pathetic,  and  spirited  perform- 
ance."1 

Soon  after  the  5th  of  March,  William  Goddard,  the 
printer  of  the  "  Maryland  Journal,"  arrived  in  town, 
with  letters  from  the  patriots  of  Philadelphia  and 
New  York,  warmly  commending  "  the  establishment 
of  a  post-office  on  constitutional  principles,"  or  inde- 

i  John  Adams's  Works,  ii.  332. 


THE    PORT    ACT    AND    THE    UNION.  297 

pendent  of  parliament;  and  (March  15)  he  had  a 
conference  with  the  committee  of  correspondence 
on  the  subject.  The  project  was  promptly  indorsed 
by  the  members.  "Warren  was  appointed  chairman  of 
the  sub-committee  to  mature  the  action,  and  reported 
an  elaborate  letter  in  favor  of  it.  w  "When  we  con- 
sider," this  letter  says,  w  the  importance  of  a  post,  by 
which  not  only  private  letters  of  friendship  and  com- 
merce, but  public  intelligence,  is  conveyed  from 
colony  to  colony,  it  seems  proper  and  necessary  that 
such  a  one  should  be  established  as  shall  be  under 
the  direction  of  the  colonies."1  Samuel  Adams  wrote 
(March  21),  —  "The  colonies  must  unite  to  carry 
through  such  a  project;  and,  when  the  end  is  effected, 
it  will  be  a  pretty  grand  acquisition."  Mr.  God- 
dard  was  delighted  with  the  heartiness  with  which 
the  patriots  entered  into  this  measure,  and  wrote 
(March  23)  of  them  to  Mr.  Lamb,  of  New  York, 
"  For  my  part,  I  have  not  terms  to  convey  to  you  the 
sentiments  I  entertain  of  their  magnanimity,  wisdom, 
patriotism,  and  urbanity.  .  .  .  The  Southern  colonists, 
particularly  New  York,  have  great  credit  here  for  the 
part  they  have  taken  in  this  business ;  and  the  people 
are  willing  to  give  them  the  glory  of  originating  one 
of  the  greatest  plans  that,  as  they  say,  was  ever  en- 
gaged in  since  the  settlement  of  our  country."2  The 
journals  contain  much  matter  relative  to  the  progress 
of  what  is  termed  this  K  grand  design."  In  announc- 
ing the  intelligence  that  the  British  ministry  had  dis- 
missed Franklin  from  the  office  of  postmaster-general, 
the  "  Gazette "   (April  25,  1774)  said,  "  Kemarkable 

1  MSS.  of  Journals  of  Committee  of  Correspondence. 

2  Lamb  Papers  in  the  archives  of  the  New- York  Hist.  Society. 

38 


298  LIEE    OP   JOSEPH   WAEREN. 

coincidence  between  the  measures  of  the  Americana 
and  the  measures  of  the  British  Administration. 
"While  the  ministry  are  dismissing  the  postmaster- 
general  from  his  place,  the  Americans  are  dismissing 
the  office  for  ever.  The  designs  of  Providence  and 
the  policy  of  Britain,  from  the  beginning,  have  co- 
operated to  accelerate  that  amazing  velocity  with 
which  the  ball  of  empire  rolls  to  this  western  world ! " 
The  reports  from  the  mother-country,  in  March, 
showed  that  the  event,  —  the  destruction  of  the  tea, 
—  which  had  given  an  impetus  to  American  union, 
was  stirring  profoundly  the  English  mind.  Still  all 
was  uncertainty  as  to  the  measures  which  might  be 
adopted.  The  transactions  at  Liberty  Tree,  Samuel 
Adams  wrote  (March  31),  "were  treated  with  scorn 
and  ridicule ;  but,  when  they  heard  of  the  resolves  of 
the  body  of  the  people  at  the  Old-South  Meeting- 
house, the  place  from  whence  the  orders  issued  for 
the  removal  of  the  troops  in  1770,  they  put  on  grave 
countenances."  He  remarked  that  no  mention  was 
made  of  America  in  the  king's  speech.  w  I  never," 
are  the  words  of  the  patriot,  w  suffer  my  mind  to  be 
ever  much  disturbed  with  prospects.  Sufficient  for 
the  day  is  the  evil  thereof.  It  is  our  duty,  at  all 
hazards,  to  preserve  the  public  liberty.  Righteous 
Heaven  will  graciously  smile  on  every  manly  and 
rational  attempt  to  secure  that  best  of  all  the  gifts  to 
man  from  the  ravishing  hand  of  lawless  and  brutal 
force."  It  continued  to  be  said  by  the  Tories,  that  an 
army  would  speedily  be  sent  to  Boston.  Three  weeks 
later,  when  the  news  was  more  alarming,  Adams 
wrote  (April  21)  to  John  Dickinson,  "May  God  pre- 
pare this  people  for  the  event,  by  inspiring  them  with 


THE   PORT   ACT   AND    THE    UNION.  299 

wisdom  and  fortitude!  They  stand  in  need  of  all  the 
countenance  that  their  sister-colonies  can  afford  them, 
with  whom  to  cultivate  and  strengthen  a  strict  union 
was  a  great  object  in  view." 

The  solemn  tone  of  this  letter  indicates  the  serious 
nature  of  the  intelligence  that  was  now  appearing 
in  the  journals  relative  to  England.  The  accounts 
printed  there  of  the  proceedings  in  Boston,  culmi- 
nating in  the  destruction  of  the  tea,  roused  a  proud 
nationality  into  so  terrific  an  energy  as  to  sweep 
before  it,  hurricane  like,  men  and  parties  ;  and  a  small 
band,  of  whom  the  sturdy  John  Cartwright,  a  Cato 
of  those  days,  was  an  exponent,  seemed  to  have  been 
the  sole  inheritors  of  the  political  ideas  of  a  Locke 
and  a  Milton,  of  an  Eliot  and  a  Hampden.  The  pro- 
duct of  this  anger  was  a  system  of  penal  measures, 
designed  for  a  people,  who,  it  was  charged,  were  not 
only  animated  by  the  spirit,  but  red  with  the  deed,  of 
rebellion. 

The  long  interval  of  suspense  in  America  termi- 
nated, when,  on  the  2d  of  May,  the  Boston  journals 
printed  the  king's  speech  transmitting  to  parliament 
the  papers  relating  to  the  transactions  of  the  town  in 
relation  to  the  tea,  and  announced  that  Lord  North 
had  moved  the  Boston  Port  Bill.  In  subsequent 
issues  they  abounded  with  citations  from  the  British 
press,  which  embodied  the  counts  in  which  the  town 
was  arraigned  at  the  bar  of  public  opinion  in  Eng- 
land. The  arrogant  philippic  was  as  severe,  and 
about  as  just,  on  the  illustrious  and  venerable  Frank- 
lin, as  it  was  on  the  glorious  town;  for  he  was  char- 
acterized as  the  emblem  of  iniquity  in  gray  hairs.  It 
was  the  sum  of  the  great  news,  that  the  ministry,  or 


300  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH   WAKEEX. 

the  nation,  were  resolved  to  enforce  their  doctrine 
of  the  right  of  the  British  Parliament  to  legislate,  in 
all  cases  whatsoever,  by  the  sword. 

Another  arrival  brought  the  Port  Act,  which  re- 
ceived the  royal  signature  on  the  31st  of  March,  and 
was  printed  in  the  Boston  journals  on  the  10th  of 
May.  It  provided  for  a  discontinuance  of  the  land- 
ing or  shipping  of  all  merchandise  at  Boston  or 
within  its  harbor.  It  was  authoritatively  announced 
that  an  army  was  on  its  way  to  Boston;  and  that 
British  ships  of  war,  by  blockading  the  town  for  a 
fortnight,  could  starve  its  people  into  submission. 
Heretofore  obnoxious  acts  of  parliament  had  borne 
on  all  the  colonies :  but  this  act  was  the  beginning  of 
a  coercive  policy  on  one  colony;  and  it  was  based 
on  the  theory,  that  jealousies  between  the  colonies, 
antagonist  interests,  and  different  modes  of  social 
life,  formed  an  insurmountable  barrier  to  any  such 
union  as  would  rise  to  the  dignity  of  national  power; 
and  that  Massachusetts,  being  left  to  struggle  alone, 
would  be  crushed. 

The  committee  of  correspondence  now  voted  to 
invite  a  conference  of  the  eight  neighboring  towns, 
to  deliberate  on  the  critical  state  of  public  affairs; 
and  "Warren  was  directed  to  prepare  the  invitation, 
which  he  immediately  reported.  He  was  also  directed 
to  draft  a  letter,  to  be  sent  to  Philadelphia.  The 
invitation  to  the  eight  towns  was  in  the  following 
terms,  which  is  copied  from  the  original  in  Warren's 
handwriting :  — 

Boston,  May  11,  1774. 
Gentlemen,  —  We   have   this   day  received   information,  that  a 
Bill  has  passed  the  two  houses  of  the  British  Parliament  for  blocking 
up  the  harbor  of  Boston  until  the  tea,  lately  destroyed  at  one  of  the 


THE  PORT  ACT  AND  THE  UNION. 


301 


wharves  in  this  town,  be  paid  for.  We  know  that  you  must  feel 
the  indignity  as  sensibly  as  we  do ;  therefore  request  that  you  would 
meet  us  In  Faneuil  Hall,  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  Thursday 
next,  that  we  may  together  consult  what  is  proper  to  be  done  in  this 
critical  state  of  our  public  affairs. 

We  are,  gentlemen,  with  much  esteem,  your  friends  and  fellow- 
countrymen.  Signed  by  direction  and  in  behalf  of  the  committee  of 
correspondence  for  Boston,  William  Cooper,  Sec. 

When  Warren  penned  this  circular,  however  it  may 
have  been  with  a  few  leading  spirits,  the  surface  of 
the  public  mind  outside  of  Massachusetts  was  calm. 
*  The  other  provinces,"  Dr.  Bamsay  remarks,  *  were 
but  remotely  aifected  by  the  fate  of  Massachusetts. 
They  were  happy,   and  had  no  cause,  on  their  own 
account,  to  oppose  the  government  of  Great  Britain;"1 
and   it  did  not  accord  with  the  selfish  maxim  that 
hitherto  had  governed  States,  for  a  people,  under  such 
circumstances,  to  run  the  risk  of  incurring  the  resent- 
ment of  the  mother-country,  by  taking  the  part  of  a 
proscribed  neighbor.2     So  undemonstrative  were  the 
other  provinces,  that  John  Adams  thought,  that,  as  it 
had  been  for  ten  years  past,  things  would  go  on  for 
more  years  than  he  would  live,  oscillating  like  a  pen- 
dulum, between  a  redress  of  American  grievances  and 
absolute   parliamentary  authority.      "Our  children," 
he  said,  "  may  see  revolutions,  and  be  concerned  and 
active  in  affecting  them,  of  which  we  can  form  no 
conception."3     It  is  well  nigh   impossible   to   exag- 
gerate the  interest  with  which  the  people  of  Boston 
and  Massachusetts  now  watched  political  movements 
in  the  other  colonies. 

In  the  afternoon  of  the  12th  of  May,  the  delegates 

i  Ramsay's  American  Revolution,  i.  113.  a  lb. 

»  Letter,  April  9,  1774,  in  Works,  ix.  337. 


302  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAKKEN. 

from  Dorchester,  Roxbury,  Brookline,  jfSTewton,  Cam- 
bridge, Charlestown,  Lynn,  and  Lexington,  assembled 
at  the  selectmen's  room,  at  Faneuil  Hall.  K  The  lowly 
men  who  now  met  there  were,  most  of  them,  accus- 
tomed to  feed  their  own  cattle;  to  fold  their  own 
sheep;  to  guide  their  own  plough;  all  trained  to 
public  life  in  the  little  democracies  of  their  towns : 
some  of  them  captains  in  the  militia,  and  officers  of 
the  church  according  to  the  discipline  of  Congrega- 
tionalists;  nearly  all  of  them  communicants,  under  a 
public  covenant  with  God.  They  grew  in  greatness 
as  their  sphere  enlarged."1  Among  them  were  pa- 
triots who  sat  in  the  council-halls  or  stood  on  the 
battle-fields  of  the  subsequent  nine  years'  struggle, 
who  were  in  the  convention  that  formed  the  Federal 
Constitution,  and  who  occupied  high  places  in  the 
new  national  government.  Modern  art  could  have 
photographed  in  this  scene  the  inner  life  of  this  trial- 
hour,  —  its  hopes  and  its  fears,  its  calm  faith,  its 
fearful  passion,  and  its  high  resolve. 

Samuel  Adams  was  chosen  to  preside  over  this 
conference.  He  was  fifty-two  years  of  age.  He  had 
labored  with  so  single  an  eye  for  his  country,  that  he 
was  crowned  with  the  laurel.  In  him  principle  was 
kindled  into  power  by  a  steady  enthusiasm;  virtue 
was  made  strong  by  an  ever-present  religion;  and 
over  all  presided  an  imperial  mental  dignity.  In 
word  and  work  he  had  been  a  truly  great  man,  noble 
in  impulse,  immovable  in  purpose,  wise  in  counsel, 
fertile  in  resources.2     So  signally  had  the  progress  of 

1  Bancroft,  vii.  35. 

2  Jefferson  (Works,  i.  21)  says,  "I  can  say  that  he  was  truly  a  great  man, 
wise  in  counsel,  fertile  in  resources,  immovable  in  his  purposes."  John  Adams's 
opinion  of  this  "  great  character  "  is  given  in  his  works,  especially  vol.  x.  864. 


THE   PORT   ACT   AKD   THE    UNION.  303 

events  vindicated  the  accuracy  of  his  judgment,  that 
patriots,  who  thought  at  times  that  he  went  too  far, 
now  conceded  that  he  had  been  in  the  right,  and  were 
paying  to  him  the  tribute  to  ability  of  coming  round 
to  a  pioneer  opinion.  He  was  a  prophet  who  had 
honor  in  his  own  country;  for  the  press  of  his  native 
town,  reflecting  public  opinion,  said  that  America,  for 
his  integrity,  fortitude,  and  perseverance  in  her  cause, 
had  erected  to  him  a  statue  in  her  heart.1  Fame  had 
sounded  his  name  abroad;  for  it  was  said  of  him  in 
England  by  his  friends,  that  many  considered  him 
the  first  politician  in  the  world;2  and  by  his  enemies 
that  he  was  the  would-be  Cromwell  of  America.3 
Each  revelation  of  his  great  pioneer  work  supplies 
fresh  evidence  of  the  justice  of  this  contemporary 
eulogy;  and  thus  time,  like  the  refiner's  fire,  brings 
out  new  lustre  in  the  halo  that  encircles  this  ven- 
erable name. 

The  utterances  of  the  patriot  were  now  like  an 
oracle.  "  There  is  no  crime,"  are  his  words,  "  alleged 
in  the  act  as  committed  by  the  town  of  Boston;4  but 
we  have  been  tried,  condemned,  and  are  to  be  pun- 
ished by  the  shutting-up  of  the  harbor  until  we  shall 
disgrace  ourselves  by  servilely  yielding  up,  in  effect, 
the  just  and  righteous  claims  of  America.5  It  is  the 
expectation  of  our  enemies,  and  some  of  our  friends 

1  Boston  Gazette,  March,  1775. 

2  Quincy's  Letter,  Dec.  7,  1774 ;  in  Life,  258. 

8  London  pamphlet,  Independence  the  Object  of  Congress.  "  It  is  necessary 
the  public  should  be  made  acquainted  with  a  very  conspicuous  character,  no  less 
a  man  than  Mr.  Samuel  Adams,  the  would-be  Cromwell  of  America."  A  Tory 
writer,  in  Draper's  "  Gazette,"  Jan.  11,  1776,  says  Samuel  Adams  had  "  an  oily 
tongue  ;  "  and  that,  "  by  artful  wiles  and  smooth  demeanor,  he  talked  the  people 
out  of  their  understandings." 

4  Letter  to  James  Warren,  May  14,  1774.  6  lb. 


304  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAEREK. 

are  afraid,  that  this  town  singly  will  not  be  able  to 
support  the  cause  under  so  severe  a  trial.  Did  not 
the  very  being  of  every  seaport  town,  and,  indeed,  of 
every  colony,  considered  as  a  free  people,  depend 
upon  it,  I  would  not  even  then  entertain  a  thought  so 
dishonorable  of  them  as  that  they  could  leave  us 
to  struggle  alone.1  The  people  generally  abhor  the 
thought  of  paying  for  the  tea,  —  the  condition  on 
which  we  are  to  be  restored  to  the  favor  of  Great 
Britain.2  The  heroes  who  first  trod  on  Plymouth 
shore  fed  on  clams  and  muscles,  and  were  contented. 
The  country  which  they  explored  and  defended  with 
their  richest  blood,  and  which  they  transmitted  as  an 
inheritance  to  their  posterity,  affords  us  a  super- 
abundance of  provision.  "Will  it  not  be  an  eternal 
disgrace  to  this  generation  if  it  should  now  be  sur- 
rendered?3 The  people  are  in  council;  their  opposi- 
tion grows  into  a  system;  they  are  united;  they  are 
resolute;  and  it  requires  but  a  small  portion  of  the 
gift  of  discernment  for  any  one  to  foresee  that  Provi- 
dence will  erect  a  mighty  empire  in  America."4 

There  is  no  report  of  the  speeches  that  were  made 
at  this  conference.  The  Boston  delegates  reminded 
their  brethren  from  the  country,  that  the  trade  of 
Boston  might  be  recovered  by  paying  for  the  tea  that 
was  destroyed ;  but  the  delegates  from  the  other  towns 
held  it  unworthy  even  to  notice  the  offer,  and  prom- 
ised, on  their  part,  to  "join  their  suffering  brethren  in 
every  measure  for  relief."  The  business  of  the  con- 
ference was  embodied  in  a  report,  drafted  by  a  sub- 
committee, on  which  were  Warren,  Colonel  Gardner 

1  Letter  to  James  Warren,  May  14,  1774.  2  Letter,  May,  1774. 

8  Letter,  May  14.  4  Letter,  May,  1774. 


THE   PORT   ACT   A^D   THE   UNTO^.  305 

of  Cambridge,  and  others,  which  pronounced  the 
Port  Act  contrary  to  natural  right  and  the  usages  of 
international  law.  The  conference  also  adopted  a 
circular  letter,  to  be  sent  to  the  committees  of  the 
other  colonies,  proposing  a  general  cessation  of  trade 
with  Great  Britain.  "  This  act,"  the  circular  says  of 
the  Port  Act,  "  fills  the  inhabitants  with  indignation. 
The  more  thinking  part  of  those  who  have  hitherto 
been  in  favor  of  the  measures  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment, look  upon  it  as  not  to  have  been  expected  even 
from  a  barbarous  State.  This  attack,  though  made 
immediately  upon  us,  is  doubtless  designed  for  every 
other  colony  who  will  not  surrender  their  sacred 
rights  and  liberties  into  the  hands  of  an  infamous 
ministry.  Now,  therefore,  is  the  time  when  all  should 
he  united  in  opposition  to  this  violation  of  the  liber- 
ties of  all." 

The  committee  of  correspondence,  on  this  day 
(May  12),  requested  the  selectmen  to  call  a  town- 
meeting,  "to  consider  the  important  and  interesting 
news  lately  received  from  England;"  when  a  warrant 
was  immediately  issued  for  one  to  be  held  at  Faneuil 
Hall.  A  great  concourse  gathered,  hundreds  who 
could  not  get  in  standing  around  the  hall  as  the  pro- 
ceedings went  on.  Samuel  Adams  was  the  mode- 
rator; Dr.  Cooper  offered  prayer;  and  his  brother, 
the  town-clerk,  read  the  Port  Act.  The  journals 
say  that  its  nature  and  tendency,  as  well  as  its 
design,  were  explained.  Dr.  Young  says,  "  The  in- 
famous act  was  read  and  descanted  upon  with  a 
freedom  and  energy  becoming  the  orators  of  ancient 
Pome;  and  no  one  hesitated  to  declare  it,  in  every 
principle,   repugnant   to   law,  religion,  and  common 

39 


306  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

sense."1  Several  judicious  and  manly  proposals,  the 
journals  say,  "were  made  to  meet. the  emergency, 
which  were  discussed  with  a  candor,  moderation,  and 
firmness  of  mind  becoming  a  people  resolved  to  pre- 
serve their  liberty."  They  were  referred  to  a  commit- 
tee to  propose  measures  for  the  relief  of  the  citizens, 
of  which  Warren  was  a  member,  to  report  at  an  ad- 
journment. This  was  the  origin  of  a  new  committee, 
called  the  donation  committee,  on  which,  as  will  be 
seen,  Warren  was  a  zealous  worker.  The  meeting 
voted  to  recommend  to  the  other  colonies  to  come 
into  a  joint  resolution  to  stop  all  trade,  importation 
and  exportation,  with  Great  Britain  and  the  West 
Indies  till  the  Port  Act  was  repealed;  and  this  was 
urged  as  a  measure  that  "would  prove  the  salva- 
tion of  ]STorth  America  and  her  liberties."  The  vote 
was  ordered  to  be  transmitted  by  the  moderator  to 
all  the  other  colonies.  After  appointing  a  committee 
to  confer  with  Marblehead,  the  meeting  adjourned. 
It  was  said  that  it  was  large  and  respectable ; 2  that 
many  who  had  been  hitherto  cool  in  the  common 
cause  distinguished  themselves  in  their  zeal  for  its 
support;3  that  its  unanimity  was  as  perfect  as  human 
society  can  admit  of.4  The  "  Gazette,"  in  reporting 
the  proceedings,  said,  "  It  appears  that  the  drift  of 
the  Administration  and  their  good  friends  in  Eng- 
land is  to  break  the  union  of  the  American  colonies ; 
and  that  devoted  Boston  shall  feel  the  unparalleled 
tokens  of  their  displeasure.  But  let  us  not  be  dis- 
mayed. Let  us  persevere  to  the  end,  and  resolve  to 
yield  our  lives  and  fortunes  before  we  will  submit  to 

1  Letter,  May  13.     Life  of  John  Lamb,  84.  2  Journals. 

3  Dr.  Young's  Letter.  4  Boston  journals. 


THE   PORT   ACT   AND   THE    UNION.  307 

the  iron  yoke  of  tyranny !  And  let  the  sacred  truth 
be  hallowed  in  the  mind  of  every  American,  ?By 
uniting,  we  stand;   by  dividing,  we  fall!'" 

"While  the  steady,  vigorous,  sensible,  and  per- 
severing Paul  Revere,1  as  "  an  express,"  was  bearing 
this  union  message  to  the  Southern  colonies,  General 
Gage,  with  an  appointment  as  governor  to  supersede 
Hutchinson,  was  at  Castle  "William,  where  he  arrived 
on  the  day  of  the  meeting.  His  instructions  directed 
him  to  arrest,  for  transportation  and  trial,  Samuel 
Adams,  Hancock,  Warren,  and  other  popular  leaders.2 
His  commission  was  extraordinary.  It  made  him 
captain-general  and  governor-in-chief  of  His  Ma- 
jesty's Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  while  he 
retained  his  authority  as  commander-in-chief  of  the 
British  forces  in  North  Amei*ica?  an(i  it  was  an- 
nounced that  an  army  would  soon  follow  him.  His 
object  was  to  procure  submission  of  the  town  and 
the  colony  to  the  constituted  authorities;  to  execute 
rigorously  the  Port  Act,  and  arrest  the  ringleaders 
of  the  people  in  the  proceedings  in  Boston  of  No- 
vember and  December. 

General  Gage  was  not  unpopular.  His  prior  inter- 
course with  the  Bostonians  had  been  agreeable,  and 
his  urbane  manners  and  social  turn  won  him  personal 
friends;  but  he  did  not  comprehend  the  men  and 
things  around  him,  and  was  fitted  neither  to  overawe 
nor  to  conciliate.  His  earliest  civil  movements  indi- 
cated weakness,  and  his  military  operations  showed 
incapacity.  But  public  affairs  were  now  at  the  mercy 
of  events :  personal  character  was  of  little  account  in 
comparison  with  the  policy  which  it  had  been  resolved 

1  Young's  Letter,  May  13.  2  Bancroft,  vii.  38. 


308  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

to  cany  out;  and  it  may  be  safely  said,  that  no  wis- 
dom in  a  subordinate  official  could  have* stayed  the 
march  of  revolution. 

Four  days  after  the  town-meeting,  General  Gage 
landed  (May  17)  at  Long  Wharf,  and  was  received 
with  unusual  marks  of  respect.  The  military,  con- 
sisting of  a  troop  of  guards,  a  regiment  of  militia,  a 
company  of  artillery,  and  the  Cadets,  under  Lieuten- 
ant-colonel Coffin,  paraded  in  King  Street ;  and, 
although  it  rained,  there  was  a  great  concourse  of 
people.  The  governor  was  received  by  the  council 
and  civil  officers,  under  a  salute  from  the  ships  and 
batteries,  and  was  escorted  to  the  Town  House  by  the 
Cadets;  receiving,  as  he  passed  the  military  array  in 
King  Street,  the  salutes  of  the  officers.  His  commis- 
sion was  read  in  the  council-chamber  and  the  usual 
oaths  administered,  when  three  volleys  were  fired  by 
the  military,  and  three  cheers  given  by  the  people; 
and  then  followed  an  elegant  dinner  in  Faneuil  Hall. 
It  had  been  reported,  that,  if  the  new  governor  were 
permitted  to  land,  he  would  be  treated  with  indignity; 
and  the  popular  leaders,  by  this  parade,  hoped  to 
remove  any  unfavorable  impressions  which  that  report 
might  have  made  as  to  the  character  and  disposition 
of  the  inhabitants.1 

Governor  Gage  proposed  several  toasts  at  the  din- 
ner in  Faneuil  Hall,- which  were  well  received;  but, 
on  naming  Hutchinson,  there  was  a  general  hiss. 
As  governor,  he  made  some  show  of  authority  on 
the  destruction  of  the  tea,  which  he  looked  upon  as 
unhappy,  and  termed  w  the  boldest  stroke  which  had 
yet  been  struck  in  America."2     On  the  next  day,  he 

1  S.  A.  Wells's  MSS.  2  Hutchinson's  History,  iii.  439. 


THE    PORT   ACT   AND    THE    UNTOST.  309 

went  from  Milton  into  town,  and  summoned  a  meeting 
of  the  council,  but  could  not  get  a  quorum;  when, 
there  being  much  excitement,  by  the  advice  of 
friends  he  took  lodgings  at  the  castle,  on  the  pre- 
tence of  visiting  his  sons.1  Three  days  later,  he 
returned  to  town,  and  met  the  council  at  Cambridge, 
when,  after  much  division  of  opinion,  it  was  con- 
cluded to  direct  the  attorney-general  to  lay  the  matter 
before  the  grand-jury.2  From  this  time  the  governor 
endeavored  to  avoid  political  controversy  with  the 
popular  leaders,  preferring  to  await  intelligence  from 
England  as  to  the  disposition  of  the  ministry.  He 
met  the  general  court  as  usual  in  January,  but  did 
not  refer  to  the  proceedings  on  the  tea  in  his  mes- 
sage. The  salary  of  the  judges  was  the  local  ques- 
tion of  the  session,  which  elicited  a  world  of  tedious 
ancient  lore  from  the  lawyers;  but  the  general  issue, 
which  the  king  pushed  to  extremities,  became  para- 
mount in  interest  and  importance.  On  the  reception 
of  the  Port  Act,  the  governor  was  charged  with 
advising  this  measure;  but  he  averred  that  he  was 
not  called  upon  for  an  opinion,  and,  if  he  had  been, 
that  he  could  never  have  brought  himself  to  have 
advised  one  so  severe  and  distressing.3  On  the 
morning  after  receiving  the  news  of  his  removal,  he 
again  changed  his  residence  to  the  castle,  where  he4 
held  consultations  with  General  Gage,  received  com- 
plimentary addresses  from  his  political  and  personal 
friends,  and  soon  (June  1)  sailed  for  London. 
On  the  day  after  the  commission  of  General  Gage 

i  Hutchinson's  History,  iii.  438.  2  lb.,  439. 

8  Letter  to  Colonel  Williams,  May  14,  1774. 
4  Hutchinson's  History,  iii.  459. 


310  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREX. 

was  proclaimed  (May  18),  the  Port-act  meeting  re- 
assembled in  Faneuil  Hall,  with  Samuel  Adams  as 
the  moderator.  The  committee  on  ways  and  means, 
to  relieve  those  who  might  suffer  from  want  of  work, 
asked  further  time  to  prepare  their  report,  and  recom- 
mended to  their  fellow-citizens  patience,  fortitude, 
and  a  firm  trust  in  God.1  After  passing  resolves 
relative  to  the  importance  of  the  trade  of  Boston,  the 
meeting  adjourned  until  the  30th.  There  was  now 
much  discussion,  in  conversation  and  by  the  press,  on 
a  proposition  to  indemnify  the  East-India  Company 
for  the  tea  that  had  been  destroyed;  and  the  subject 
was  debated  in  this  meeting.  A  letter,  written  on  the 
evening  of  this  day,  says,  "  We  have  many  among  us 
who  are  for  compromising  matters,  and  put  forward 
a  proposition  to  pay  for  the  tea.  George  Irving  has 
declared  this  day,  that,  if  it  should  be  promoted,  he 
is  ready  to  put  down  two  thousand  pounds  sterling 
towards  it,  and  will  take  it  on  himself  to  wait  on  Gov- 
ernor Gage,  and  know  what  his  demands  on  us  are; 
which  circumstance  John  Amory  mentioned  at  the 
town-meeting  this  day,  which  was  in  general  rejected, 
though  he  urged  the  matter  much."2 

w  The  town  of  Boston,"  Samuel  Adorns  wrote  on 
the  same  day,  "  now  suffers  the  stroke  of  ministerial 
vengeance  in  the  common  cause  of  America;  and  I 
hope  in  God  they  will  sustain  the  shock  with  dignity. 
They  do  not  conceive  that  their  safety  consists  in  a 
servile  compliance  of  this  barbarous  act."  Others  of 
less  faith  and  insight,  who  saw  the  cloud  blackening 
and  lowering,  but  could  not  see  the  light  behind  it, 
wrote  in  a  different  strain.     "  Imagine  to  yourself," 

1  Boston  Evening  Post,  May  23.        ■  Letter  of  John  Andrews,  May  18. 


THE   PORT   ACT   A^TD    THE    UNION.  311 

a  letter  on  the  same  day  runs,  *  the  horror  painted  on 
the  faces  of  a  string  of  slaves,  condemned  by  the 
Inquisition  to  perpetual  drudgery  at  the  oar.     Such 
is  the  dejection  imprinted  on  every  countenance  we 
meet    in    this   once   happy   but   now   totally   ruined 
town."1    Party  spirit  also  was  now  rising.    The  same 
observer  wrote,  "Such  is  the  cursed  zeal  that  now 
prevails,  —  animosities  run[ning]    higher  than   ever, 
each  party  charging  the  other  as  bringing  ruin  on 
their    country,  —  that,    unless    some    expediency    is 
adopted  to  get  the  port  open  by  paying  for  the  tea 
(which  seems  to  be  the  only  one),  I  am  afraid  we 
shall  experience  the  worst  of  evils,  —  a  civil  war,  — 
which  God  avert."2     The  military  force,  known  to  be 
near,  emboldened  the   Tories,  who  laid  the  evils  to 
the  committee  of  correspondence;  the  distress  exas- 
perated the  Whigs  to  such  a  degree  that  the  popular 
leaders  found  it  hard  to  restrain  them.     Their  feeling 
is  expressed  by  a  London  letter  in  the  journals:  "This 
accursed  tea  is  the  very  match  that  is  appointed  to  set 
fire   to   a   train   of  gunpowder   that  has  been  long, 
though  secretly,  laid  by  our  ministry  and  your  gov- 
ernor,—joint  agents  in  that  most  infernal  business 
of  destroying  the  liberties  of  three  millions  of  British 
subjects."3 

Meantime  the  Port  Act  was  doing  faithfully  the 
work  of  uniting  the  colonies;  for  the  expression  of 
indignation  and  of  sympathy  was  wide  and  spon- 
taneous. The  law  was  received  in  ]N"ew  York  directly 
from  England,  and  the  people  felt  the  wrong  done 
to  Boston  as  a  wound  to  themselves.4     It  was  circu- 

1  Letter  of  John  Andrews,  May  18.  2  lb.,  June  12. 

3  Boston  Gazette,  May  16.  *  Bancroft,  vii.  40. 


312  LITE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

lated  with  great  zeal  and  rapidity.  In  some  places 
it  was  printed  on  mourning-paper,  and  in  others  it 
was  burned  in  the  presence  of  great  collections  of 
the  people.  The  public  opinion  is  embodied  in  the 
responses  that  were  made  on  receiving  the  appeal  of 
Boston  of  the  13th  of  May.  On  the  30th,  —  when  the 
Port-act  meeting  was  continued  by  adjournment  to 
the  17th  of  June,  —  the  Boston  journals  contain  in 
full  the  information  gathered  by  Paul  Revere,  who 
had  just  returned  ;  and  it  was  said,  "  ^Nothing  can 
exceed  the  indignation  with  which  our  brethren  in 
Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  and  Philadelphia,  have 
received  this  proof  of  ministerial  madness."  The 
development  of  fraternity  seemed  to  the  Whigs 
amazing.  The  Tories  continued  sceptical  and  blind. 
Hutchinson  sailed  for  England,  in  the  belief  that  the 
people  were  so  divided  among  themselves  "that  a 
union  of  the  colonies  was  utterly  impracticable."1 
Governor  Gage  was  no  wiser;  for  he  informed  Lord 
Dartmouth  (March  31),  that,  if  the  other  colonies 
intended  to  go  any  farther  in  behalf  of  Boston  than 
giving  good  words,  it  was  not  known  here. 

On  the  1st  of  June,  the  Port  Act  went  into  effect, 
when  the  ships  of  war  were  moored  around  the  town 
in  a  manner  effectually  to  blockade  the  port.  K  Our 
enemies,"  Samuel  Adams  wrote,  K  are  already  holding 
up  to  the  tradesmen  their  grim  picture  of  misery, 
to  induce  them  to  yield  to  tyranny.  I  hope  they 
will  not  prevail  upon  them;  but  this  is  to  be  feared, 
unless  their  brethren  in  the  other  colonies  will  agree 
upon  measures  of  speedy  support  and  relief."  There 
was  another  danger,  —  that  of  premature  conflict.    w  I 

i  Life  of  Josiah  Quincy,  231. 


THE   PORT   ACT   AND    THE   UNTOX.  313 

hope,"  he  added,  "by  refraining  from  every  act  of 
violence,  we  shall  avoid  the  snare  that  is  laid  for 
us  by  the  posting  of  regiments  so  near  us.  "Violence 
and  submission  would  at  this  time  be  equally  fatal."1 
This  day  was  observed  in  "Virginia  as  one  of  fasting 
and  prayer,  and  in  Philadelphia  by  expressions  of 
mourning.  "The  Port  Act,"  Bancroft  says,  "had 
been  received  on  the  10th  of  May;  and,  in  three 
weeks,  the  continent,  as  one  great  commonwealth, 
made  the  cause  of  Boston  its  own."2 

The  committee  of  correspondence,  when  they  had 
reason  to  expect  personally  far  more  than  words  of 
detraction,  and  when  a  naval  and  military  force  were 
gathering  in  the  town,  went  on  calmly  in  their  great 
work ;  and  its  journal  presents  "Warren  as  one  of 
the  foremost  members.  He  was  placed  (May  20) 3 
on  a  committee  to  draft  the  merchants'  agreement; 
was  (May  27)  on  a  committee  to  draw  up  an  address 
to  counteract  the  addresses  that  were  presented  to 
Hutchinson;  was  the  chairman  (June  2)  of  a  com- 
mittee to  draft  a  solemn  League  and  Covenant,  and  of 
a  committee  (June  6)  —  Thomas  Young  and  Joseph 
Greenleaf  being  the  others  —  to  draft  letters  to  send 
to  the  committees  of  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Con- 
necticut, and  Rhode  Island.4  The  paper  termed  the 
League  and  Covenant,  reported  to  the  committee  on 
the  5th  of  June,  contained  a  pledge  to  suspend  all 

i  Samuel  Adams  to  Stephen  Hopkins,  May  30,  1774. 

2  Bancroft,  vii.  55. 

8  The  "  Boston  Gazette  "  of  May  23,  1774,  says,  "  By  letters  from  London, 
we  learn  that,  at  a  late  meeting  in  London  of  the  Society  for  Supporting  the  Bill 
of  Rights,  Mr.  Samuel  Adams,  the  Hon.  John  Adams,  Esq.,  and  Dr.  Joseph  War- 
ren, all  of  this  town,  were  unanimously  elected  members  of  that  society  ;  and  that 
the  proper  certificates  of  their  admission  were  ordered  to  he  sent  to  the  new 
members."  4  Journals  of  the  Committee. 

40 


314:  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREX. 

commercial  intercourse  with  Great  Britain,  and  not 
to  purchase  or  consume  any  merchandise  imported 
from  that  country  after  the  first  day  of  August.  It 
was  proposed  to  publish  the  names  of  those  who 
refused  to  sign  this  agreement.  This  League  and 
Covenant,  having  been  adopted  by  the  committee,  was 
sent  to  all  the  towns,  accompanied  with  a  spirited 
circular,  urging  the  people  to  enter  into  it,  "  as  the 
last  and  only  method  of  preserving  the  land  from 
slavery  without  drenching  it  in  blood." 

An  article  in  the  w Evening  Post"  (6th),  char- 
acterized by  Warren's  vehement  spirit,  urged  the 
adoption  of  the  League  and  Covenant  and  the  neces- 
sity of  a  congress.  "  If  the  colonies,"  it  says,  "  blind 
to  their  own  true  interest,  shall  madly  prefer  the 
present  hour  to  true  happiness,  and  will  not  fully  join 
us  in  what  we  have  a  right  to  ask,  and  they  are  bound 
by  every  consideration  in  nature  to  grant,  let  us  then 
give  up;  for,  though  I  am  for  dying  rather  than 
betray  the  rights  of  America,  yet  I  am  not  for  sacri- 
ficing the  town  for  nothing!  And,  mind  it,  O  ye 
colonies!  —  be  it  remembered  by  future  generations, — 
that  the  event  of  this  struggle  insures  happiness  and 
freedom  or  miserable  slavery  to  this  continent.  Act, 
then,  like  men.  Appoint  a  general  congress  from  the 
several  colonies.  Unite  as  a  firm  band  of  brothers, 
and  ward  off  the  evil  intended,  or  expect  the  derision 
of  schoolboys  and  the  execrations  of  posterity."  A 
communication  in  the  same  paper  also  says,  "  Before 
we  make  many  important  moves,  we  want  to  have  the 
grand  congress  or  states-general,  chosen  by  the  whole 
continent,  meet  and  form  the  union  and  the  plans  for 
operation."1 

1  Boston  Evening  Post,  June  6,  1774. 


THE    PORT    ACT    AND    THE    UNIOX.  315 

i 

The  patriots  now  entered  upon  a  week  which 
promised  to  be  marked  by  an  uncommon  interest 
in  matters  pertaining  to  the  town  and  to  the  prov- 
ince. The  general  court,  "  by  the  king's  particular 
commands,"  was  in  session  at  Salem;  and  the  gov- 
ernor had  signified  that  it  would  be  held  there  "  until 
His  Majesty  should  have  signified  his  royal  will  and 
pleasure  for  holding  it  again  at  Boston."  The  army, 
for  which  the  Tories  had  been  impatient,  began  to 
arrive,  when  the  people,  it  was  said,  would  speak  and 
act  openly.  The  local  question  was  now  industriously 
agitated  of  compensation  for  the  tea,1  and  there  was 

1  Some  of  the  most  unflinching  patriots,  having  reconciliation  in  view,  at 
first  were  in  favor  of  indemnifying  the  East-India  Company  for  the  destruction 
of  the  tea.  The  Pennsylvania  patriots  (Bancroft,  vii.  97)  advised  this  course. 
Dr.  Franklin  —  and  the  country  had  no  truer  patriot  —  sent  the  following  letter, 
dated  Feb.  2,  1774,  to  the  representatives  of  the  town  of  Boston.  This  is  copied 
from  the  papers  of  Samuel  Adams  :  — 

"  Gentlemen, — I  received  the  honor  of  your  letter,  dated  Dec.  21,  containing 
a  distinct  account  of  the  proceedings  at  Boston  relative  to  the  tea  imported  there, 
and  of  the  circumstances  which  occasioned  its  destruction.  I  communicated  the 
same  to  Lord  Dartmouth,  with  some  other  advices  of  the  same  import.  It  is 
yet  unknown  what  measures  will  he  taken  here  on  this  occasion ;  but  the  clamor 
against  the  proceedings  is  high  and  general.  I  am  truly  concerned,  as  I  believe 
all  considerate  men  are  with  you,  that  there  should  seem  to  be  any  necessity  for 
carrying  matters  to  such  extremity,  as,  in  a  dispute  about  public  rights,  to  destroy 
private  property.  This  (notwithstanding  the  blame  justly  due  to  those  who 
obstructed  the  return  of  the  tea)  it  is  impossible  to  justify  with  people  so  preju- 
diced in  favor  of  the  power  of  parliament  to  tax  America  as  most  are  in  this 
country.  As  the  India  Company,  however,  are  not  our  adversaries,  and  the 
offensive  measure  of  sending  their  teas  did  not  take  its  rise  with  them,  but  was 
an  expedient  of  the  ministry  to  serve  them,  and  yet  avoid  a  repeal  of  the  old 
Act,  I  cannot  but  wish  and  hope,  that,  before  any  compulsive  measures  are 
thought  of  here,  our  general  court  will  have  shown  a  disposition  to  repair  the 
damage,  and  return  compensation  to  the  Company.  This  all  our  friends  here 
wish  with  me ;  and  that,  if  war  is  finally  to  be  made  upon  us,  which  some 
threaten,  an  act  of  violent  injustice  on  our  part,  unrectified,  may  not  give  a 
colorable  pretence  for  it.  A  speedy  reparation  will  immediately  set  us  right  in 
the  opinion  of  all  Europe.  And  though  the  mischief  was  the  act  of  persons 
unknown,  yet,  as  probably  they  cannot  be  found  or  brought  to  answer  for  it, 
there  seems  to  be  some  reasonable  claim  on  the  society  at  large  in  which  it  hap- 


316  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH   WARREN. 

the  great  measure  of  inaugurating  a  congress:  the 
Tories  were  as  zealous  for  the  former  as  the  "Whigs 
were  for  the  latter. 

A  meeting  of  the  tradesmen  was  held  on  the  15th 
of  June,  in  which  the  question  of  paying  for  the  tea 
was  sharply  discussed.  Some  of  the  patriots  stood 
at  the  door  of  the  hall  in  which  the  meeting  was 
held,  and  opposed  such  a  step.  "  Some  smart  things," 
Dr.  Young  writes,  "were  said  pro  and  con  on  the 
subject;  but  it  clearly  appeared  the  general  sense  to 
submit  to  all  extremities  before  a  shadow  of  conces- 
sion was  extorted  from  them."  Still  the  Tories  were 
strong  enough  to  ward  off  decisive  action  and  to 
postpone  the  subject ;  and  this  fact  gave  "Warren  no 
little  uneasiness.  As  distrustful  of  his  ability  as  he 
was  anxious  for  the  cause,  he  wrote,  that  afternoon, 
the  following  letter  to  Samuel  Adams,  urging  him  to 
be  present  at  the  adjournment  of  the  Port-act  meet- 
ing, on  Friday  the  17th,  when  a  warm  engagement 
was  expected  with  the  Tories. 

pened.  Making  voluntarily  such  reparation  can  be  no  dishonor  to  us,  or  prejudice 
to  our  claim  of  rights,  since  parliament  here  has  frequently  considered  in  the 
same  light  similar  cases  ;  and,  only  a  few  years  since,  when  a  valuable  saw-mill, 
which  had  been  erected  at  a  great  expense,  was  violently  destroyed  by  a  num- 
ber of  persons,  supposed  to  be  sawyers,  but  unknown,  a  grant  was  made  out  of  the 
public  treasury  of  two  thousand  pounds  to  the  owner,  as  a  compensation.  I 
hope  in  thus  freely,  and  perhaps  too  forwardly,  expressing  my  sentiments  and 
wishes,  I  shall  not  give  offence  to  any.  I  am  sure  I  mean  well ;  being  ever,  with 
sincere  affection  to  my  native  country,  and  great  respect  to  the  assembly  and 
yourselves, 

"  Gentlemen,  your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

B.  Franklin. 
''Hon.  Thomas  Cushing,     \ 

Samuel  Adams,        f_ _      .      „ 
_______  r  Esquires." 

John  Hancock,        ( 

William  Phillips,  / 


THE  PORT  ACT  AND  THE  UNION.       317 


Joseph  Warren  to  Samuel  Adams. 

Boston,  June  15,  1774. 

Sir,  —  This  afternoon  was  a  meeting  of  a  considerable  number  of 
the  tradesmen  of  this  town ;  but,  after  some  altercations,  they  dissolved 
themselves  without  coming  to  any  resolutions,  for  which  I  am  very 
sorry,  as  we  had  some  expectations  from  the  meeting.  We  are  indus- 
trious to  save  our  country,  but  not  more  so  than  others  are  to  destroy 
it.'  The  party  who  are  for  paying  for  the  tea,  and  by  that  making  a  way 
for  every  compliance,  are  too  formidable.  However,  we  have  endeav- 
ored to  convince  friends  of  the  impolicy  of  giving  way  in  any  single 
article,  as  the  arguments  for  a  total  submission  will  certainly  gain 
strength  by  our  having  sacrificed  such  a  sum  as  they  demand  for  the 
payment  of  the  tea.  I  think  your  attendance  can  by  no  means  be 
dispensed  with  next  Friday.  I  believe  we  shall  have  a  warm  engage- 
ment. The  committee  had  a  letter  laid  before  them  this  evening,  from 
Baltimore,  which  more  comports  with  my  sentiments  of  public  affairs 
than  any  yet  received  from  the  southward.  That  letter,  with  several 
others  to  you,  will  be  forwarded  in  the  morning.  Vigilance,  activity, 
and  patience  are  necessary  at  this  time :  but  the  mistress  we  court  is 
liberty  ;  and  it  is  better  to  die  than  not  to  obtain  her.  If  the 
timidity  of  some  and  the  treachery  of  others  in  this  town  does  not  ruin 
us,  I  think  we  shall  be  saved.  I  fear  New  York  will  not  assist  us  with 
a  very  good  grace ;  but  she  may  perhaps  be  ashamed  to  desert  us : 
at  least,  if  her  merchants  offer  to  sell  us,  her  mechanics  will 
forbid  the  auction.  You  will  undoubtedly  do  all  in  your  power  to 
effect  the  relief  of  this  town,  and  to  expedite  a  general  congress ;  but 
we  must  not  suffer  the  town  of  Boston  to  render  themselves  con- 
temptible, either  by  their  want  of  fortitude,  honesty,  or  foresight,  in 
the  eyes  of  this  and  the  other  colonies. 

I  beg  you  will  not  fail  to  bring  with  you  all  such  papers  and  letters 
as  may  serve  our  righteous  cause  at  our  meeting  Friday. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  with  great  respect,  yr.  H.  sev*., 

J.  Warren. 
Mr.  S.  Adams,  at  Salem. 

p.S.  —  I  think  religion  and  policy  require  that  a  day  be  set  apart 
for  publicly  addressing  the  King  of  kings.1 

1  This  letter  is  copied  from  the  original,  in  Mr.  Bancroft's  possession. 


318  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WAKKEN. 

The  word  from  Baltimore,  which  was  this  evening 
so  inspiring  to  Warren,  was  a  generous  outpour  of 
patriotic  spirit:    "Could  we,"  the  Baltimore  Whigs 
wrote   to   Boston,  "  remain  a  moment   indifferent  to 
your  sufferings,  the  result  of  your  noble  and  virtuous 
struggles,  in  defence  of  American  liberties,  we  should 
unworthily   share   in   those   blessings   which   (under 
God)  we   owe  in   greatest   measure   to    your  perse- 
verance and  zeal  in  support  of  our  common  rights, 
that  they  have  not  ere  now  been  wrested  from  us  by 
the  rapacious  hand  of  power.     Permit  us,  therefore, 
as  brethren  and  fellow-citizens  embarked  in  one  com- 
mon   interest,   most  effectually  to    sympathize   with 
you,  now  suffering  and  persecuted  in  the  cause  of 
our  country;    and  to  assure  you  of  our  readiness  to 
concur  in    every   reasonable    measure    that    can    be 
devised  for  obtaining  the  most  effectual  and  speedy 
relief  to  our  distressed  friends."     After  relating  the 
progress  of  measures  towards   a   congress,  and  the 
proposition  to  proceed  by  petition  and  remonstrance, 
the   letter   says,   "We  cannot  see  the  least  ground 
for  expecting  relief  by  it.      The  contempt  with  which 
a    similar    petition   was    treated    in    '65,    and   many 
others  since  that  period,  convince  us  that  policy  and 
reason  of  State,  instead  of  justice  and  equity,  are  to 
prescribe  the  rule  of  our  future  conduct;    and  that 
something  more  sensible  than  supplications  will  best 
serve  our  purpose."1     The  following  reply  is  copied 
from  the  original  in  Warren's  handwriting :  — 

Boston,  June  16,  1774. 
Gentlemen,  —  We  last  evening  received  your  generous  and  affec- 
tionate letter,  3d  instant,  enclosing  your  noble  and  spirited  resolves. 

1  Samuel  Adams's  Papers. 


THE   PORT   ACT   AND   THE   UNION.  319 

Nothing  gives  us  a  more  animating  confidence  of  the  happy  event  of 
our  present  struggle  for  the  liberties  of  America,  or  offers  us  greater 
support  under  the  distress  we  now  feel,  than  the  assurances  we  receive 
from  our  brethren  of  their  readiness  to  join  with  us  in  every  salutary 
measure  for  preserving  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  and  of  their  tender 
sympathy  for  us  under  our  sufferings.  We  rejoice  to  find  the  respecta- 
ble county  of  Baltimore  so  fully  alarmed  at  the  public  danger,  and  so 
prudent  and  resolute  in  their  measure  to  secure  the  blessings  of  free- 
dom to  their  country.  Our  general  assembly  is  now  sitting  at  Salem, 
about  twenty  miles  from  this  town ;  we  expect  that  members  for  a 
general  congress  will  speedily  be  elected  by  them ;  we  hope  by  the 
next  post  to  send  you  a  full  account  of  their  proceedings.  Post  just 
going  off,  we  can  only  add,  that  we  are,  gentlemen,  with  the  most 
unfeigned  respect  and  esteem. 

P.S.  —  We  think  your  caution  of  inclosing  your  letter  to  a  friend 
is  extremely  just  at  this- crisis  of  our  affairs,  and  we  shall  follow  your 
example. 

To  Mr.  Samuel  Purviance,  jun.,  in  Baltimore, 

to  be  communicated  to  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  there. 

It  would  be  interesting  to  follow  Warren  through 
the  next  day,  the  17th  of  June,  and  to  give  his  talk 
in  private,  and  his  public  speech;  but  the  personal 
notices  of  him  are  too  scanty  to  frame  such  a  piece  of 
genuine  biography.  On  this  day,  the  Port-act  town- 
meeting  was  to  meet,  by  adjournment,  in  Faneuil 
Hall,  —  the  first  town-meeting  in  the  presence  of 
British  troops  since  the  March  meetings  in  1770; 
and  it  may  be  inferred,  that  his  morning  hours  were 
not  without  apprehension  on  account  of  being  obliged 
to  meet  an  engagement  with  the  Tories,  under  pecu- 
liar circumstances,  without  that  tower  of  strength  to 
lean  upon,  Samuel  Adams.  Nor  could  it  have  been 
without  anxiety  for  the  work  which  he  knew  was 
before  his  friend  in  the  general  court  at  Salem;  but  it 
is  history,  that,  as  the  evening  shades  came  on,  his 
heart  was  bounding  with  joy. 


320  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH   WARREN. 

The  public  mind  was  greatly  excited:  Faneuil  Hall 
could  not  contain  the  numbers  who  gathered;  and 
hundreds  who  gave  their  countenance  to  the  meeting 
remained  outside.  It  was  necessary  to  choose  a 
moderator  pro  tern.,  on  account  of  the  absence  of 
Samuel  Adams ;  and  James  Bowdoin  was  first  chosen, 
who,  it  was  ascertained,  was  not  at  home,  and  then 
John  Rowe,  who  happened  to  be  engaged.  The 
"Hon.  John  Adams,  Esq.,"  was  then  chosen,  who 
accepted.1  He  had  long  avoided  politics ;  had  been 
rather  a  counsellor  than  an  actor,2  and  he  had  not 
always  approved  of  the  popular  action.3  This  was 
his  first  appearance  in  a  Boston  town-meeting  as  a 
leader;  indeed,  it  was  his  entrance  upon  a  quarter  of 
a  century's  uninterrupted  political  life,  during  which 
it  was  his  felicity  to  act  as  chief  magistrate  over  the 
people  whose  liberties  he  was  now  laboring  to  main- 
tain. The  patriot  was  often  introspective,  and  sets 
down  many  frank  revelations  of  the  inner  man.  He 
felt  more  spirits  and  activity  since  the  reception  of 
the  Port-act  news  than  he  had  had  for  years.4  He 
had  also  more  faith.  He  saw  that  the  town  of  Boston 
must  suffer  martyrdom;  but  it  was  his  consolation 
that  it  was  in  w  the  cause  of  truth,  of  virtue,  of  lib- 
erty, and  of  humanity:"  it  would  "have  a  glorious 
resurrection  to  greater  wealth,  splendor,  and  power 
than  ever."5 

It  was  a  principal  object  of  the  meeting  to  receive 
and  act  upon  an  expected  report  from  the  committee 
of  ways  and  means  to  provide  employment  for  the 

1  Town  Records. 

2  Life  of  John  Adams,  Works,  i.  42.  8  lb.,  146 
*  Letter,  May  12,  1774.  6  lb.,  3. 


THE  PORT  ACT  ANT>    THE  UNION".       321 

poor.  The  Boston  records  say,  that  ff  Dr.  "Warren 
acquainted  the  town  that  they  (the  committee) 
thought  best  to  defer  making  a  report  till  they  had 
heard  from  the  other  governments ;  whereupon  they 
were  directed  to  sit  again."1  It  was  stated  that  there 
had  been  much  talk  out  of  doors,  as  well  as  writing 
in  the  papers,  concerning  payment  for  the  tea;  and 
the  request  was  made,  that,  in  case  any  gentleman  had 
any  thing  to  offer  on  the  subject,  he  would  speak 
freely,  in  order  that  a  matter  of  so  much  importance 
might  be  fairly  discussed  in  the  presence  of  the  body 
of  the  people.  Among  others,  Thomas  Boylston,  a 
wealthy  merchant  and  a  public  benefactor,  spoke  on 
this  question ;  but  he  had  not  gone  far  before  the 
people  became  impatient,  and  tried  to  stop  him.  The 
moderator  interposed  to  check  the  confusion,  and 
expressed  his  mortification  that  a  citizen  of  Mr. 
Boylston's  age,  sense,  and  experience  of  life,  was  not 
listened  to  with  the  respect  to  which  he  was  entitled. 
Instead,  the  moderator  said  he  witnessed  what  he 
could  describe  best  in  the  words  of  Milton,  — 

"  I  did  but  prompt  the  age  to  quit  their  clogs, 
By  the  known  rules  of  ancient  liberty, 
When  straight  a  barbarous  noise  environs  me 
Of  owls  and  cuckoos,  asses,  apes,  and  dogs  ; "  — 

uttering  the  last  line  with  uncommon  emphasis,  and 
with  gestures  pointing  to  the  part  of  the  hall  from 
which  the  noise  came.  Though  the  rebuke  restored 
order,  Mr.  Boylston  declined  to  go  on.2  Young,  a 
zealous  patriot,  the  next  day,  wrote,  "In  vain  were 
the  ^EschinaB  called  upon  to  expose  propositions  fit 
only  to  be  whispered  in  the  conclave  of  the  addressers 

1  Young's  Letter,  June  19,  1774.  2  John  Adams's  Works,  i.  146. 

41 


322  LIFE    OE   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

composed  of  a  few  men."1  The  meeting  adjourned 
until  the  afternoon. 

At  three  o'clock,  the  committee  of  correspondence 
laid  before  the  town,  probably  through  Warren,  the 
answers  that  had  been  received  to  their  appeal.  It 
is  not  necessary  to  present  an  abstract  of  them :  some 
acceded  to  the  proposition  to  stop  trade,  others  pre- 
ferred to  await  the  decision  of  a  congress  which  was 
proposed  by  Providence  and  ^Tew  York,  and  all 
urged  the  necessity  of  making  united  effort.  The 
town  passed  an  admirable  resolution,  enjoining  the 
committee  of  correspondence  to  write  to  all  the  other 
colonies,  and  acquaint  them  that  the  town  was  delib- 
erating on  the  steps  to  be  taken  on  the  present 
exigency,  and  were  awaiting  with  anxiety  the  result 
of  a  continental  congress,  whose  meeting  they  impa- 
tiently desired,  in  whose  wisdom  they  could  confide, 
and  in  whose  determination  they  should  cheerfully 
acquiesce.2  This  meeting  was  again  adjourned.  It 
proved  to  be  uncommonly  satisfactory  to  the  patriots. 
The  journals  say  that  it  was  as  full  and  respectable 
as  ever  was  known,  and  was  never  exceeded  in  firm- 
ness and  unanimity;  that  its  speeches  on  the  state  of 
affairs  would  do  honor  to  any  assembly;  that  not  one, 
though  called  upon,  had  any  thing  to  say  in  favor  of 
paying  for  the  tea;  and  that  all  were  for  withstanding 
the  utmost  efforts  of  tyranny,  rather  than  make  free 
surrender  of  the  rights  of  America. 

"While  the  patriots,  guided  by  Warren,  were  thus 
successful  in  the  town-meeting,  their  brethren  in 
Salem,  under  the  lead  of  Samuel  Adams,  were  adopt- 
ing  an   important  measure   in   the  general  court,  a 

1  Letter  of  Thomas  Young,  June  19,  1774.        2  Boston  Town  Records. 


THE    PORT   ACT   AND    THE   UNION.  323 

glance  at  the  proceedings  of  which  seems  to  be  re- 
quired to  show  the  progress  of  events.  For  months, 
indeed  for  years,  the  call  had  been  frequent  in  the 
colonies  for  a  union  after  the  manner  of  the  United 
Provinces,  and  for  a  congress  as  the  necessary  step 
towards  it.  Such  a  body  was  formally  proposed  by  a 
town-meeting  in  Providence,  and  the  committees  of 
correspondence  of  Philadelphia,  New  York,  and  Con- 
necticut, and  the  assembly  of  Virginia;  and  the  New 
York  committee  requested  the  patriots  of  Massachu- 
setts to  appoint  the  time  and  place.1  It  was  resolved 
to  do  this  to-day  in  the  general  court.  Samuel  Adams, 
having  reason  to  fear  executive  interference,  locked 
the  door  of  the  hall  in  which  the  House  of  Eepresenta- 
tives  were  assembled,  and  proposed  the  resolves  which 
provided  for  a  congress,  to  be  convened  on  the  first 

1  The  citations  I  have  made  from  the  journals  show  how  constantly  a  congress 
had  been  called  for.  A  town-meeting  in  Providence,  R.I.,  on  the  17th  of  May, 
instructed  the  deputies  from  that  town  to  propose  a  congress  in  the  assembly  at 
the  next  session.  On  the  21st  of  May,  the  committee  of  correspondence  of  Phila- 
delphia, in  a  letter  sent  by  Paul  Revere  to  the  Boston  committee,  proposed  a  con- 
gress. On  the  23d  of  May,  the  New-York  committee  of  correspondence,  in  a  letter 
addressed  to  the  Boston  committee,  made  the  same  proposition.  The  House  of 
Burgesses  of  Virginia,  after  their  dissolution  by  the  Earl  of  Dunmore,  in  conse- 
quence of  their  resolutions  of  sympathy  with  Boston,  and  at  the  celebrated  meet- 
ing at  the  Apollo  Tavern,  on  the  27th  of  May,  recommended  the  committee  of 
correspondence  to  communicate  with  their  several  corresponding  committees  on 
the  expediency  of  calling  a  general  congress,  which  resolves  were  printed  at  length 
in  the  "  Boston  Gazette  "  of  June  13.  No  time  or  place  was  named.  On  the  3d 
of  June,  the  Connecticut  committee  of  correspondence,  in  a  letter  addressed  to 
the  Boston  committee,  made  suggestions  as  to  the  time  and  place  ;  and,  on  the 
4th,  sent  a  copy  of  this  letter  to  the  New- York  committee.  On  receiving  this 
letter,  the  New-York  committee,  on  the  •  10th  of  June,  sent  to  the  Connecticut 
committee  their  letter  of  the  23d  of  May,  proposing  a  congress  ;  and  stated,  that, 
on  the  7th  of  June,  they  had  written  to  the  Boston  committee,  requesting  them 
"to  appoint  the  time  and  place  for  holding  the  congress,"  where  they  would  be 
ready  to  meet  the  deputies  of  the  other  colonies.  Hence  the  specification  by 
Massachusetts  of  the  time  and  place.  The  Rhode-Island  assembly  adopted  a 
series  of  resolutions,  recommending  a  congress,  and  selected  delegates,  on  the 
15th  of  June. 


324  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

of  September,  at  Philadelphia.  While  these  resolves 
were  under  consideration,  Secretary  Flucker  appeared 
at  the  door,  and,  on  being  denied  admission,  sent  in  a 
messenger  to  inform  the  House  that  he  had  a  message 
from  the  governor.  The  messenger  was  informed 
that  the  House  had  ordered  the  door  to  be  kept 
locked.  The  Secretary,  standing  on  the  stairs  lead- 
ing to  the  hall,  read  to  a  large  number  of  people 
a  proclamation  by  Governor  Gage,  dissolving  the 
general  court.  The  House,  however,  went  on,  and 
completed  its  business.  The  resolves  were  adopted. 
James  Bowdoin,  Samuel  Adams,  John  Adams,  and 
Thomas  Cushing,  were  selected  as  the  delegates  of 
Massachusetts.  Bowdoin  subsequently  declining, 
Kobert  Treat  Paine  was  selected  in  his  place;  and 
a  tax  was  laid  to  defray  their  expenses.  The  House 
also  recommended  contributions  to  be  made  for 
the  relief  of  Boston  and  the  neighboring  town  of 
Charlestown,  which  were  the  most  affected  by  the 
Port  Act.1 

1  A  whole  page  of  the  "Boston  Gazette  "  of  June  13  was  filled  with  matter 
showing  the  sympathy  of  the  colonies  with  Boston,  nearly  all  from  Virginia  and 
Maryland.  One  of  the  resolutions  of  Queen  Anne's  County,  Maryland,  May  30, 
is,  "  That  they  look  upon  the  cause  of  Boston,  in  its  consequences,  to  be  the 
common  cause  of  America." 

Before  this  date,  measures  had  been  taken  to  relieve  those  who  might  suffer 
from  the  Port  Act.  On  the  3d  of  June,  the  Connecticut  committee  of  corre- 
spondence informed  the  Boston  committee  of  correspondence  that  both  houses 
of  the  assembly  had  passed  resolutions  to  contribute  to  their  relief.  Contribu- 
tions soon  began  to  flow  into  Boston. 

One  of  the  pamphlets  of  the  day  is  entitled,  "  The  First  Book  of  the  American 
Chronicles  of  the  Times."  The  first  verse  runs,  "  And  behold  !  when  the  tidings 
came  to  the  great  city  that  is  afar  off,  the  city  that  is  in  the  land  of  Britain,  how 
the  men  of  Boston,  even  the  Bostonites,  had  arose,  a  great  multitude,  and 
destroyed  the  tea,  the  abominable  merchandise  of  the  East,  and  cast  into  the 
midst  of  the  sea,"  —  "  the  king  waxed  wroth."  After  a  description  of  the  pas- 
gage  of  the  Port  Act,  are  the  following  verses  relating  to  the  patriotic  charity  :  — 


THE   PORT   ACT   AND    THE    UNION.  325 

The  Boston  representatives  could  not  know  that 
British  authority  was  at  an  end  in  Massachusetts,  or 
that  the  moderator  of  that  day's  town-meeting,  in  a 
few  years,  would  be  the  chief  magistrate  of  an  inde- 
pendent nation;  but,  as  they  returned  from  Salem 
that  afternoon,1  they  could  feel,  that,  in  a  spirit  of 
fidelity  to  duty,  they  had  taken  the  leading  steps  to 
promote  a  union  which  were  expected  by  their  coun- 
trymen. In  the  evening,  Adams,  dishing,  Quincy, 
"Warren,  Young,  and  other  popular  leaders,  assembled 
at  "Warren's  residence,  forming  "  a  very  important  and 
agreeable  company;"2  and  as  they  communed  with 
each  other,  one  home,  at  least,  in  the  distressed  town, 
was  lighted  as  with  the  glory  of  the  after-time. 
Their  hearts  were  gladdened  by  the  high  spirit 
evinced  in  the  town-meeting,  by  the  zeal  of  the  yeo- 
manry in  signing  the  League  and  Covenant,  and  by 
the  general  refusal  to  pay  for  the  tea;  for  "neither  in 
the  general  assembly  of  the  province  nor  in  the  grand 
meeting  of  the  capital  was  there  a  single  symptom 
of  inclination  to  comply  with  the  demand,  though 
enforced  by  a  distressing  blockade."3  Then  the 
evidences  were  increasing  of  the  outpour  of  gener- 
ous sympathy  which  the  naked  injustice  of  the  Port 
Act  occasioned.     Besides  the  voice  from  Baltimore, 

"  24.  And  it  came  to  pass  that  the  New-Yorkites,  the  Philadelphites,  the 
Marylandites,  the  Virginites,  the  Carolinites,  took  pity  on  their  brethren  the  Bos- 
tonites ;  for  there  was  like  to  be  a  famine  in  the  land. 

"  25.  And  they  got  ready  their  camels  and  their  asses,  their  mules  and  their 
oxen,  and  laded  them  with  their  meat,  their  fine  wheaten  flour,  their  rice,  then- 
corn,  their  beeves  and  their  sheep;  and  their  figs  and  their  raisins,  and  their  wine 
and  their  oil,  and  their  tobacco  abundantly,  and  six  thousand  shekels  of  silver, 
and  threescore  talents  of  gold,  and  sent  them  by  the  hands  of  the  Levites  to 
their  brethren,  and  there  was  joy  in  the  land." 

1  Thomas  Young's  Letter,  June  19,  1774.  2  lb.  8  lb. 


326  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

already  cited1  and  the  cheering  intelligence  in  the 
journals,  there  was  read  a  letter  from  New  York, 
which  was  pronounced  to  be  w  as  encouraging  as  any 
thing  they  had  from  any  part  of  the  continent.2  There 
was  now  a  genuine  communion  of  feeling,  —  a  noble 
surrender  of  the  American  mind  to  the  grand  emo- 
tion of  fraternity;  and  well  might  the  popular  leaders 
feel  a  glow  of  inspiration.  One  of  the  exulting  band 
wrote,  w  Our  rejoicing  was  full  from  an  interchange 
of  interesting  advices  from  all  quarters."3  A  cluster 
of  morning-stars  of  a  new  constellation  were  rejoic- 
ing in  the  blossoming  of  American  nationality. 

i  See  page  318. 

2  Young's  Letter.  8  lb. 


THE   REGULATING  ACT.  327 


CHAPTER  XI. 

THE  REGULATING  ACT  AND   THE   SUFFOLK  RESOLVES. 

The  Regulating  Act.  —  Hutchinson  and  the  King.  —  The  Recep- 
tion of  the  Act  in  the  Colonies.  —  The  Resistance  to  it. — 
The  Suffolk  Resolves.  —  Their  Effect  on  Public  Opinion. 

1774.     June  to  September. 

Warren's  words  became  more  and  more  the  mirror 
of  the  passions  of  his  countrymen.1  The  important 
service  which  he  rendered  in  promoting  the  passage 
of  the  famous  Suffolk  Eesolves  brought  his  name 
prominently  before  the  general  congress.  These  re- 
solves were  occasioned  by  the  passage  of  two  addi- 
tional penal  acts  by  parliament;  one  regulating  the 
Government  of  Massachusetts,  and  the  other  altering 
the  mode  of  administering  justice.  They  were  signed 
on  the  20th  of  May.  They  were  designed  to  carry 
into  effect  the  principle,  that  parliament  had  the 
right  to  legislate  for  the  colonies  in  all  cases  whatso- 
ever. 

As  George  III.  was  about  to  enter  upon  the  work 
of  enforcing  these  despotic  acts,  Hutchinson  arrived 
(July  1)  in  London,  when  he  was  immediately  sent 
for  by  Lord  Dartmouth;  and,  without  even  being 
obliged  to  change  his  dress,  the  ex-governor  was 
ushered  into  the  royal  closet,  where  he  had  a  confer- 

i  Bancroft,  vii.  173. 


328  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

ence  with  the  king  of  nearly  two  hours  on  American 
affairs,  of  which  Hutchinson  has  left  a  circumstantial 
relation.  The  conversation  commenced  in  the  follow- 
ing way:— 

King.  —  How  do  you  do,  Mr.  Hutchinson,  after  your  voyage  ? 

Hutchinson.  —  Much  reduced,  sir,  by  sea-sickness,  and  unfit  upon 
that  account,  as  well  as  my  New-England  dress,  to  appear  before  Your 
Majesty.  [Lord  Dartmouth  observed,  "  Mr.  Hutchinson  apologized  to 
me  for  his  dress ;  but  I  thought  it  very  well,  as  he  has  just  come 
ashore;"  to  which  the  king  assented.] 

King.  —  How  did  you  leave  your  Government  ?  and  how  did  the 
people  receive  the  news  of  the  late  measures  of  parliament  ? 

Hutchinson.  —  When  I  left  Boston,  we  had  no  news  of  any  act 
of  parliament  except  the  one  for  shutting  up  the  port,  which  was 
extremely  alarming  to  the  people.  [Lord  Dartmouth  said,  "  Mr. 
Hutchinson  came  from  Boston  the  day  that  act  was  to  take  place,  the 
first  of  June.  I  hear  the  people  of  Virginia  have  refused  to  comply 
with  the  request  to  shut  up  their  ports  from  the  people  of  Boston ;  and 
Mr.  Hutchinson  seems  to  be  of  opinion,  that  no  colony  will  comply 
with  that  request."] 

King.  —  Do  you  believe,  Mr.  Hutchinson,  that  the  account  from 
Virginia  is  true? 

Hutchinson.  —  I  have  no  other  reason  to  doubt  it  except  that  the 
authority  for  it  seems  to  be  only  a  newspaper ;  and  it  is  very  common 
for  articles  to  be  inserted  in  newspapers  without  any  foundation.  I 
have  no  doubt,  that,  when  the  people  of  Rhode  Island  received  the 
like  request,  they  gave  this  answer,  —  that,  if  Boston  would  stop  all 
the  vessels  which  they  then  had  in  port,  which  they  were  hurrying 
away  before  the  act  commenced,  the  people  of  Rhode  Island  would 
then  consider  of  the  proposal.     [The  king  smiled.] 

Lord  Dartmouth.  —  Mr.  Hutchinson,  may  it  please  Your  Majesty, 
has  shown  me  a  newspaper,  with  an  address  from  a  great  number  of 
merchants,  another  from  the  Episcopal  clergy,  another  from  the  lawyers, 
all  expressing  their  sense  of  his  conduct  in  the  most  favorable  terms. 
[Lord  Dartmouth  thereupon  took  the  paper  out  of  his  pocket,  and 
showed  it] 

King.  —  I  do  not  see  how  it  could  be  otherwise.  I  am  sure  his 
conduct  has  been  universally  approved  of  here  by  people  of  all  parties. 


THE   REGULATING   ACT.  329 

Hutchinson.  —  I  am  very  happy  in  Your  Majesty's  favorable  opinion 
of  my  Administration. 

King.  —  I  am  entirely  satisfied  with  it.  I  am  well  acquainted  with 
the  difficulties  you  have  encountered,  and  with  the  abuse  and  injury 
offered  you. 

The  conversation  for  some  time  turned  on  the  pub- 
lication of  Hutchinson's  private  letters,  and  then 
went  on  as  follows:  — 

King.  —  In  such  abuse,  Mr.  Hutchinson,  as  you  have  met  with,  I 
suppose  there  must  have  been  personal  malevolence  as  well  as  party 
rage. 

Hutchinson.  — It  has  been  my  good  fortune,  sir,  to  escape  any  charge 
against  me  in  my  private  character.  The  attacks  have  been  upon  my 
public  conduct,  and  for  such  things  as  my  duty  to  Your  Majesty  re- 
quired me  to  do,  and  which  you  have  been  pleased  to  approve  of.  I 
don't  know  that  any  of  my  enemies  have  complained  of  a  personal 
injury. 

King.  —  I  see  they  threatened  to  pitch  and  feather  you. 

Hutchinson.  —  Tar  and  feather,  may  it  please  Your  Majesty ;  but  I 
don't  remember  that  I  was  ever  threatened  with  it. 

Lord  Dartmouth.  —  Oh,  yes  !  when  Malcolm  was  tarred  and  feath- 
ered, the  committee  for  tarring  and  feathering  blamed  the  people  for 
doing  it,  that  being  a  punishment  reserved  for  a  higher  person ;  and 
we  suppose  you  were  intended. 

Hutchinson.  —  I  remember  something  of  that  sort,  which  was  only 
to  make  diversion,  there  being  no  such  committee,  or  none  known  by 
that  name. 

King.  —  What  guard  had  you,  Mr.  Hutchinson  ? 

Hutchinson.  —  I  depended,  sir,  on  the  protection  of  Heaven.  I  had 
no  other  guard.  I  was  not  conscious  of  having  done  any  thing  of 
which  they  could  justly  complain,  or  make  a  pretence  for  offering 
violence  to  my  person.  I  was  not  sure,  but  I  hoped  they  only  meant 
to  intimidate.  By  discovering  that  I  was  afraid,  I  should  encourage 
them  to  go  on.  By  taking  measures  for  my  security,  I  should  expose 
myself  to  calumny,  and  be  censured  as  designing  to  render  them  odious 
for  what  they  never  intended  to  do.  I  was,  therefore,  obliged  to  appear 
to  disregard  all  the  menaces  in  the  newspapers,  and  also  private  intima-- 

42 


330  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAKKEN. 

tions  from  my  friends,  who  frequently  advised  me  to  take  care  of 
myself. 

The  king  was  particular  in  inquiries  relative  to 
several  of  the  popular  leaders. 

King.  —  Pray,  what  does  Hancock  do  now  ?  If  ow  will  the  late 
affair  affect  him? 

Hutchinson.  —  I  don't  know  to  what  particular  affair  Your  Majesty 
refers. 

Xing.  —  Oh!  a  late  affair  in  the  city,  —  his  bills  being  refused. 
[Turning  to  Lord  Dartmouth],  Who  is  that  in  the  city,  my  lord  ? 
[Lord  Dartmouth  not  recollecting.] 

Hutchinson.  —  I  have  heard,  sir,  that  Mr.  Haley,  a  merchant  in  the 
city,  is  Mr.  Hancock's  principal  correspondent. 

King.  —  Ay,  that's  the  name. 

Hutchinson.  —  I  heard,  may  it  please  Your  Majesty,  before  I  came 
from  New  England,  that  some  small  sums  were  returned,  but  none  of 
consequence. 

King.  —  Oh,  no !  I  mean  within  this  month,  —  large  sums. 

Lord  Dartmouth.  —  I  have  heard  such  rumors,  but  don't  know  the 
certainty. 

Hutchinson.  —  Mr.  Hancock,  sir,  had  a  very  large  fortune  left  him 
by  his  uncle ;  and  I  believe  his  political  engagements  have  taken  off 
his  attention  from  his  private  affairs.  He  was  sensible,  not  long  ago, 
of  the  damage  it  was  to  him,  and  told  me  he  was  determined  to  quit 
all  public  business ;    but  soon  altered  his  mind. 

King.  —  Then  there's  Mr.  Cushing.  I  remember  his  name  a  long 
time.     Is  not  he  a  great  man  of  the  party? 

Hutchinson.  —  He  has  been  many  years  speaker ;  but  a  speaker, 
sir,  is  not  always  the  person  of  the  greatest  influence.  A  Mr.  Adams 
is  rather  considered  as  the  opposer  of  Government,  and  a  sort  of 
Wilkes  in  New  England. 

King.  —  What  gave  him  his  importance  ? 

Hutchinson.  —  A  great  pretended  zeal  fov  liberty  and  a  most  inflexi- 
ble natural  temper.  He  was  the  first  that  publicly  asserted  the  inde- 
pendency of  the  colonies  upon  the  kingdom,  or  the  supreme  authority 
of  it.1 

1  I  am  indebted  to  George  Bancroft  for  the  use  of  the  "  Extracts  from  the 
Journal  of  Thomas  Hutchinson,  Governor  of  Massachusetts."    This  manuscript 


THE    REGULATING   ACT.  331 

The  king  made  particular  inquiries  in  relation  to 
the  productions  of  the  country.  On  the  same  day, 
he  wrote  to  Lord  North  of  the  colonies,  "I  have 
seen  Mr.  Hutchinson,  late  governor  of  Massachusetts, 
and  am  now  well  convinced  they  will  soon  submit. 
He  owns  the  Boston  Port  Bill  has  been  the  only  wise 
and  effectual  method."1 

The  modern  revelations  of  the  temper  of  the  king 
are  remarkable  and  important.  It  is  history,  that  his 
unintelligent,  iron  will  was  bending  his  minister, 
Lord  North,  to  the  task  of  fixing  the  old-world  policy 
of  centralization  on  a  people  who  had  for  their  root 
individual  liberty,  civil  and  religious,  tempered  by  re- 
spect for  law.  These  sweeping  acts  cut  down,  trunk 
and  branch,  the  old  and  dearly  cherished  rights  of 
Massachusetts,  invading  even  those  palladiums,  —  the 
town-meeting,  and  trial  by  jury ;  and  the  rough  drafts 
of  them,  Gordon  says,  on  their  being  received  at 
Boston,  "  were  instantly  circulated  through  the  conti- 
nent, and  filled  up  whatever  was  before  wanting  of 
violence  and  indignation  in  most  of  the  colonies. 
Even  those  who  were  moderate,  or  seemed  wavering, 
now  became  resolute  and  resentful.  Nothing  was  to 
be  heard  of  but  meetings  and  resolutions."2  Each 
colony  felt  that  its  own  right  of  framing  its  internal 
government  was  in  danger.  w  If,"  Lord  Mahon 
says,  w  one  charter  might  be  cancelled,  so  might 
all:  if  the  rights  of  any  one  colony  might  hang 
suspended  on  the  votes  of  an  exasperated  majority  in 

has    the    following :    "  Copied  from  the  original  by  Mr.  Elves.  —  Edward 
Everett.     London,  Feb.  1,  1843." 

1  Lord  Mahon's  "  History  of  England,"  Appendix  to  vol.  ii.,  has  extracts 
from  the  letters  of  George  III.  to  Lord  North. 

2  Gordon's  History,  i.  377. 


332  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREK. 

England,  could  any  other  deem  itself  secure?"1 
The  king  was  soon  to  learn,  in  the  words  of  Dr. 
Ramsay,  "  that,  to  force  on  the  inhabitants  a  form  of 
government  to  which  they  were  totally  averse  was 
not  within  the  fancied  omnipotence  of  parliament."2 

"Warren  shared  the  feelings  of  his  countrymen 
at  this  hour;  and,  on  the  reception  of  the  bills, 
before  they  were  passed  into  laws,  early  in  June,  by 
the  committee  of  correspondence,  they  excited  the 
indignation  of  the  members.  Samuel  Adams  had 
long  seen,  that  Great  Britain,  by  oppressive  measures, 
was  hastening  the  day  of  independence.  "  Our  peo- 
ple," he  wrote  to  Charles  Thompson,  as  he  dwelt 
on  the  desire  to  unite  all  "  in  one  indissoluble  bond," 
"  think  they  should  pursue  the  line  of  the  constitu- 
tion as  far  as  they  can;  and,  if  they  are  driven  from 
it,  they  can  then  with  propriety  and  justice  appeal  to 
God  and  the  world."  And  as  he  counselled  pru- 
dence, moderation,,  and  fortitude,  he  grandly  wrote, 
"  I  would  wish  to  have  all  the  impartial  and  reason- 
able world  on  our  side.  I  would  wish  to  have  the 
humanity  of  the  English  nation  engaged  in  our  cause; 
and  that  the  friends  of  the  constitution  might  see 
and  be  convinced,  that  nothing  is  more  foreign  from 
our  hearts  than  a  spirit  of  rebellion.  Would  to  God 
they  all,  even  our  enemies,  knew  the  warm  attachment 
we  have  for  Great  Britain,  notwithstanding  we  have 
been  contending  these  ten  years  with  them  for  our 
rights ! " 

To  the  deep  feeling  awakened  by  the  Boston  Port 
Act,  the  new  acts  added  the  stimulus  of  common 
interests;    and,  on  the   20th  of  June,  the  "Boston 

i  History  of  England,  vi.  8.  2  Ramsay,  i.  132. 


THE    REGULATING   ACT.  333 

Gazette "  said,  "  The  present  aspect  of  affairs  is 
highly  favorable  to  the  liberties  of  America.  The 
whole  continent  seems  inspired  by  one  soul,  and  that 
soul  a  rigorous  and  determined  one."  A  week  later, 
there  was  another  great  town-meeting  in  Faneuil 
Hall,  the  adjournment  of  the  Port-act  meeting  of  the 
17th,  when  Samuel  Adams  was  in  the  chair.  So  large 
were  the  numbers,  that  the  meeting  adjourned  to  the 
Old  South  Meeting-house,  where,  as  William  Cooper, 
the  town-clerk,  was  reading  the  letters  that  had 
passed  between  the  committees  of  correspondence, 
one  of  the  Tories  moved  that  the  Boston  committee 
be  censured  and  annihilated.  Samuel  Adams  left  the 
chair,  and  Thomas  Cushing  took  the  place  of  mod- 
erator. Those  in  favor  of  the  motion  were  patiently 
heard ;  and,  when  it  was  dark,  and  they  said  they  had 
more  to  offer,  the  meeting  was  adjourned  to  the  next 
day.  Samuel  Adams  spoke  during  this  long  debate. 
A  vast  majority  rejected  the  motion;  and  the  town 
passed  a  vote  urging  the  committee  "to  persevere 
with  their  usual  activity  and  firmness,  and  continue 
steadfast  in  the  way  of  well-doing."  A  protest  was 
made  by  a  hundred  and  twenty-nine  citizens,  against 
the  doings  of  the  committee  of  correspondence,  the 
solemn  League  and  Covenant,  and  the  proceedings 
of  the  town  in  indorsing  the  work  of  the  committee. 
On  the  next  day  (June  29),  Governor  Gage,  in  a 
proclamation,  "strictly  enjoined  and  commanded"  all 
magistrates  to  arrest  all  who  signed  the  League  and 
Covenant,  or  who  asked  others  to  sign  it. 

The  month  of  July  was  full  of  excitement.  On 
the  first,  Admiral  Graves  arrived  in  the  "  Preston : " 
other  regiments  also  arrived;    and  it  was  supposed 


334  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

that  there  would  be  arrests  of  the  popular  leaders. 
It  is  recorded  in  the  journals  of  the  committee  of 
correspondence,  that,  on  the  5th,  a  report  being  prev- 
alent that  some  gentlemen  were  to  be  apprehended,  it 
was  unanimously  voted,  "  We  will  attend  to  the  com- 
mittee of  correspondence  as  usual,  unless  prevented 
by  brutal  force."  On  the  26th,  a  donation  committee 
was  finally  organized,  to  receive  and  distribute  the 
contributions  that  were  flowing  in  from  the  colonies 
to  relieve  the  poor  of  Boston;  and  Warren  was  ap- 
pointed a  member.  On  this  day,  a  committee  of 
safety  was  chosen,  which  consisted  of  James  Bow- 
doin,  Samuel  Adams,  John  Adams,  John  Hancock, 
William  Phillips,  Joseph  Warren,  and  Josiah  Quincy. 
A  committee,  in  the  name  of  Boston,  appealed  to 
those  dear  companions  in  the  cause  of  God  and  their 
country,  their  friends  and  brethren  of  the  province, 
to  whom  they  looked  for  that  advice,  example,  and 
wisdom,  that  would  give  strength  to  their  under- 
standing, vigor  to  their  action,  and,  with  the  blessing 
of  God,  save  them  from  destruction. 

General  Gage,  on  the  6th  of  August,  received 
officially  the  two  acts  relative  to  Massachusetts;  one 
altering  the  charter,  and  the  other  relating  to  the 
administration  of  justice,  which  the  patriots  called 
the  Regulating  Act  and  the  Murder  Act:  also  com- 
missions for  thirty-six  counsellors,  who,  instead  of 
being  chosen  in  the  old  way  of  election,  were  ap- 
pointed by  the  king,  and  were  termed  mandamus 
counsellors.  The  instructions  of  Lord  Dartmouth, 
on  the  2d  of  June,  were  long,  minute,  and  deter- 
mined; averring  that  whatever  violence  might  be 
attempted  should  be  resisted  with  firmness,  —  for  the 


THE   REGULATING  ACT.  335 

dignity,  power,  and  the  very  existence  of  the  empire 
were  in  issue;  and  declaring,  that,  should  ideas  of 
independence  take  root,  the  union  between  the  col- 
onies and  kingdom  would  cease,  and  destruction  must 
follow  disunion.  The  act  went  into  operation  imme- 
diately; and  various  functionaries  under  it  promptly 
prepared  to  exercise  authority,  —  the  counsellors, 
twenty-five  of  whom  accepted,  to  have  sessions,  the 
sheriffs  to  summon  jurors,  and  the  judges  to  hold 
courts. 

More  than  ever  before  were  eyes  now  fixed  on 
the  patriots  of  Boston  and  Massachusetts,  when  the 
hitherto  invincible  British  power  commanded  the  sub- 
mission of  a  free  people  —  in  the  words  of  the  pro- 
test of  the  minority  of  the  lords  against  the  acts  — 
to  a  Governor  and  Council  intrusted  with  powers 
which  the  British  Constitution  had  not  trusted  His 
Majesty  and  Privy  Council;  so  that  lives  and  prop- 
erty were  subject  to  absolute  power.  The  issue 
concerned  territory  wider  than  Massachusetts;  for  it 
was  now  to  be  determined,  whether  the  old  world,  or, 
more  precisely,  the  Tory  party  of  England,  was  to 
shape  the  institutions  of  the  new  world,  or  whether 
America  should,  as  of  right,  frame  her  own  law.  The 
interest  felt  by  the  people  of  the  other  colonies  in  the 
result  was  intense;  not  so  much  because  they  were 
moved  by  oppression  actually  felt,  as  by  a  convic- 
tion, on  the  part  of  the  majorities  who  sided  with  the 
"Whig  or  national  party,  that  a  foundation  was  laid, 
and  a  precedent  about  to  be  established,  for  future 
oppressions.1  Their  views  were  expressed  through 
their  organs,  the  committees  of  correspondence,  in 

1  Ramsay's  History,  i.  113. 


336  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

letters  addressed  to  the  Boston  committee.  ""We 
view,"  a  letter  from  Cape  Fear,  North  Carolina,  says, 
"  the  attack  made  by  the  minister  upon  the  colony  of 
Massachusetts  Bay  to  be  intended  to  pave  the  way  to 
a  general  subversion  of  the  constitutional  rights  of 
North  America."1  A  letter  from  South  Carolina, 
accompanying  a  sloop  load  of  rice,  says,  "  Your  situa- 
tion at  this  time  is  truly  hazardous  and  trying;  but 
you  will  not  fail  for  want  of  support,  because  all 
British  America  are  your  friends.  For  God's  sake, 
be  firm  and  discreet  at  this  time ! "  Christopher  Gads- 
den, of  Charleston,  wrote2  to  Samuel  Adams,  —  in  a 
letter  not  printed, — "We  will  not  think  so  basely  of 
you  as  to  imagine  you  will  pay  for  an  ounce  of  the 
tea;"  and,  before  he  could  get  a  reply,  he  thus  re- 
newed the  injunction:  "We  depend  on  your  firm- 
ness, and  that  you  will  not  pay  for  an  ounce  of  the 
damned  tea."3  The  committee  of  the  town  of  Brook- 
lyn, Connecticut,  accompanied  its  contributions  with  a 
letter  (Aug.  11),  in  which  they  said  to  Boston,  "You 
are  held  up  as  a  spectacle  to  the  whole  world.  All 
Christendom  is  longing  to  see  the  event  of  the  Amer- 
ican contest.  And  do,  most  noble  citizens,  play  your 
part  manfully,  of  which  we  make  no  doubt.  Your 
names  are  either  to  be  held  in  eternal  veneration  or 
execration.  If  you  stand  out,  your  names  cannot  be 
too  much  applauded  by  all  Europe  and  all  future 
generations."  An  able  Tory  address,  circulated  first 
in  the  Pennsylvania  assembly,  and  widely  copied,  said 
of  the  growing  Whig  organization,  in  staring  capitals, 
"  It  is  the  beginning  of  republicanism,"  which,  it  was 
declared,  was  setting  up  anarchy  above  order. 

1  Letter,  July  28,  1774.  2  June  2,  1774.  «  June  28,  1774. 


THE   REGULATING   ACT.  337 

The  word  that  came  in  from  the  country  towns  of 
Massachusetts  was  not  less  decisive.  Among  the  let- 
ters were  two  from  patriots  who  fought  in  the 
Bunker-hill  Battle.  Colonel  William  Prescott,  who 
commanded  in  this  action,  said  to  Boston,  in  the  name 
of  the  men  of  Pepperell,  *  Be  not  dismayed  nor  dis- 
heartened in  this  day  of  great  trial.  We  heartily 
sympathize  with  you,  and  are  always  ready  to  do  all 
in  our  power  for  your  support,  comfort,  and  relief, 
knowing  that  Providence  has  placed  you  where  you 
must  stand  the  first  shock.  We  consider  we  are  all 
embarked  in  one  bottom,  and  must  sink  or  swim 
together."  Colonel  Thomas  Gardner,  of  Cambridge, 
who  fell  by  Warren's  side,  nobly  wrote  to  the  Boston 
Committee :  — 

Thomas  Gardner  to  Boston  Committee  of  Correspondence. 

Cambridge,  Aug.  12,  1774. 
Friends  and  Brethren,  —  The  time  is  come  that  every  one  that 
has  a  tongue  and  an  arm  is  called  upon  by  their  country  to  stand  forth 
in  its  behalf;  and  I  consider  the  call  of  my  country  as  the  call  of  God, 
and  desire  to  be  all  obedience  to  such  a  call.  In  obedience  thereunto, 
would  administer  some  consolation  unto  you,  by  informing  you  of  the 
glorious  union  of  the  good  people  of  this  province,  both  in  sentiment 
and  action.  I  am  informed  from  good  authority,  that  the  committee 
of  correspondence  for  the  several  towns  in  the  county  of  Worcester, 
have  assembled,  are  in  high  spirits,  and  perfectly  united.  The  com- 
mittee for  Cambridge  and  Charlestown  are  to  have  a  conference 
to-morrow ;  and  I  trust  the  whole  county  of  Middlesex  will  soon  be 
assembled  by  delegates  from  the  respective  towns  in  said  county.  I 
have  the  greatest  reason  to  believe,  that  the  people  will  choose  to  fall 
gloriously  in  the  cause  of  their  country  than  meanly  to  submit  to 
slavery.  I  am  your  friend  and  brother, 

Thomas  Gardner. 

In  this  crisis-hour,  when  the  people  were  expected 
to    prevent    the    execution   of  the   Regulating   Act, 

43 


338  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN". 

Samuel  Adams  left  Boston1  (Aug.  10)  to  attend  the 
meeting  of  the  general  congress,  and  "Warren  became 
the  central  figure  in  the  political  movements  of 
Massachusetts.  His  impetuous  fearlessness,  Bancroft 
says  of  him,  as  he  was  now  acting,  was  tempered  by 
self-possession,  gentleness,  and  good  sense;  and  he 
"  had  reluctantly  become  convinced,  that  all  connec- 
tion with  the  British  parliament  must  be  broken  off." 

1  Wednesday  morning,  the  Hon.  Thomas  Cushing,  Esq.,  Mr.  Samuel  Adams, 
John  Adams,  and  Robert  Treat  Paine,  Esqrs.,  —  the  delegates  appointed  by  the 
Honorable  Commons  House  of  Assembly  for  this  province  to  attend  the  general 
congress,  to  be  holden  at  Philadelphia  some  time  next  month,  —  set  out  from 
hence,  attended  by  a  number  of  gentlemen,  who  accompanied  them  to  Watertown, 
where  they  were  met  by  many  others,  who  provided  an  elegant  entertainment  for 
them.  After  dinner  they  proceeded  on  their  journey,  intending  to  reach  South- 
borough  that  evening. 

Some  days  before  the  departure  of  the  committee  for  the  congress,  Mr.  Bow- 
doin  sent  them  a  letter,  acquainting  them  that  he  had  had  hopes  of  proceeding 
with  them  to  the  congress ;  but  Mrs.  Bowdoin's  ill  state  of  health,  occasioned  by 
a  long-continued  slow  fever,  necessitated  him  to  lay  aside  all  thoughts  of  it.  — 
Boston  Gazette,  Aug.  15,  1754. 

John  Andrews,  in  a  letter,  dated  Boston,  Aug.  6,  1774,  gives  the  following 
relation  of  Samuel  Adams  :  "  The  ultimate  wish  and  desire  of  the  high-govern- 
ment party  is  to  get  Samuel  Adams  out  of  the  way,  when  they  think  they  may 
accomplish  every  one  of  their  aims.  But,  however  some  may  despise  him,  he 
has  certainly  very  many  friends  :  for,  not  long  since,  some  persons  (their  names 
unknown)  sent  and  asked  his  permission  to  build  him  a  new  barn,  the  old  one 
being  decayed,  which  was  executed  in  a  few  days  ;  a  second  sent  to  ask  him  to 
repair  his  house,  which  was  thoroughly  effected  soon  ;  a  third  sent  to  beg  the 
favor  of  him  to  call  at  a  tailor's  shop,  and  be  measured  for  a  pair  of  clothes,  and 
choose  his  cloth,  which  were  finished,  and  sent  home  for  his  acceptance ;  a  fourth 
presented  him  with  a  new  wig;  a  fifth,  with  a  new  hat';  a  sixth,  with  six  pair  of  the 
best  silk  hose  ;  a  seventh,  with  six  pair  of  fine  thread  ditto ;  an  eighth  with  six 
pairs  of  shoes ;  and  a  ninth  modestly  inquired  of  him,  whether  his  finances  were 
not  rather  low  than  otherwise.  He  replied,  it  was  true  that  was  the  case  ;  but  he 
was  very  indifferent  about  those  matters  so  that  his  poor  abilities  were  of  any 
service  to  the  public  :  upon  which  the  gentleman  obliged  him  to  accept  of  a 
purse  containing  about  fifteen  or  twenty  Joannes.  I  mention  this  to  show  you 
how  much  he  is  esteemed  here.  They  value  him  for  his  good  sense,  great  abili- 
ties, amazing  fortitude,  noble  resolution,  and  undaunted  courage  ;  being  firm  and 
unmoved  at  all  the  various  reports  that  were  propagated  in  regard  to  his  being 
taken  up  and  sent  home,  notwithstanding  he  had  repeated  letters  from  his 
friends,  both  in  England  as  well  as  here,  to  keep  out  of  the  way." 


THE   REGULATING    ACT.  339 

It  was  necessary  that  the  revolutionary  work  at  hand, 
though  it  should  be  thorough,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
destruction  of  the  tea,  should  be  systematic. 

On  the  day  on  which  this  letter  is  dated,  at  a  meet- 
ing of  the  committee  of  correspondence  and  select- 
men of  Boston,  Warren  was  named  at  the  head  of 
the  delegation,  to  meet  in  a  county  convention  that 
was  to  be  held  at  Stoughton,  of  which  he  gives  some 
account  in  the  following  letter:  — 

Joseph  Warren  to  Samuel  Adams. 

Boston,  Aug.  15,  1774. 

Dear  Sir,  —  Our  public  affairs  have  not  changed  their  appearance 
since  your  departure.  The  people  are  in  high  spirits,  and  have  the 
greatest  confidence  in  the  wisdom  and  spirit  of  the  congress,  whose 
decisions  they  seem  determined  to  abide  by.  Mr.  Gage  sent,  the  day 
before  yesterday,  for  the  selectmen,  and  informed  them,  that  he  had 
received  an  act  of  parliament  prohibiting  their  calling  town-meetings 
without  a  license  from  him.  They  told  him,  that  they  should  obey  the 
laws  of  the  land ;  and  that  they  had  had  two  adjournments  of  their 
meeting,  and  knew  of  no  occasion  to  call  another.  He  replied,  that 
"  he  would  endeavor  to  put  the  act  in  execution ;  and,  if  any  ill  conse- 
quences followed,  they  only  were  blamable.  As  to  their  adjournment, 
he  must  consider  of  it ;  for  by  such  means  they  might  keep  their  meet- 
ing alive  these  ten  years."  Upon  this,  they  left  him.  On  Friday, 
agreeable  to  a  request  from  the  other  towns  in  this  county,  the  select- 
men and  committee  of  correspondence  met,  and  chose  five  members  to 
attend  the  county  congress  at  Stoughton  to-morrow :  Joseph  Warren, 
William  Phillips,  Esq.,  Mr.  Oliver  Wendell,  Dr.  Benjamin  Church, 
Mr.  John  Pitts.  Mr.  Phillips  has  refused.  We  shall  elect  a  member 
to  fill  his  place. 

General  Lee  leaves  us  to-day.  Enclosed  you  have  a  hint  which  I 
think  very  important ;  but  it  ought  to  come  from  a  member  for  some 
other  colony :  nay,  if  it  was  done  wholly  by  the  other  members  of  the 
congress,  I  should  like  it  better,  as  it  will  perhaps  be  injurious  to  you 
to  come  into  such  resolutions.  With  respect  to  some  who  are  sworn 
in  as  members,  the  poor  fellows  hang  their  heads  already.      Some 


34:0  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WARREN. 

spirited  resolutions  of  the  congress  will  drive  them  to  despair.  The 
gentlemen  from  the  Royal  Governments  may  possibly  think,  that, 
although  our  council  is  appointed  by  mandamus,  we  are,  nevertheless, 
upon  as  good  a  foundation,  in  that  respect,  as  themselves.  But  they  will 
consider,  that  it  is  not  simply  the  appointment  of  the  council  by  the 
king  that  we  complain  of;  it  is  the  breach  thereby  made  in  our  char- 
ter: and,  if  we  suffer  this,  none  of  our  charter-rights  are  worth 
naming ;  the  charters  of  all  the  colonies  are  no  more  than  blank  paper. 
The  same  power  that  can  take  away  our  right  of  electing  councillors 
by  our  representatives  can  take  away  from  the  other  colonies  the  right 
of  choosing  even  representatives ;  and  the  bill  for  regulating  the  Gov- 
ernment of  Canada  shows  plainly  that  it  would  be  very  pleasing  to  the 
ministry  to  deprive  the  Americans  totally  of  the  right  of  representa- 
tion ;  and,  indeed,  by  the  Acts  of  the  British  parliament,  and  by  the 
instructions  given  to  governors,  they  are  already  deprived  of  all 
the  advantages  derived  from  representation.  A  fair  state  of  this 
matter,  done  by  the  masterly  hand  of  some  of  our  worthy  friends  at 
the  congress,  would  open  the  eyes  of  many.  I  am  sure  the  congress 
will  be  able  to  convince  the  world,  that  the  present  American  repre- 
sentation is  a  shadow,  and  not  a  substance ;  and  I  am  certain,  that, 
unless  it  is  put  upon  a  better  footing,  the  people  themselves  will,  in  a 
few  years,  readily  consent  to  throw  off  the  useless  burthen.  But  I  am 
perhaps  too  much  like  the  declaimer  who  delivered  a  lecture  upon 
the  art  of  war  to  the  illustrious  general  Hannibal. 

Mrs.  Adams  and  your  family  are  well.  The  doctor  and  she  set  out 
for  the  Eastern  country  to-day.  Mrs.  Cushing  and  family  are  in  good 
health.  Mr.  Adams's  friends  in  town  are  well,  as  I  heard  his  lady  was 
last  Saturday.  Please  to  present  my  very  respectful  regards  to  your 
three  brethren,  and  believe  me  to  be  your  fast  friend  and  H.  serv*- 

Jos.  Warren. 

p.S.  —  While  writing,  Mr.  Pitts  comes  in,  and  informs  me  that  Dr. 
Williamson  has  written  to  his  friend  in  Philadelphia ;  assuring  him  that 
the  ministry  have  lately  written  instructions  to  General  Gage  not  to 
take  one  step  against  the  Americans,  if  the  opposition  to  ministerial 
measures   should  be  general. 

The  celebrated  Colonel  Putnam  is  now  in  my  house,  having  arrived, 
since  I  subscribed  this  letter,  with  a  generous  donation  of  sheep.1 

1  I  copy  this  letter  from  the  original,  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Bancroft. 


THE    REGULATING   ACT.  341 

Warren's  guest,  Colonel  Putnam,  remained  in  town 
several  days.  "  The  old  hero,  Putnam,"  Dr.  Young 
writes,  "  arrived  in  town  on  Monday,  bringing  with 
him  one  hundred  and  thirty  sheep  from  the  little  par- 
ish of  Brooklyn.  He  cannot  get  away,  he  is  so  much 
caressed,  both  by  the  officers  and  citizens.  He  has 
had  a  long  combat  with  Major  Small,  in  the  political 
way,  much  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  latter.  He 
looks  fresh  and  hearty,  and,  on  an  emergency,  would 
be  as  likely  to  do  good  business  as  ever."1  The 
patriot  received  due  notice  in  the  newspapers,  which 
said,  he  was  so  well  known  through  North  America, 
that  no  words  were  necessary  to  inform  the  public 
further  than  that  his  generosity  led  him  to  Boston,  to 
cherish  his  oppressed  brethren,  and  support  them  by 
every  means  in  his  power. 

The  provisions  of  the  Regulating  Act  forbade 
town-meetings,  except  by  the  permission  of  the  gov- 
ernor; but  the  most  of  the  towns  of  Suffolk  met,  and 
chose  delegates  —  in  all  sixty  —  to  attend  a  conven- 
tion, held  on  the  16th,  at  Stoughton,  at  Colonel  Doty's 
tavern.  It  was  called  w  a  county  congress."  Some 
of  the  towns  had  not  had  the  requisite  notice :  it  was 
found  that  "  the  committees  of  many  towns  were 
not  specially  authorized  to  negotiate  the  affairs  of 
a  county  congress;"  and,  to  enable  all  towns  and 
districts  to  choose  delegates,  and  thus  w  to  show  con- 
tempt for  the  act  of  parliament  touching  town-meet- 
ings," the  convention,  after  adopting  the  form  of  a 
call,2  and  choosing  a  committee  to  send  it  to  the  towns, 
adjourned  to  the  6th  of  September,  in  the  town  of 

1  Letter,  Aug.  19,  1774. 

2  The  call  is  in  Proceedings  of  Mass.  Hist.  Soc,  1858-60,  291. 


342  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WAKKEX. 

Dedham.  One  of  the  Boston  delegates  says,  tt  We 
were  perfectly  unanimous  and  firm  in  the  common 
cause.  Colonel  Thayer  particularly  said,  we  must  all 
appear  undisguised  upon  a*ie  side  or  the  other.  Good 
Mr.  Dunbar  gave  us  the  most  extraordinary  liberty- 
prayer  that  ever  I  heard.  He  appeared  to  have  the 
most  divine,  if  not  prophetical,  enthusiasm  in  favor  of 
our  rights,  and  stood  with  us  till  eight  o'clock  at 
night.  "We  rode  all  together  in  the  berlin,  with  four 
horses  and  two  servants,  and  returned  at  eleven 
o'clock  at  night  in  good  health." 1  On  the  day  of  this 
convention,  the  judges  of  the  inferior  court  of  Great 
Barrington  were  forced  by  the  people  to  pledge  their 
honor  that  they  would  do  no  business.2   * 

Warren's  time  was  now  greatly  occupied  with  pub- 
lic affairs.  Among  his  students  was  Dr.  William 
Eustis,  subsequently  member  of  congress,  governor 
of  Massachusetts,  and  secretary  of  war.  He  was 
now  about  twenty-one.  His  amiable  character,  fine 
address,  and  culture,  won  the  strong  attachment  of 
Warren.  The  young  student  is  found  by  the  side 
of  his  instructor  in  trying  scenes.  He  now  sent  the 
following  note,  in  a  neat  handwriting,  to  Samuel 
Adams :  — 

Boston,  Aug.  18,  1774. 

I  am  [  ]   inform  you  that  Dr.  Warren  would  do  himself  the 

pleasure  to  write  you ;  but  opportunity  will  not  permit  it.     He  sends 

you  the  enclosed,  and  wishes  you  much  prosperity. 

Sir,  your  very  humble  servant,  W.  Eustis.3 

Mr.  Adams. 

This  was  an  exciting  week,  and  the  committee  of 
correspondence  was  often  in  session.     "Letters  and 

1  Benjamin  Kent  to  Samuel  Adams,  Aug.  20,  1774. 

2  Bancroft,  vii.  103.  3  Samuel  Adams's  manuscript  papers. 


THE   REGULATING   ACT.  343 

resolves,"  Young  writes  on  the  19th,  "  come  in  to  us 
from  all  quarters,  and  still  on  the  rising  tenor.  Thir- 
teen were  received  last  Tuesday  evening,  and  many- 
are  come  to  hand  since.  We  meet  every  day  or  two 
as  usual,  and  proceed  with  great  harmony."  Warren 
now  wrote  to  Samuel  Adams,  that  the  county  meet- 
ing, already  appointed,  would  have  important  conse- 
quences :  — 

Joseph  Warren  to  Samuel  Adams. 

Boston,  21  Aug.  [1774]. 
My  dear  Sir,  —  I  received  yours  from  Hartford,  and  enclose  you 
the  vote  of  the  House,  passed  the  17th  of  June.  I  shall  take  care  to 
follow  your  advice  respecting  the  county  meeting,  which,  depend  upon 
it,  will  have  very  important  consequences.  The  spirits  of  our  friends 
rise  every  day ;  and  we  seem  animated  by  the  proofs,  which  every  hour 
appear,  of  the  villainous  designs  of  our  enemies,  which  justify  us  in 
all  we  have  done  to  oppose  them  hitherto,  and  in  all  that  we  can  do 
in  future.  A  non-importation  and  non-exportation  to  Britain,  Ireland, 
and  the  West  Indies,  is  now  the  most  moderate  measure  talked :  it  is  my 
opinion,  that  nothing  less  will  prevent  bloodshed  two  months  longer. 
The  non-importation  and  non-exportation  to  Britain  and  Ireland  ought 
to  take  place  immediately,  —  to  the  West  Indies  not  until  December 
next;  because,  should  the  non-exportation  to  the  West  Indies  take 
place  immediately,  thousands  of  innocent  people  must  inevitably  per- 
ish :  whereas,  if  it  takes  place  at  some  distance,  they,  and  the  pro- 
prietors of  the  islands,  may  use  their  influence  to  ward  off  the  blow ; 
and,  if  they  fail  in  that,  they  may  come  to  the  continent,  where  they 
will  be  treated  with  humanity.  [By]  stopping  the  exportation  of  flax- 
seed to  Ireland,  and  giving  them  immediate  notice,  they  may  obtain  a 
repeal  of  the  Act  soon  enough  to  get  their  supply  before  sowing-time. 
This  stoppage  of  exportation  of  flaxseed  will  not  fall  heavy  upon  any 
one  in  this  country,  as  scarcely  any  farmer  raises  more  than  four,  six, 
or  eight  bushels ;  but  it  will  throw  a  million  of  people  in  Ireland  out  of 
bread.  There  are  about  one  hundred  thousand  acres  of  land  sowed  in 
Ireland  with  flaxseed  every  year ;  and  it  is  computed,  that,  with  dress- 
ing and  spinning,  weaving,  bleaching,  &c,  ten  persons  are  employed  by 
every  acre ;   and  the  ministry  will  not  find  it  easy  to  maintain  so  many 


344  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

persons  in  idleness,  especially  as  the  national  revenue,  if  computed  (as 
the  best  writers  have  computed)  at  eight  millions  sterling,  will  be  one- 
eighth  part  lost  by  the  loss  of  their  trade  with  America  and  the  West 
Indies.  In  my  next,  I  will  endeavor  to  make  some  calculations  of  the 
interest  which  the  British  nation  have  in  the  West  Indies  and  Ireland ; 
also  how  many  Irish  peers  and  peers  of  Great  Britain :  and,  if  I  can 
(though  I  hardly  know  how  to  go  about  it),  will  give  some  pretty 
near  guess  at  the  number  of  members  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
whose  chief  fortunes  lie  in  Ireland  and  the  West  Indies.  I  enclose 
you  all  the  papers,  as  far  as  they  are  printed.  I  think  nothing  material 
is  omitted.  The  extract  of  a  letter  from  London,  dated  June  first,  is 
from  Mr.  Sheriff  Lee.  The  lord  said  to  be  virulent  against  America, 
in  the  cabinet,  is  Dartmouth,  in  the  letter.  The  lord  said  to  be 
brought  over  to  American  justice  is  Temple.  The  letter  was  written 
to  the  Hon.  Mr.  Gushing. 

I  have  now  a  matter  of  private  concern  to  mention  to  you,  by  the 
desire  of  Mr.  Pitts.  Our  friend,  Mr.  William  Turner,  has,  as  you 
know,  been  persecuted  for  his  political  sentiments,  and  ruined  in  his 
business.  The  dancing  and  fencing  master,  named  Pike,  in  Charleston, 
South  Carolina,  is  about  leaving  the  school,  and  has  invited  Mr.  Turner 
to  take  his  place.  I  am  myself,  and  I  know  you  are,  always  deeply 
interested  for  the  prosperity  of  persons  of  merit,  who  have  suffered  for 
espousing  the  cause  of  their  country.  If  you  can,  by  giving  Mr. 
Turner  his  true  character,  interest  the  gentlemen  with  you  in  his  favor, 
you  will  do  a  benevolent  action,  and  oblige  Mr.  Pitts,  Mr.  Turner,  and 
myself.  If  they  could  be  induced  to  write  to  their  friends,  and  know 
what  encouragement  he  might  expect,  it  might  save  him  the  expense 
of  a  journey  which  he  can  ill  afford  to  take. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  your  most  obedient  servant,  J.  W. 

p.S.  —  Please  to  make  my  respectful  compliments  to  your  three 
fellow-laborers.  As  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  get  information,  their 
families  and  friends  are  in  health.  Let  them  know  that  I  consider 
every  thing  I  write  to  one  of  you  is  written  to  all.  Great  expectations 
are  formed  of  the  spirited  resolves  which  the  congress  will  pass  relative 
to  our  traitors  by  mandamus. 

There  was  delay  in  organizing  a  body  to  receive 
the  donations  that  were  sent  to  Boston.  The  town, 
at  the  meeting  on  the  17th  of  June,  authorized  the 


THE   REGULATING   ACT.  345 

overseers  of  the  poor,  as  they  were  w  a  body  politic 
by  law,"  in  concert  with  the  committee  of  the  ways 
and  means  of  employing  the  poor,  to  receive  and  dis- 
tribute the  donations  made  to  the  town.  Accord- 
ingly, the  earliest  replies  to  the  committee  are  signed 
by& order  of  this  board.  On  the  19th  of  July,  this 
body  desired  to  be  discharged  from  further  service  in 
relation  to  this  subject;  and,  on  the  26th  of  July,  the 
committee  on  donations  was  finally  organized.  It 
was  a  body  distinct  from  the  committee  of  corre- 
spondence, and  its  duties  were  urgent  and  arduous. 
One  of  them  was  to  reply  to  the  letters  that  were  sent 
with  the  contributions;  and  Warren  wrote  some  of 
these  replies.  One  of  them  was  the  following,  ad- 
dressed to  Stonington,  Connecticut:  — 

Joseph  Warren  to  the  Stonington  Committee. 

Boston,  Aug.  24,  1774. 
Gentlemen,  —  Your  elegant  and  benevolent  favor  of  the  1st 
instant  yielded  us  that  support  and  consolation  amid  our  distresses, 
which  the  generous  sympathy  of  assured  friends  can  never  fail  to 
inspire.  Tis  the  part  of  this  people  to  frown  on  danger,  face  to  face  ; 
to  stand  the  focus  of  rage  and  malevolence  of  the  inexorable  enemies 
of  American  freedom.  Permit  us  to  glory  in  the  dangerous  distinc- 
tion ;  and  be  assured,  that,  while  actuated  by  the  spirit  and  confident 
of  the  aid  of  such  noble  auxiliaries,  we  are  compelled  to  support  the 
conflict.  When  liberty  is  the  prize,  who  would  shun  the  warfare? 
Who  would  stoop  to  waste  a  coward  thought  on  life  ?  We  esteem  no 
sacrifice  too  great,  no  conflict  too  severe,  to  redeem  our  inestimable 
rights  and  privileges.  'Tis  for  you,  brethren,  for  ourselves,  for  our 
united  posterity,  we  hazard  all ;  and  permit  us  humbly  to  hope,  that 
such  a  measure  of  vigilance,  fortitude,  and  perseverance  will  still  be 
afforded  us,  that,  by  patiently  suffering  and  nobly  daring,  we  may 
eventually  secure  that  more  precious  than  Hesperian  fruit,  the  golden 
apples  of  freedom.  We  eye  the  hand  of  Heaven  in  the  rapid  and 
wonderful   union  of  the  colonies;    and  that  generous  and  universal 

44 


346  LITE    OF   JOSEPH    WARKEX. 

emulation  to  prevent  the  sufferings  of  the  people  of  this  place  gives  a 
prelibation  of  the  cup  of  deliverance.  May  unerring  Wisdom  dictate 
the  measures  to  be  recommended  by  the  congress  !  May  a  smiling  God 
conduct  this  people  through  the  thorny  paths  of  difficulty,  and  finally 
gladden  our  hearts  with  success! 

We  are,  gentlemen,  your  friends  in  the  cause  of  liberty, 

Joseph  Warren,  Chairman. 
To  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  at  Stonington. 

"This  letter,"  Hollister  says,  "that  rises  like  a 
heavenly  vision  into  the  regions  where  such  poets  as 
Milton  hymn  their  prophetic  songs,  is  still  in  the 
keeping  of  the  town-clerk  of  Stonington.  It  does, 
indeed,  *  stir  the  heart  like  the  sound  of  a  trumpet,' 
and  is  worthy  to  be  carved  for  an  epitaph  upon  a 
monument  of  granite,  that  should  for  ever  rest  upon 
the  ashes  of  Warren."1 

On  the  same  day,  Warren  replied  to  the  town 
of  Preston,  in  the  letter  of  which  was  the  remark,  that 
their  people,  on  the  reception  of  the.  second  and  third 
unrighteous  Acts  of  Parliament,  were  anxiously  look- 
ing "  for  some  important  event "  to  take  place ;  that, 
while  it  was  becoming  to  be  watchful,  there  "was 
great  reason  to  fear  that  nothing  short  of  another 
kind  of  resistance  would  regain  and  secure  their 
privileges ; "  and  that  it  had  given  them  fresh  alarm 
to  hear  that  arms  were  not  suffered  to  be  carried 
out  of  town.  The  reply  indicates  the  difficulty  the 
patriots  of  Boston  encountered  in  avoiding  both  sub- 
mission and  violence. 

Joseph  Warren  to  the  Preston  Committee. 

Boston,  Aug.  24,  1774. 
Gentlemen,  —  We  received  by  Captain  Belcher  your  letter  of  the 
20th,  and  the  sum  of  money  you  were  kind  enough  to  send  for  the  sup- 

1  This  letter  is  printed  by  Hollister  in  his  History  of  Connecticut,  ii.  167. 


THE   REGULATING  ACT.  347 

port  of  our  poor.  It  gives  us  pleasure  amidst  our  sufferings  to  find 
our  brethren  determined  to  assist  and  support  us  while  we  are  strug- 
gling for  American  freedom.  Our  enemies,  we  know,  will  use  every 
artifice  that  hell  can  suggest  and  human  power  can  execute  to  enslave 
us ;  but  we  are  determined  not  to  submit.  We  choose  to  effect  our  sal- 
vation from  bondage  by  policy,  rather  than  by  arms ;  considering  that 
the  blood  of  freemen  who  fight  for  their  country  is  of  more  value  than  the 
blood  of  a  soldiery  who  fight  for  pay.  We  doubt  not  but  a  virtuous 
continental  adherence  to  [the]  non-importation,  non-exportation,  and 
non-consumption  agreement,  will  produce  such  changes  in  Britain  as  will 
compel  them  to  give  us  every  thing  we  wish.  But  if  this  should  fail, 
and  we  should  be  obliged  to  seek  redress  in  the  way  you  have  hinted, 
we  flatter  ourselves  that  we  shall  act  like  men,  and  merit  the  approba- 
tion of  all  America.  The  conduct  of  our  adversaries  is  to  us  aston- 
ishing. Policy  is  no  more  their  guide  than  justice.  They  have  shut 
their  eyes  against  daylight ;  and,  if  they  lead  the  British  nation  into  the 
pit  they  have  digged  for  us,  the  blame  must  be  laid  to  their  own  door. 
The  motions  of  our  governor  are  like  those  of  other  machines :  they 
move  as  they  are  directed.  He  is  clad  in  the  garb  of  ministerial  in- 
structions, and  has  declared  his  determination  implicitly  to  obey  them. 
We  shall  always  receive  with  gratitude  your  advice  and  assistance,  not 
doubting  that  the  end  of  our  warfare  will  be  freedom  to  America. 
We  are,  with  sincerity,  gentlemen,  your  very  humble  servants, 

J.  Warren, 
Per  order  of  the  Committee  of  Donations. 

P.S.  —  The  arms  have  been  several  times  detained  in  going  out  of 
town,  but  never  finally  stopped.  Even  if  a  private  gentleman  carries 
one  out  of  town  with  him  for  diversion,  he  is  not  permitted  to  bring  it 
back  again. 

To  the  Gentlemen  the  Committee  of  the  Town  of  Preston.1 

"Warren  now  took  the  lead  in  an  important  move- 
ment, designed  to  systematize  the  opposition  to  the 

1  I  copy  this  letter  from  4th  series  of  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Society,  iv.  54.  In 
this  volume  will  be  found  a  large  number  of  the  letters  addressed  to  the  Dona- 
tion Committee,  and  the  replies  to  them ;  the  correspondence  and  notes  filling 
278  pages,  printed  from  two  letter-books  now  in  the  archives  of  the  Society. 
Nearly  all  these  letters  remained  in  manuscript  until  they  appeared,  in  1858, 
in  this  volume.  The  letters  addressed  to  the  town  of  Boston  constitute  a  noble 
monument  of  the  generous  and  fraternal  spirit  that  made  the  American  Union. 


348  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH   WAKRE^. 

execution  of  the  Regulating  Act,  which  was  spon- 
taneous throughout  the  province.  Before  this  time, 
the  people  of  the  other  colonies  not  merely  coun- 
selled, but  enjoined  on,  the  citizens  of  Massachusetts 
to  defeat  this  law.  There  was  a  county  convention1 
held  at  Worcester,  on  the  9th  of  August,  which, 
without  other  action  than  passing  resolves,  had  ad- 
journed to  the  last  Tuesday  of  the  month.  It  is 
worthy  of  remark,  that  these  resolves,  which  were 
ordered  to  be  circulated  by  handbills,  aver  that  the 
people  bore  true  allegiance  to  the  king,  while  they 
make  this  declaration:  "We  have  within  ourselves 
the  exclusive  right  of  originating  each  and  every  law 
respecting  ourselves,  and  ought  to  be  on  an  equal 
footing   with    His   Majesty's   subjects   in   England." 

1  At  this  time,  Governor  Gage  had  a  military  force  at  Salem,  in  which  town 
he  was  required  by  law  to  convene  the  council  and  legislature ;  and  he  now 
attempted  to  break  up  a  town-meeting,  which  was  called  on  the  20th  of  August 
for  the  choice  of  delegates  to  a  county  convention.  He  issued  the  following 
proclamation :  — 

"Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay.     By  the  Governor.    A  Proclamation, 

"  Whereas  certain  handbills  have  been  posted  in  sundry  places  in  the  town  of 
Salem,  calling  upon  the  merchants,  freeholders,  and  other  inhabitants  of  said 
town,  to  meet  at  the  Town-house  Chamber,  on  Wednesday  next,  at  nine  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  to  consider  of  and  determine  upon  measures  for  opposing  the 
execution  of  divers  late  Acts  of  Parliament ;  — 

"  And  whereas,  by  a  late  Act  of  Parliament,  all  town-meetings  called  without 
the  consent  of  the  governor  (except  the  annual  meetings  in  the  months  of  March 
and  May)  are  illegal ;  — 

"  I  do  hereby  strictly  prohibit  all  persons  from  attending  the  aforesaid  or  any 
other  meeting  not  warned  by  law,  as  they  will  be  chargeable  with  all  the  ill  con- 
sequences that  may  follow  thereon,  and  answer  the  same  at  their  utmost  peril. 

"  Given  at  Salem,  the  23d  day  of  August,  1774.  Thos.  Gage. 

"  By  His  Excellency's  command,  / 

Thos.  Flucker,  Sec. 

"  God  save  the  king." 

The  inhabitants  met,  sent  a  committee  to  wait  on  Governor  Gage  to  argue 
the  law,  who  sent  a  detachment  of  soldiers  to  disperse  the  meeting.  Meantime 
the  people  quickly  chose  the  delegates,  and  adjourned.  The  baffled  governor 
arrested  the  officials  who  called  the  meeting.  —  Siege  of  Boston,  13. 


THE   REGULATING  ACT.  349 

The  committee  of  the  town  of  Worcester  now  re- 
quested a  conference  with  the  committee  of  Boston, 
to  agree  on  a  general  plan  in  relation  to  resisting  the 
Regulating  Act.  On  the  invitation  of  the  Boston 
committee,  there  was  a  convention  of  the  delegates 
of  the  four  counties  of  Suffolk,  Essex,  Middlesex,  and 
Worcester,  at  Faneuil  Hall,  on  the  26th  of  August. 
One  of  the  Essex  delegates  was  Elbridge  Gerry, 
who,  by  similarity  of  taste,  disposition,  principles,  and 
aims,  was  in  close  friendship  with  Warren.  This 
was  the  most  general  political  consultation  held  since 
the  remarkable  convention  of  1768.  Warren  was 
chosen  the  chairman.  The  meeting  voted  that  the 
officials  under  the  new  act  were  unconstitutional  offi- 
cers, and  chose  a  committee  to  report  the  measures 
that  might  be  expedient.  Their  report,  on  the  next 
day,  was  read  repeatedly,  and  accepted  paragraph  by 
paragraph.  It  provided  for  a  thorough  defeat  of  the 
Regulating  Act.  It  recommended  the  important 
step  of  a  Provincial  Congress,  in  order  to  mature  w  an 
effectual  plan  for  counteracting  the  systems  of  des- 
potism;" and  that,  previous  to  the  congress,  courts 
^held  under  the  act  ought  to  be  properly  opposed.  In 
a  resolve,  they  said  that  all  who  attempted  to  execute 
this  act  ought  to  be  held  in  the  highest  detestation ; 
and  that  individuals  who  maintained  "  the  rights  of 
the  province  and  continent "  in  resisting  it  ought  to 
be  defended  by  the  whole  province,  if  necessary. 
The  convention  recommended  the  choice,  as  soon  as 
may  be,  of  delegates  to  the  proposed  congress.  These 
resolves  were  not  intended  for  the  public,  but  were 
an  agreement  for  perilous  political  action.  This  was 
not  a  declaration  of  independence,  nor  was  even  the 


850  LIFE   OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

thing  intended.  "Whatever  might  have  been  the  con- 
sequences, it  was  a  blow  levelled  at  the  measures  of 
the  Administration  rather  than  at  the  sovereignty 
of  the  British  Empire. 

On  this  day,  Warren,  in  behalf  of  the  committee 
of  donations,  replied  to  a  letter  of  the  committee  of 
Norwich,  Connecticut,  who,  in  sending  on  a  contribu- 
tion of  sheep,  say  in  their  letter,  that  they  should  be 
glad  to  know  of  the  true  state  of  affairs  w  per  return 
of  the  gentlemen  who  drive  the  sheep."  In  replying, 
Warren  drew  a  lifelike  sketch  of  affairs  in  the  town 
and  province,  and  announced  the  plan,  agreed  upon 
that  day,  to  avoid  an  action  with  the  soldiery  until  it 
should  be  necessary. 

Joseph  Warren  to  the  Committee  of  Norwich. 

Boston,  Aug.  27, 1774. 
Gentlemen,  —  Your  letter,  with  the  two  hundred  and  ninety-one 
sheep,  were  received  safely,  and  met  with  a  very  hearty  welcome.  We 
have  good  reason  to  think  that  our  oppressors  see  their  mistake,  and 
that  they  will  ere  long  be  convinced  that  Americans  are  not  to  be 
fritted  or  wheedled  out  of  their  rights.  The  arm  of  a  tyrant  is  never 
supported  by  justice,  and  therefore  must  fall.  Mr.  Gage  is  executing 
the  late  Acts  of  Parliament,  in  their  several  branches,  to  the  best  of  his 
ability.  He  is  furnished  with  a  council  who  will  be  careful  (as  their 
existence  depends  on  the  will  of  his  master)  to  study  his  inclination, 
and  to  act  every  thing  in  conformity  to  his  pleasure.  We  don't  expect 
justice  from  them,  and  have  no  hopes  that  they  will  be  guided  by  the 
laws  of  equity  or  the  dictates  of  conscience.  Certainly,  men  who  will 
serve  such  an  Administration  as  the  present,  and  suffer  themselves  to 
be  promoted  at  the  expense  of  the  charter  of  their  country,  must  be 
destitute  of  every  idea  of  right,  and  ready  instruments  to  introduce 
abject  slavery.  Mr.  Gage  may  issue  his  precepts,  and  his  council  may 
sanctify  them ;  his  juries  may  give  verdicts,  and  an  unconstitutional 
and  venal  bench  may  pass  judgments :  but  what  will  this  avail,  unless 
the  people  will  acquiesce  in  them  ?     If  the  people  think  them  uncon- 


THE   KEGULATISTG    ACT.  351 

stitutional,  of  what  importance  are  their  determinations  ?  Solus  populi 
suprema  lex  esto  is  a  precious  old  maxim.  The  ministry  have  forgot 
it ;  but  the  people  are  determined  to  remember  it. 

We  consider  a  suspension  of  trade  through  the  continent  with  Great 
Britain,  Ireland,  and  the  West  Indies,  as  the  grand  machine  that  will 
deliver  us.  If  this  should  fail,  we  must  then  have  recourse  to  the  last 
resort.  As  yet,  we  have  been  preserved  from  action  with  the  soldiery ; 
and  we  shall  endeavor  to  avoid  it,  until  we  see  that  it  is  necessary,  and 
settled  plan  is  fixed  on  for  that  purpose.  The  late  Acts  of  Parlia 
ment  are  such  gross  infringements  on  us,  that  our  consciences  forbid  us 
to  submit  to  them.  We  think  it  is  better  to  put  up  with  some  incon- 
venience, and  pursue  with  patience  the  plan  of  commercial  opposition, 
as  it  will  be  more  for  the  honor  and  interest  of  the  continent,  as  well  as 
more  consistent  with  the  principles  of  humanity  and  religion. 

Mr.  Gage  finds  himself  very  unequal  to  the  task  that  is  set  him, 
and  is  at  a  loss  for  measures.  He  sees,  and  is  astonished  at,  the  spirit 
of  the  people.  He  forbids  their  town-meetings,  and  they  meet  in 
counties.  If  he  prevents  county  meetings,  we  must  call  provincial 
meetings ;  and,  if  he  forbid  these,  we  trust  that  our  worthy  brethren  on 
the  continent,  and  especially  of  the  town  of  Norwich,  in  Connecticut, 
will  lend  us  their  helping  arms  in  time  of  danger,  and  will  be  no  less 
conspicuous  for  their  fortitude  than  they  now  are  for  their  generosity. 

We  have  nothing  important  to  inform  you  of  besides  what  you  see 
in  the  public  papers.  Should  any  thing  worthy  your  notice  take  place, 
we  shall  gladly  communicate  it  to  you. 

We  are,  gentlemen,  your  grateful  friends  and  humble  servants, 

Joseph  Warren, 
Per  order  the  Committee  of  Donations. 
To  the  Gentlemen  the  Committee  of  the  Town  of  Norwich.1 

The  following  hastily  written  note  shows  how  ener- 
getically Warren  was  w  helping  forward  the  political 
machines  in  all  parts  of  the  province : "  — 

Joseph  Warren  to  Samuel  Adams. 

Boston,  Aug.  29, 1774. 
Dear  Sir,  —  I  have  enclosed  all  the  late  public  papers  worthy 
your  notice,  and  shall,  by  the  next  opportunity,  give  you  all  the  public 

1  This  letter  is  printed  in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Collections,  4th  series,  iv.  46. 


352  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

intelligence  in  my  power.  Haste  now  prevents  it,  as  I  am  constantly 
busied  in  helping  forward  the  political  machines  in  all  parts  of  this 
province.  Friend  Quincy  is  going  to  London.  I  wish  he  may  have 
such  letters  from  you  and  the  other  gentlemen  of  the  congress  as  may 
make  him  immediately  noticed  by  persons  of  distinction  there.  Messrs. 
Paine  of  Worcester,  Oliver  of  Salem,  Winslow  of  Roxbury,  and  Pep- 
perell  of  Roxbury,  have  resigned  their  seats  at  the  Board.  Nothing 
will  satisfy  the  people  here  but  a  resolve  of  the  congress  never  to  com- 
mence any  commercial  intercourse  with  Britain  whilst  one  person  who 
has  accepted  a  commission,  or  acted  under  the  authority  of  the  late 
Acts  of  Parliament,  is  [in]  any  office  of  power  or  trust  in  America. 
This,  say  they  (and  justly),  is  the  only  measure  that  can  save  us  from 
being  perpetually  plagued  with  villains  who  will  traduce  their  country 
to  advance  themselves  to  places  of  trust  and  gain.  Mr.  Webster,  the 
bearer  hereof,  a  merchant  of  Philadelphia,  is  a  man  of  very  extensive 
political  knowledge,  especially  respecting  commerce.  I  wish  you  to 
see  him  and  converse  with  him. 

I  shall  write  you  particulars  by  the  next  opportunity,  and  am  your 
most  humble  servant  and  constant  friend,  Jos.  Warren.1 

The  determination  to  avoid  a  collision  with  the 
British  soldiery  was  put  to  a  severe  test  by  the  en- 
deavors of  both  parties  to  secure  what  they  could 
of  the  scanty  stock  of  arms  and  ammunition  in  the 
province.  The  powder  belonging  to  towns  and 
the  province  was  kept  in  the  Powder  House,  in 
Charlestown,  in  the  portion  which  is  now  Somerville. 
The  towns  had  withdrawn  their  portion.  Very  early 
on  the  morning  of  the  1st  of  September,  a  detachment 
of  soldiers  went  from  Boston  in  boats,  landed  at 
Temple's  farm,  passed  over  to  Quarry  Hill  to  the 
Powder  House,  and  carried  the  powder  and  some 
cannon  to  Castle  William.  This  was  the  occasion  of 
the  famous  "  Powder  Alarm,"  which  was  sounded  not 
merely  through  Middlesex  county,  but  through  the 

1  This  letter  is  printed  from  the  original  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Bancroft. 


THE   REGULATING  ACT.  353 

province  and  into  other  colonies,  causing  a  great 
commotion.  There  was  a  large  gathering  before 
evening;  and,  the  next  morning,  the  people,  with 
arms  in  their  hands,  assembled  in  Cambridge.  The 
ever-vigilant  committees,  early  in  the  morning,  sent 
several  messengers  into  Boston  asking  the  aid  of 
the  committee  of  correspondence.  "Warren,  on  being 
informed  that  his  presence  was  needed  to  prevent  an 
immediate  outbreak,  at  six  o'clock,  notified  such  of 
the  committee  as  he  could,  crossed  over  the  ferry  to 
Charlestown,  met  several  of  its  committee  of  corre- 
spondence, and  by  eight  o'clock  was  in  the  midst 
of  the  excited  multitude  in  Cambridge.  Counsellor 
Danforth  was  addressing  about  four  thousand  people, 
and  resigning  his  commission.  Warren  now  used  his 
influence  efficiently  to  prevent  a  collision  with  the 
troops,  spent  the  day  with  this  company  of  freemen, 
and  was  witness  of  their  patience,  temperance,  and 
fortitude,  as  they  compelled  obnoxious  officials  to 
obey  the  popular  will.  The  governor  wisely  re- 
mained inactive.  In  Warren's  judgment,  had  the 
troops  marched  out  of  Boston  against  this  body  of 
men,  not  a  man  would  have  returned.  On  this  day, 
he  addressed  a  letter  in  reply  to  the  committee  of  the 
town  of  East  Haddam,  which,  in  contributing  "  its 
mite  for  the  relief  of  the  poor,"  said,  "  As  you  are 
the  first  that  are  attacked  as  the  head  of  all  America, 
and  so  more  immediately  suffering,  yet  all  the  mem- 
bers, in  a  greater  or  lesser  degree,  are  suffering  with 
you." 

45 


354  LIFE   OF  JOSEPH   WARREN. 


Reply  to  East  Haddam. 

Boston,  Sept.  1, 1774. 

Gentlemen,  —  The  town  of  East  Haddam,  in  their  letter  of  the 
24th  August,  discover  such  a  cordial  sympathy  for  our  distress,  and 
give  such  a  pleasing  proof  of  their  resolution  to  assist  us,  as  makes  us 
more  than  ever  determined  to  support  our  sufferings  with  a  philo- 
sophic fortitude.  Boston  is  the  stage  on  which  our  tyrants  choose  to 
act  at  present ;  but  how  soon  they  will  choose  to  figure  in  some  spot 
where  they  have  a  greater  probability  of  success,  time  only  will  dis- 
cover. We  hope,  however,  to  convince  them,  that  not  only  Boston,  but 
all  America,  is  designed  by  Heaven  for  an  asylum  for  oppressed  and 
injured  virtue,  rather  than  to  be  a  theatre  of  sport  for  usurping  des- 
pots. The  late  Acts  of  Parliament  are  cruel  and  oppressive  to  the  last 
degree.  That  for  blockading  our  harbor  is  perhaps  without  a  parallel ; 
but  we  are,  nevertheless,  of  opinion  that  they  have  operated  for  our 
advantage.  Our  enemies  imagined,  that,  by  exhibiting  to  our  view 
some  signal  instances  of  their  immediate  power  to  distress  us,  we 
should  be  intimidated ;  that  we  should  submit  to  kiss  the  rod,  and  beg 
them  to  accept  of  our  obedience.  They  now  see  that  we  are  neither 
to  be  persuaded  nor  frighted  from  that  standard  which  we  are  most 
sacredly  bound  to  protect.  They  have  done  their  utmost,  and  it  is 
ineffectual.  In  policy,  we  flatter  ourselves  they  have  not  exceeded  us. 
Arms  are  as  ye*  untried.  There  was  a  time  when  some  good  men 
among  us  were  insensible  of  their  danger,  and  seemed  to  prefer 
obscurity  to  action ;  but  the  late  manoeuvres  of  tyranny  have  roused 
them  from  their  lethargy,  and  they  now  pant  for  the  field  in  which  the 
fate  of  our  country  is  to  be  decided. 

Nothing  has  so  damped  the  spirits  of  those  who  aspire  to  be  our 
masters,  as  the  accounts  we  are  daily  receiving  of  the  glorious  spirit 
that  inspires  the  different  parts  of  the  continent.  Some  have  believed, 
or  have  pretended  to  believe,  that,  if  the  faction  in  Boston  was  quelled, 
the  provinces  would  acquiesce  in  whatever  changes  Administration 
were  pleased  to  make  in  the  charter  and  constitution  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Bay.  But  now  they  see  that  a  firm  bond  is  formed  in  America, 
which  the  most  powerful  monarch  on  earth  will  not  easily  break. 

You  will  be  pleased  to  accept  our  most  hearty  wishes  for  a  continu- 
ance of  your  friendship ;  and  gratitude  and  justice  oblige  us  to  tell 
you,  that  the  Colony  of  Connecticut  have  behaved  to  us  like  brothers, 


THE   REGULATING   ACT.  355 

and  signalized  themselves  in  the  cause  of  American  liberty  in  such  a 
manner  as  will  redound  to  their  honor  so  long  as  the  sun  and  moon 
endure. 

The  generous  benefaction  from  the  town  of  East  Haddam,  so 
modestly  mentioned  in  your  letter,  excites  those  emotions  which  the 
grateful  hearts  of  their  brethren  here  can  better  conceive  than  express. 

We  are,  gentlemen,  with  sincerity,  your  much  obliged  servants, 

Joseph  Warren, 
Per  order  of  the  Committee  of  Donations. 
To  Mr.  Daniel  Brainbrd  and  others  of  the  Committee  of  East  Haddam.1 

Warren  now  wrote  to  Samuel  Adams,  that  he  never 
saw  a  more  glorious  prospect  than  there  then  was, 
and  that  the  generous  spirit  of  their  ancestors  seemed 
to  have  revived  beyond  the  most  sanguine  expecta- 
tions. Though  it  seemed  to  him  that  the  cord  which 
bound  the  province  to  the  king  was  by  his  act  cut 
asunder,  yet  he  was  aware  that  the  subject  of  a 
change  in  the  Government  should  be  handled  very 
gently  and  cautiously,  lest  the  Massachusetts  patriots 
should  be  thought,  for  the  advantage  of  their  colony 
only,  to  aim  at  more  than  the  other  colonies  were 
willing  to  contend  for  with  Britain.  Thus  was  the 
idea  of  union  ever  present  with  the  popular  leaders. 
It  will  be  seen,  that,  though  the  first  of  the  two  fol- 
lowing letters  is  without  date,  both  were  of  the  4th 
of  September:  — 

Joseph  Warren  to  Samuel  Adams. 

Dear  Sir,  —  Our  friends,  Drs.  Church  and  Young  (whose  letters 
I  have  seen),  write  so  fully  to  you  by  this  conveyance,  that  it  will  be 
needless  for  me  to  take  up  your  time  in  giving  a  minute  account  of 
what  has  passed  since  my  last.  I  can  only  assure  you,  that  I  never 
saw  a  more  glorious  prospect  than  the  present.  The  generous  spirit 
of  our  ancestors  seems  to  have  revived  beyond  our  most  sanguine 
expectations.     I  promised  you,  in  my  last,  some  account  of  the  mighty 

1  This  letter  is  printed  in  4th  series  of  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Collections,  iv.  58. 


356  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

expedition  against  the  Arsenal  at  Cambridge ;  but,  as  you  will  have  a 
particular  detail  of  that  campaign  in  the  public  papers,  you  will  not 
wish  me  to  take  up  your  time.  Friday  morning,  about  six  o'clock,  I 
received  a  message  from  Charlestown,  informing  me  that  some  boys 
and  negroes  had  called  at  Mr.  Sewall's  house  at  Cambridge ;  and,  by 
the  imprudent  discharge  of  a  pistol  by  a  person  in  the  house,  they 
were  provoked  to  break  the  windows,  but  very  soon  left  the  house 
without  doing  further  damage.  The  informant  besides  assured  me, 
that  the  county  of  Middlesex  were  highly  incensed  against  Mr.  Brattle 
and  some  others,  and  advised  that  some  person  from  Boston  should  go 
up  to  Cambridge.  This  message  was  scarcely  finished  when  a  billet 
was  brought,  requesting  me  to  take  some  step  in  order  to  prevent  the 
people  from  coming  to  immediate  acts  of  violence,  as  incredible  num- 
bers were  in  arms,  and  lined  the  roads  from  Sudbury  to  Cambridge. 
I  summoned  the  committee  of  correspondence ;  but,  as  care  had  been 
taken  to  caution  every  man  who  passed  the  ferry  from  alarming 
Boston,  I  judged  it  best  not  to  inform  the  person  who  warned  the  com- 
mittee of  the  business  they  were  to  meet  upon.  They,  therefore,  made 
no  great  haste  to  get  together.  After  waiting  some  time,  I  took  as 
many  of  the  members  as  came  in  my  way  to  Charlestown,  fearing  that 
something  amiss  might  take  place.  I  saw  the  gentlemen  at  Charles- 
town, who  begged  us  to  move  forward  to  Cambridge.  On  our  way,  we 
met  the  Lieutenant-governor  Oliver.  He  said  he  was  going  to  the 
general,  to  desire  him  not  to  march  his  troops  out  of  Boston.  We 
thought  his  precaution  good,  and  proceeded  to  Cambridge.  We  there 
saw  a  fine  body  of  respectable  freemen,  with  whom  we  spent  the  day, 
and  were  witnesses  of  their  patience,  temperance,  and  fortitude,  a  par- 
ticular account  of  which  you  have  per  this  conveyance.  The  accounts 
from  the  western  counties  are  such  as  must  give  the  most  exalted  idea 
of  the  resolution  and  intrepidity  of  the  inhabitants.  The  people  from 
Hampshire  County  crowded  the  county  of  Worcester  with  armed  men ; 
and  both  counties  received  the  accounts  of  the  quiet  dispersion  of  the 
people  of  Middlesex  with  apparent  regret,  grudging  them  the  glory  of 
having  done  something  important  for  their  country  without  their  assist- 
ance. Had  the  troops  marched  only  five  miles  out  of  Boston,  I  doubt 
whether  a  man  would  have  been  saved  of  their  whole  number.  But 
enough  of  this.  We  find  it  difficult  here  to  regulate  the  little  matters 
in  which  we  are  engaged.  You  move  in  a  larger  orbit.  However, 
I  hope  your  superior  abilities  will  not  fail  of  carrying  you  safely 
through. 


THE   REGULATING   ACT.  357 

You  will,  I  am  sure,  consider  the  very  great  difference  that  there  is 
between  this  and  the  other  colonies.  Their  commerce  glides  in  its 
usual  channels.  Their  charters  have  not  yet  been  torn  to  pieces  by 
the  harpies  of  power.  They  retain  their  usual  forms  of  trials  by  juries, 
in  courts  duly  constituted.  What  is  left  for  us  ?  If  we  acquiesce  but 
for  an  hour,  the  shackles  will  be  fixed  for  ever.  If  we  should  allow  the 
county  courts  to  sit  one  term  upon  the  new  establishment,  what  con- 
fusion, what  dissensions,  must  take  place  !  Our  friends  —  I  mean  par- 
ticularly you,  Mr.  Cushing,  Mr.  Adams,  and  Mr.  Paine  —  are  capable 
of  representing  to  your  brethren  the  impossibility  of  our  continuing 
long  in  a  state  of  inactivity.  Our  all  is  at  stake.  We  must  give  up 
our  rights,  and  boast  no  more  of  freedom,  or  we  must  oppose  imme- 
diately. Our  enemies  press  so  close  that  we  cannot  rest  upon  our 
arms.  If  this  province  is  saved,  it  must  be  by  adopting  measures 
immediately  efficacious.  I  have  mentioned,  in  my  letters  to  you,  the 
most  mild  plan  that  can  be  adopted ;  viz.,  non-importation  and  non- 
exportation  to  Britain,  Ireland,  and  the  West  Indies.  I  mentioned 
some  of  my  reasons  for  believing  that  our  liberties  might  thereby  be 
secured ;  but  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  try  how  far  some  further  steps  for 
securing  our  rights  might  (if  absolutely  necessary)  be  approved  by  our 
brethren  on  the  continent.  I  firmly  believe,  that  the  utmost  caution 
and  prudence  is  necessary  to  gain  the  consent  of  the  province  to  wait  a 
few  months  longer  for  their  deliverance,  as  they  think  the  cord  by 
which  they  were  bound  to  the  King  of  Britain  has  been,  by  his  act, 
cut  in  sunder.  They  say  they  have  a  right  to  determine  for  them- 
selves under  what  government  they  will  live  hereafter.  But  I  shall 
now  only  subscribe  myself  your  friend  and  humble  servant, 

Joseph  Warren. 

Dr.  Adams  informs  me  that  your  lady  and  family  are  in  health,  and 
present  their  love  and  duty  to  you. 

Joseph  Warren  to  Samuel  Adams. 

Boston,  Sept.  4,  1774. 
Dear  Sir, —  Since  closing  my  letter  of  this  day,  which,  I  believe, 
was  without  date,  I  have  received  some  little  agreeable  intelligences 
which  I  cannot  fail  to  communicate.  The  Solemn  League  and  Cove- 
nant was  signed  by  the  people  of  the  towns  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Falmouth,  Casco  Bay.  The  traders  and  people  of  Falmouth  ridiculed 
the  scheme,  and  refused  signing  it.     The  31st  day  of  August,  the  ship- 


358  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

carpenters  who  were  building  vessels  for  the  Falmouth  merchants 
demanded  their  dues,  and  refused  to  work  longer.  The  employers 
remonstrated,  told  them  their  vessels  would  rot  on  the  stocks,  and 
said  they  could  not  dismiss  them.  The  tradesmen,  of  all  kinds,  were 
resolute.  They  who  had-  contracted  to  furnish  the  merchants  with 
lumber  likewise  declared  they  could  have  nothing  to  do  with  them. 
On  Monday,  the  merchants  of  Falmouth  had  a  meeting;  and,  by 
Wednesday  night,  the  whole  town  signed  the  agreement.  Last  Thurs- 
day evening,  three  fire-clubs  met  in  this  town :  one  club  voted  out  of 

their  society  Messrs.  J.  G ,  H.  L ,  and  C ,  and  another  voted 

out  Mr.  A ;  a  third  voted  out  Mr.  S ,  all  addressers.     Indeed, 

the  contention  is  who  shall  most  distinguish  themselves  at  this  grand 
crisis.  I  wish  much  to  be  in  England  at  this  time ;  but  the  sacrifice 
of  my  particular  interest  at  this  time,  by  such  a  step,  would  be  greater 
than  I  can  afford  to  make.  I  fear  Messrs.  Oliver,  lieutenant-governor, 
and  Colonel  Leonard  are  both  going  there  immediately ;  and  I  hope 
they  will  not  be  suffered  to  tell  their  tale  uncontradicted.  The  re- 
sumption of  the  old  charter  of  this  colony  is  much  talked  of;  but  I  think 
should  be  handled  very  gently  and  cautiously  whenever  brought  upon 
the  tapis,  lest  a  jealousy  should  arise  in  the  minds  of  any  concerning  it, 
and  lest  we  should  be  thought  of  as  aiming  at  more  than  the  colonies 
are  willing  to  contend  for  with  Britain  for  the  advantage  of  this  colony 
only.  But  I  know  you  can  remind  our  friends  of  Mr.  Pitt's  remark, 
that  three  millions  of  slaves  would  be  fit  engines  to  enslave  the  British 
Empire ;  and  you  will  not  have  occasion  to  tell  a  judicious  American, 
that  one  colony  of  freemen  will  be  a  noble  bulwark  for  the  rights  of 
all  America.  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  are  instances  that  must 
immediately  occur.  May  God  bless  you  and  my  other  friends  with  you ! 
(mutatis  mutandis.)  What  I  write  to  you  I  write  to  all.  Pray  furnish 
me  with  the  fullest  intelligence  as  soon  as  possible. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  your  friend  and  humble  servant,      J.  Warren.1 

The  Regulating  Act  was  now  resisted  with  great 
energy.  The  temper  of  the  people  was  manifested 
in  various  ways  in  the  country  and  in  the  town.  At 
Newbury  Bridge,  the  citizens  stationed  an  old  man 
with  a  drum,  who,  when  he  saw  a  prominent  Tory 

1  These  letters  are  from  the  originals  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Bancroft. 


THE   REGULATING   ACT.  359 

about  to  enter,  paraded  with  his  drum,  and  went 
through  the  streets,  crying  as  he  beat  the  drum,  w  A 
Tory  has  come  to  town."1  In  Bridgewater,  as  the 
mandamus  counsellor  stood  up  in  meeting,  and  read 
as  usual  the  psalm,  the  congregation  refused  to  sing.2 
In  Boston,  opposite  Joy's  Buildings,  which  are  near 
the  Town  House,  there  were  shops  occupied  by  a 
chaisemaker,  a  tailor,  a  barber,  a  shoemaker,  and  two 
others,  in  each  of  which  there  was  a  bell;  and,  when 
a  mandamus  counsellor  or  a  high  Tory  went  by,  one 
gave  the  signal  by  ringing  his  bell,  and  the  ringing 
was  kept  up  through  all  the  shops  until  the  obnoxious 
passer-by  was  out  of  sight.3  So  great  was  the  rage 
against  all  charged  with  introducing  arbitrary  power, 
that  the  fatal  a  la  lanterne  policy  was  suggested. 
w  Some  really  think,"  Young  wrote,  "  an  example  or 
two  will  be  made  in  a  very  short  time.  I  cannot  say 
I  would  be  uneasy  to  hear  it  was  done."4 

Gage,  in  the  conviction  that  the  time  for  concilia- 
tion, moderation,  and  reasoning  was  over,5  ordered 
cannon  to  be  carried  from  the  Common  to  the  Neck, 
or  main  entrance  to  the  town.  This  commencement 
of  a  fortification  added  fuel  to  the  general  flame,  and 
created  great  alarm.  "We  are,"  Paul  Eevere  says, 
"in  spirits,  though  in  a  garrison;  the  spirit  of  liberty 
was  never  higher  than  at  present;  our  new-fangled 
counsellors  are  resigning  their  places  every  day;  our 
justices  of  the  courts,  who  now  hold  their  commis- 
sion during  the  pleasure  of  His  Majesty  or  the  gov- 
ernor, cannot  get  a  jury  that  will  act  with  them.  In 
short,  the  Tories  are  giving  way  everywhere  in  our 

1  Letter  of  John  Andrews.        2  Newspaper.        8  John  Andrews's  Letter. 
4  Letter  of  Dr.  Young.  5  Gage's  Letter,  Sept.  2,  1774. 


360  LITE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

province."1  On  the  same  day,  Dr.  Young  wrote  to 
Samuel  Adams,  "  The  temper  of  your  countrymen  is 
in  the  condition  your  every  wish,  your  every  sigh, 
for  years  past,  panted  to  find  it.  Thoroughly  aroused 
and  unanimously  in  earnest,  something  very  impor- 
tant must  inevitably  come  of  it."  He  promised  that 
the  action  of  Suffolk  should  not  come  short  of  that 
of  other  counties. 

On  the  next  day  (Sept.  5),  when  the  general  con- 
gress met,  James  Bowdoin  wrote  that  six  regiments 
were  in  town,  and  that  it  was  said  that  two  or  three 
more  were  coming  from  Canada,  and  two  from  Ire- 
land. The  journals  stated,  that  the  force  which  was 
encamped  on  Fort  Hill  distinguished  itself  in  the 
famous  battle  of  Minden.  There  was  war-prepara- 
tion also  going  on  on  the  side  of  the  patriots;  and 
the  newspapers  describe  the  parades  of  the  volunteer 
corps,  as  they  practised  the  military  art:  so  that  a 
journal  said,  "The  spirit  of  the  people  was  never 
known  to  be  so  great  since  the  settlement  of  the  col- 
onies as  it  is  at  this  time.  People  in  the  country  for 
hundreds  of  miles  are  prepared  and  determined  to 
die  or  be  free." 

"While  the  public  mind  was  excited,  the  Suffolk 
convention,  on  the  6th  of  September,  re-assembled  at 
the  house  of  Mr.  Richard  Woodward,  in  Dedham; 
every  town  being  represented.  The  delegates  chose 
Richard  Palmer  president,  and  William  Thompson 
clerk.  After  choosing  a  large  committee  to  mature 
the  business,  with  Warren  for  their  chairman,  the 

1  Letter,  Sept.  4, 1774,  to  John  Lamb,  in  the  archives  of  the  New- York  Histori- 
cal Society.  I  am  indebted  to  the  librarian,  George  H.  Moore,  Esq.,  for  every 
facility  in  consulting  the  manuscripts  in  this  prosperous  institution. 


THE    REGULATING   ACT.  361 

convention  adjourned,  to  meet  again  at  Milton,  where, 
on  the  9th  of  September,  "Warren  reported  to  the 
convention  the  paper  known  in  history  as  the  Suffolk 
resolves,  which  he  drafted.  It  is  said  that  they 
were  read  several  times,  and  unanimously  adopted, 
paragraph  by  paragraph.  The  first  resolution  cheer- 
fully acknowledges  George  III.  as  justly  entitled 
to  the  allegiance  of  the  British  realm:  succeeding 
resolutions  arraign  the  recent  Acts  of  Parliament  as 
violative  of  the  laws  of  nature,  the  British  Constitu- 
tion, and  the  charter  of  the  province;  and  provide  for 
a  forcible  resistance  to  them  as  the  attempts  of  a 
wicked  Administration  to  enslave  America.  The 
action  recommended  is  the  boldest  and  most  thorough 
of  the  time.  The  resolves  declare  the  intention  to 
act  merely  on  the  defensive,  "  so  long  as  such  conduct 
may  be  vindicated  by  reason  and  the  principles  of 
self-preservation,  but  no  longer."  They  pledge  sub- 
mission to  such  measures  as  "  the  wisdom  and  integ- 
rity of  the  Continental  Congress  "  might  recommend 
for  the  restoration  of  their  rights,  and  for  the  renewal 
of  "  the  union  between  Great  Britain  and  the  colonies, 
so  earnestly  wished  for  by  all  good  men."  They  fixed 
the  day  for  the  assembling  of  a  Provincial  Congress. 
One  of  the  resolutions  embodied  that  adherence  to 
social  order  as  the  basis  of  political  action,  which,  for 
the  past  six  years,  had  characterized  the  course  of  the 
wise  popular  leaders.  This  resolve  heartily  recom- 
mends all  persons  to  abstain  from  routs,  riots,  or 
licentious  attacks  upon  the  property  of  any  persons 
whatsoever,  as  being  subversive  of  all  order  and  gov- 
ernment;" but  urges  the  patriots,  by  a  steady  and 
manly  opposition,  "to  convince  these  enemies,  that, 

4G 


362  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

in  a  contest  so  important,  in  a  cause  so  solemn,  their 
conduct  should  be  such  as  to  merit  the  approbation 
of  the  wise,  and  the  admiration  of  the  brave  and 
free  of  every  age  and  of  every  country."1 

The  convention,  early  in  its  session,  appointed  a 
large  and  most  respectable  committee,  with  Warren 
for  chairman,  to  remonstrate  with  Governor  Gage 
against  the  new  fortification,  and  the  insults  which 
his  soldiers  had  offered  the  citizens.  The  committee 
waited  on  him,  when  the  chairman  presented  to  him 
an  address,  representing  that  the  works  might  be 
used  to  aggravate  the  miseries  of  the  distressed 
town,  by  interrupting  the  supplies  of  provisions; 
expressing  an  inability v  to  determine  whence  could 
originate  the  governor's  policy  towards  a  loyal  and 
orderly  community;  declared  that,  though  the  people 
were  resolved,  by  divine  assistance,  never  to  submit 
to  the  new  Acts,  yet  they  had  no  inclination  to  war 
on  the  troops;  representing  that  the  existing  ferment 
resulted  from  seizing  the  powder  in  the  Arsenal  at 
Charlestown,  and  withholding  the  powder  in  Boston 
from  its  proprietors,  and,  more  particularly,  from  the 
fortifying  the  sole  avenue  by  land  into  Boston. 
w  Nothing,  "  the  committee  said,  in  conclusion,  "  short 
of  restoring  the  town  to  its  former  state,  and  the 
cessation  from  insult,  could  put  the  inhabitants  hi 
that  tranquillity  in  which  every  free  subject  ought  to 
live."  To  this  the  governor  verbally  expressed  himself 
as  follows :  w  Good  God !  gentlemen,  make  yourselves 
easy,  and  I  will  be  so.     You  have  done  all  in  your 

1  These  resolves  fill  one  side  of  the  newspapers.  They  embody,  even  in  the 
high-wrought  language  in  which  they  are  expressed,  the  spirit  of  the  time,  and 
ehow  Warren's  turn  of  mind.  I  copy  the  whole  in  the  Appendix  :  hence  the 
brief  abstract  in  the  text. 


THE   REGULATING   ACT.  363 

power  to  convince  the  world  and  me  that  you  will 
not  submit  to  the  Acts,  and  I'll  make  representation 
home  accordingly,  for  which  I  will  embrace  the  ear- 
liest opportunity."1  He  subsequently  gave  a  written 
reply  to  the  address  of  the  committee,  in  which  he 
said,  that  it  was  not  possible  for  him  to  interrupt  the 
intercourse  between  town  and  country;  he  urged 
the  general  good  behavior  of  the  army  to  balance  the 
individual  cases  of  insult;  he  asked  for  the  occasion 
of  such  numbers  going  through  the  country  armed, 
and  for  the  private  removal  of  the  guns  from  the 
Charlestown  battery;  and  concluded  by  remarking, 
"  that  he  found  the  refusal  to  submit  to  the  late  Acts 
of  Parliament  to  be  general,  and  that  he  should  lay 
the  fact  before  His  Majesty." 

After  considering  this  reply,  the  committee  were 
of  opinion,  that  the  answer  could  not  be  satisfactory 
to  the  country.  "And  farther,"  the  journals  say, 
probably  in  Warren's  language,  w  that  His  Excel- 
lency, in  his  reply,  had  been  pleased  to  propose 
several  questions,  which,  if  unanswered  by  the  com- 
mittee, would  leave  on  the  minds  of  persons  not  fully 
acquainted  with  the  state  of  the  facts,  some  very 
disagreeable  impressions  concerning  the  conduct  and 
behavior  of  this  county  and  province;"  and  they  unan- 
imously agreed,  on  the  same  day,  to  present  to  the 
governor  another  address,  which  was  longer  than 
the  first.  It  says  that  the  governor  was  too  well 
acquainted  with  the  human  heart,  not  to  be  sensible 
that  it  is  natural  for  people  to  be  soured  by  oppres- 
sion and  jealous  for  their  personal  security,  when 
their  exertions  for  the  preservation  of  their  personal 

1  John  Andrews's  Letter. 


3(54  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WARREN. 

rights  were  construed  into  treason  and  rebellion.  It 
recapitulated  facts  relative  to  the  new  fortification, 
the  army,  and  the  distressed  condition  of  the  town; 
and  pointed  to  the  late  hostile  acts  of  the  governor 
as  a  sufficient  justification  for  their  proceedings  for 
self-defence,  for  which  he  seemed  at  a  loss  to  account. 
It  earnestly  solicited  the  governor  to  desist  from  action 
that  had  a  tendency  to  create  alarm,  and  particularly 
from  fortifying  the  entrance  to  the  town  of  Boston. 
It  averred  and  asked  the  governor  so  to  represent  to 
His  Majesty,  "that  no  wish  of  independency,  no 
adverse  sentiments  or  designs  towards  His  Majesty, 
or  his  troops  now  here,  actuate  his  good  subjects  in 
this  colony;  but  that  their  sole  intention  is  to  pre- 
serve pure  and  inviolate  those  rights  to  which,  as  men 
and  English- Americans,  they  are  justly  entitled,  and 
which  have  been  guaranteed  to  them  by  His  Majesty's 
royal  predecessors."  Warren  signed  this  address  as 
chairman.  The  sequel  is  related  in  the  journals, 
which  contain  both  addresses  over  Warren's  name. 
As  he  was  in  the  habit  of  supplying  matter  to  the 
press,  it  is  probable  that  the  following  interesting 
relation  is  from  his  pen:  — 

"  The  address  was  delivered  to  Mr.  Secretary  Flucker,  by  the 
chairman,  with  a  desire  that  he  would,  as  soon  as  was  convenient, 
present  it  to  the  governor,  and  request  His  Excellency  to  appoint  a 
time  for  receiving  it  in  form.  The  secretary  informed  the  chairman, 
the  ensuing  day,  that  he  had  seen  the  governor,  and  had  given  him  the 
copy  of  the  address,  but  that  he  declined  receiving  it  in  form.  The 
chairman  mentioned  to  him  the  importance  of  the  business,  declaring 
his  belief  that  the  troops  were  not  in  any  danger ;  and  that  no  person 
has,  so  far  as  he  has  been  informed,  taken  any  steps  which  indicated 
any  hostile  intention,  until  the  seizing  and  carrying  off  the  powder 
from  the  magazine  in  the  county  of  Middlesex  ;  and  that,  if  any  ill  con- 


THE    REGULATING    ACT.  365 

sequences  should  arise  that  should  affect  the  interest  of  Great  Britain, 
the  most  candid  and  judicious,  both  in  Europe  and  America,  would 
consider  the  author  of  the  ferment  now  raised  in  the  minds  of  these 
people  as  accountable  for  whatever  consequences  might  follow  from  it. 
He  therefore  desired  the  secretary  once  more  to  make  application  to 
His  Excellency,  and  to  state  the  affair  to  him  in  that  serious  manner 
which  the  case  seemed  to  require.  The  secretary  accordingly  made  a 
second  application  to  the  governor ;  but  received  for  answer,  that  he 
had  given  all  the  satisfaction  in  his  power,  and  he  could  not  see  that 
any  further  argumentation  upon  the  subject  would  be  to  any  good  pur- 
pose. Upon  this,  the  committee  were  again  convened ;  and  it  was 
unanimously  resolved  that  they  had  executed  the  commission  intrusted 
to  them  by  the  county  to  the  utmost  of  their  ability.  And,  after 
voting,  that  the  reply  to  His  Excellency's  answer  should  be  inserted  in 
the  public  papers  as  soon  as  possible,  they  adjourned  without  day. 

"  It  is  observable  that  every  vote  passed  by  the  delegates  of  the 
county,  and  by  the  committee  appointed  to  wait  on  the  governor,  was 
unanimous." 

The  resolves  of  the  convention  of  Suffolk  were 
adopted  by  men  who  were  terribly  in  earnest.  They 
said  that  "the  power  but  not  the  justice,  the  ven- 
geance but  not  the  wisdom,  of  Great  Britain,"  were 
acting  with  unrelenting  severity ;  and  the  liberal 
world  is  agreed  on  this  judgment.  They  said  that  it 
was  an  indispensable  duty  which  they  owed  to  God, 
their  country,  themselves,  and  posterity,  by  all  lawful 
ways  and  means  in  their  power  to  maintain,  defend, 
and  preserve  those  civil  and  religious  rights  and 
liberties  for  which  many  of  their  fathers  fought,  bled, 
and  died,  and  to  hand  them  down  entire  to  future 
generations."  These  liberties  may  be  said  to  have 
been  embodied  in  one  word,  —  republicanism ;  and 
when  the  titled  world  regarded  this  element  with 
obloquy,  the  patriots,  as  a  party,  clung  to  it  as  the 
all  of  their  political  life. 


366  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WARREN. 

Warren  sent  these  resolves,  with  a  letter  dated  the 
11  th  of  September,  to  the  Massachusetts  delegates  in 
congress  in  Philadelphia;  and  Paul  Pevere  was  the 
messenger,  who  carried  also  the  addresses  delivered  to 
Governor  Gage.  These  papers,  as  they  were  listened 
to  in  congress  on  the  18th,  elicited  great  applause. 
w  The  esteem,"  John  Adams  says,  "  the  affection,  the 
admiration  for  the  people  of  Boston  and  the  Massa- 
chusetts which  were  expressed,  and  the  fixed  deter- 
mination that  they  should  be  supported,  were  enough 
to  melt  a  heart  of  stone.  I  saw  the  tears  gush  into 
the  eyes  of  the  old,  grave,  pacific  Quakers  of  Pennsyl- 
vania."1 The  sympathy  which  the  members  expressed 
for  their  suffering  countrymen  was  in  character  with 
the  constituency,  who,  by  their  flow  of  contributions, 
were  making  Boston  the  granary  of  America.  In  a 
resolve,  which  was  unanimously  passed,  the  congress 
denounced  the  late  Acts,  "  most  thoroughly  approved 
the  wisdom  and  fortitude  with  which  opposition  to 
these  ministerial  measures  had  hitherto  been  con- 
ducted; earnestly  recommended  to  their  brethren  a 
perseverance  in  the  same  firm  and  temperate  con- 
duct" that  was  indicated  in  the  Suffolk  resolves;  and 
expressed  the  hope  that  the  effect  of  the  united  efforts 
of  North  America  in  behalf  of  Massachusetts  "  would 
carry  such  conviction  to  the  British  nation  of  the 
unwise,  unjust,  and  ruinous  policy  of  the  present 
Administration  as  quickly  to  introduce  better  men 
and  wiser  measures."  Another  resolve  recommended 
a  continuation  of  contributions  from  all  the  colonies 
to  alleviate  the  distresses  of  their  brethren  of  Bos- 
ton.    "  These  resolves,"  Samuel  Adams  wrote  to  Dr. 

i  John  Adams's  Letter,  Sept.  18,  1774. 


THE    REGULATING   ACT.  367 

Chauncy,  w  give  a  faint  idea  of  the  spirit  of  congress. 
I  think  I  may  assure  you,  that  America  will  make  a 
point  of  supporting  Boston  to  the  utmost."1 

It  is  always  difficult  to  harmonize  the  views  of 
earnest  men;  and  it  is  not  strange,  that,  when  unity 
of  action  was  vital,  the  patriots  of  other  colonies 
should  have  feared  that  the  Massachusetts  patriots 
might  break  the  line  of  opposition  by  advancing  too 
hastily  before  the  rest,2  or  that  the  Boston  popular 
leaders  should  have  been  anxious  to  hear  from  con- 
gress. The  great  news  of  the  indorsement  by  the 
colonies  of  the  Suffolk  resolves  was  brought  by  Paul 
Revere,  and  was  printed  in  the  journals  of  the  26th, 
in  the  form  of  brief  letters,  addressed  to  Warren  by 
Peyton  Randolph,  the  president,  Thomas  Cushing, 
one  of  the  Massachusetts  delegates,  and  a  copy  of  the 
resolutions  passed  by  congress,  attested  by  Charles 
Thomson.  It  was,  with  the  exception  of  the  rule 
adopted  in  that  body  in  voting,  the  first  account  of 
what  had  been  done  in  their  secret  session.  w  It  was," 
a  letter  says,  "the  only  thing  which  the  members 
of  congress  were  at  liberty  to  mention  to  the  people 
out  of  doors  here.  The  congress  will  support  Boston 
and  the  Massachusetts,  or  perish  with  them;  but  they 
wish  that  blood  may  be  spared  if  possible,  and  all 
ruptures  with  the  troops  avoided."3  The  patriots 
were  now  in  high  spirits. 

Governor  Gage  was  surprised  and  astonished  to 
see  the  union  of  the  colonies.  Like  his  predecessor, 
he  watched  and  reported  signs  of  its  formation;  and 
he  confessed  that  the  movements  were  beyond  all  con- 

1  Letter,  Sept.  18,  1774.  2  See  Clymer's  Letter  in  Quincy's  Life,  172. 

8  Letter  in  newspapers,  Sept.  26,  1774. 


368  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAR&BN. 

ception.  He  now  informed  Lord  Dartmouth  of  the 
approval  by  congress  of  the  Suffolk  resolves.  The 
comments  by  the  Tories  on  these  resolves  were  volu- 
minous and  uncommonly  severe.  They  said  it  was 
a  mystery  which  filled  their  minds  with  surprise  and 
astonishment,  that  the  gentlemen  of  congress  were 
disposed  to  enter  into  a  league,  offensive  and  defen- 
sive, with  the  New-England  and  other  Presbyterian 
republicans ;  but  the  fact  was  notorious  to  the  world : 
it  could  neither  be  denied  nor  palliated;  for  they 
hastily  and  eagerly  published  (and  it  was  the  first 
thing  they  did  publish)  their  cordial  approbation  of 
the  Suffolk  resolves  for  erecting  an  independent  gov- 
ernment in  New  England.  They  said  that  a  rebellion 
was  evidently  commenced  in  New  England,  in  the 
county  of  Suffolk,  without  room  for  retreating.  They 
pronounced  the  resolves  K  nothing  short  of  a  declara- 
tion of  independency."  They  said  that  the  men  who 
had  occasioned  the  political  troubles  in  Massachu- 
setts, having  become  desperate  themselves,  had  no 
other  card  to  play  but  to  involve  the  whole  country  in 
their  rebellion.  They  wrote  that  they  had  persuaded 
themselves  M  that  congress  would  open  the  door  for  a 
settlement,  by  advising  Boston  to  pay  for  the  tea. 
But,  alas!  how  have  we  been  disappointed!  As  soon 
as  they  (congress)  received  by  express  an  authentic 
copy  of  the  Suffolk  resolves,  they  broke  through  all 
these  rules  of  secrecy,  and  at  once  gave  such  a  blast 
from  the  trumpet  of  sedition  as  made  one  half  of 
America  shudder."1 

1  The  citations  are  from  Tory  pamphlets  of  the  time,  entitled,  "  What  Think 
Ye  of  the  Congress  now  1 "  and  "  A  Few  Remarks  upon  some  of  the  Votes  and 
Resolutions  of  the  Continental  Congress."  The  last  pamphlet,  "printed  for 
the  purchasers,"  which  was  called  "  The  Grey  Maggot,"  asserted  that  the  only 


THE   REGULATING   ACT.  369 

In  due  time,  there  appeared  in  the  newspapers 
quotations  from  the  British  press  of  similar  tenor. 
It  was  the  union  that  gave  joy  to  the  heart  of  the 
"Whig,  and  supplied  venom  to  the  pen  of  the  Tory. 
w  The  friends  of  America,"  an  editorial  in  a  Boston 
journal  says,  r?  have  the  satisfaction  to  learn,  that  the 
resolve  of  the  late  Continental  Congress,  respecting 
the  votes  of  the  county  of  Suffolk,  published  in  the 
late  English  papers,  have  not  only  surprised  but  quite 
confounded  the  ministry,  as  by  it  they  perceive  the 
union  of  the  colonies  to  be  complete,  and  that  their 
present  menaces  only  mark  their  despair." 

apology  which  could  he  made  for  the  conduct  of  the  Continental  Congress  in 
adopting  the  Suffolk  resolves  was,  that  they  came  into  this  vote  immediately 
after  drinking  thirty -two  bumpers  of  Madeira.  It  was  replied,  in  the  "  Pennsyl- 
vania Journal,"  that  the  Suffolk  resolves  were  acted  upon  in  the  forenoon. 


47 


370  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 


CHAPTEE  XII. 

MASSACHUSETTS  AND  THE  GENERAL  CONGRESS. 

The  State  op  the  Provence.  —  The  Question  of  Local  Govern- 
ment.—  Letters  op  Warren  and  Adams.  —  A  Provincial  Con- 
gress.—  Committee  of  Safety.  —  Preparation  for  War. 

September,  1774,  to  January,  1775. 

"Warren,  soon  after  the  adoption  of  the  Suffolk 
resolves,  was  required  by  the  progress  of  events  to 
take  a  prominent  part  in  the  organization  and  admin- 
istration of  a  provisional  government  for  the  colony. 
His  agency  in  the  process  by  which  Massachusetts 
passed  from  allegiance  to  the  British  Crown  to  be- 
come a  part  of  an  American  nationality,  renders  this 
portion  of  his  life  not  only  of  deep  interest,  but  of 
much  importance. 

The  province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  included 
the  territory  which  is  now  the  State  of  Maine,  and 
comprised  an  area  of  about  thirty-nine  thousand 
square  miles.  It  was  divided  into  fourteen  counties, 
and  over  two  hundred  towns.1  The  population  was 
not  far  from  three  hundred  and  fifty  thousand.    There 

1  The  "  London  Chronicle  "  of  the  27th  of  August,  1774,  has  the  following 
description  of  Massachusetts.  It  is  not  quite  accurate.  The  population  is  stated 
at  too  low  a  figure.  The  council  was  elected  by  the  old  council  and  the 
House :  — 

"  The  province  of  Massachusetts  is  divided  into  fourteen  counties,  and  is 
generally  thought  to  contain  nearly  250,000  inhabitants.  * 

"  The  council  is  composed  of  twenty-eight  members,  chosen  by  the  House 
of  Representatives. 


MASSACHUSETTS   AND    THE    CONGRESS.  371 

were  thirteen  Episcopal  churches  and  about  four  hun- 
dred Congregational  societies.  It  will  be,  perhaps,  a 
sufficient  introduction  to  the  letters  of  Warren  of 
this  period  to  remark,  that  there  was  a  traditionary 
love  for  w  the  old  charter,"  under  which  the  colony 

"  The  House  of  Representatives  consists  of  about  128  or  129  deputies,  sent 
from  the  different  towns.     Of  these,  Boston  sends  four  members. 

"  There  are  five  judges  in  the  superior  court  of  judicature  for  the  province. 
Besides  that  court,  every  county  has  an  inferior  court,  composed  of  four  judges. 
"  There  are  about  four  hundred  religious  assemblies  in  the  colony,  mostly 
Independents  ;  the  rest  are  four  or  five  Presbyterian  meetings,  with  some  assem- 
blies of  Baptists  and  Quakers.  In  all  the  colony  there  are  only  thirteen  English 
churches. 

"  They  have  a  college,  founded  in  1638,  at  Cambridge,  four  miles  from  Bos- 
ton, in  which  there  are  three  professorships,  —  Divinity,  Mathematics,  and 
Philosophy  and  Oriental  Languages.  This  college  has  very  lately  made  a  number 
of  the  Independent  clergy  doctors  in  divinity.  The  same  thing  was  attempted 
in  1692,  under  the  authority  of  an  Act  of  their  general  court ;  but  that  Act  was 
disallowed  by  the  king  in  council.  At  that  time,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Mather,  presi- 
dent of  the  college,  was  the  only  person  honored  by  a  diploma. 

"  The  militia  consists  of  between  thirty  and  forty  regiments,  very  badly 
disciplined. 

"  There  are  three  custom-houses  in  the  province,  —  at  Boston,  Salem,  and 
Falmouth.     All  the  other  seaport  towns  are  branches  of  these  three  ports. 
"  In  this  province  are  no  less  than  five  hundred  justices  of  the  peace. 
"  As  to  the  capital,  which  is  Boston,  it  is  ruled  by  seven  men,  chosen  yearly, 
called  selectmen.     In  the  town  is  a  militia  regiment  of  twelve  companies,  a  troop 
of  horse,  a  company  of  cadets,  a  company  and  train  of  artillery,  all  militia. 

"  The  climate  is  indifferent.  It  is  intolerably  hot  in  summer,  and  intolerably 
cold  in  winter ;  during  four  or  five  months  in  winter,  the  ice,  from  one  to  two 
feet  thick,  covers  the  streets  of  Boston.  The  inhabitants  do  not  exceed  13,000. 
In  1768,  there  died  of  white  people  369,  of  black  48 ;  total,  414.  Now,  admitting 
that  only  one  person  out  of  thirty-one  dies  yearly,  we  shall  not  find  the  inhabi-v 
tants  exceed  the  above-mentioned  number.  Consumptions  make  great  havoc 
amongst  them. 

"  The  harbor  is  a  very  large  and  a  very  good  one,  and  they  carry  on  a  very 
extensive  trade  wherever  they  can  sell  their  commodities,  which  consist  prin- 
cipally of  fish,  oil,  lumber,  rum  of  their  own  distilling,  pot  and  pearl  ashes,  ship- 
ping of  all  sorts,  &c,  &c,  &c.  In  1768,  629  vessels  were  cleared  out  from 
Boston,  and  the  same  year  566  entered.  Of  the  vessels  cleared  out,  43  were  for 
London,  22  for  other  parts  of  the  island,  4  for  Ireland ;  in  all,  for  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland,  69.  For  different  parts  of  Europe,  22 ;  for  the  West  Indies,  138 ; 
for  the  colonies  on  the  American  continent,  400.  Of  the  vessels  entered  inward, 
67  were  from  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  16  from  different  parts  of  Europe,  150 
from  the  West  Indies,  and  333  from  the  continental  colonies." 


372  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREJS". 

had  enjoyed  popular  liberty  in  large  measure,  and 
which  was  so  thoroughly  democratic  that  the  men  of 
the  Tory  school  said  that  there  was  not  an  ingredient 
of  royalty  in  it.  Under  it  the  people  elected  their 
governor,  and  managed  their  exclusively  local  con- 
cerns. Since  the  reign  of  William  and  Mary,  the 
new  charter  had  been  the  Government,  or  the  "  Con- 
stitution," as  it  was  called,  which,  with  the  English 
Constitution,  was  regarded  as  guaranteeing  the  funda- 
mentals of  free  institutions, — representation,  the  right 
of  the  majority  to  rule,  trial  by  jury,  the  habeas 
corpus,  the  town-meeting,  freedom  of  the  press,  the 
immunities  embodied  in  Magna  Charta  and  the  Bill  of 
Rights,  —  in  a  word,  civil  and  religious  liberty.  The 
people  needed  but  to  recur  to  "  Blackstone's  Commen- 
taries "  to  learn  a  line  of  precedents  that  "  maintained 
the  superiority  of  the  laws  above  the  king;"1  and  it 
was  an  American  idea,  that  parliament  could  not  go, 
in  legislation,  beyond  the  limits  fixed  by  the  constitu- 
tion. It  was  said  by  the  colonists,  "  that  the  authority 
of  parliament,  in  its  proper  extent,  is  justly  supreme ; 
and  the  same  ought  to  be  said  of  the  general  assem- 
bly of  the  colonies :  "  and  it  was  held  as  fundamental, 
that  "the  making  of  laws  for  internal  police  was 
essential  to  liberty."  In  the  "Broken  Hints,"  which 
Joseph  Hawley  gave  to  John  Adams  when  on  his 
way  to  congress,  the  Regulating  Act  is  characterized 
as  calculated  to  "introduce  perfect  despotism,"  —  as 
"  evil  against  right,  —  utterly  intolerable  to  every  man 
who  has  any  idea  or  feeling  of  right  or  liberty."2    A 

1  Blackstone's  Commentaries,  concluding  chapter. 

2  The  "  Broken  Hints  "  was  printed  in  "  Niles's  Principles  of  the  Revolu- 
tion." 


MASSACHUSETTS   AND    THE    CONGRESS.  373 

wanton  violation  of  municipal  charters  is  pronounced 
the  great  and  leading  justification  of  the  event  which 
drove  King  James  from  the  throne.1  Hawley,  in 
dwelling  on  the  Regulating  Act,  -said,  "  We  must 
fight."  When  John  Adams  read  this  to  Patrick 
Henry,  the  great  Virginian  solemnly  exclaimed,  "I 
am  of  that  man's  mind." 

The  state  of  affairs  in  Massachusetts  at  this  time 
is  described  in  the  following  letter:  — 

"  As  to  public  affairs  here,  I  shall  only  say  that  things  seem  to  be 
running  into  confusion ;  and  that  all  the  ministerial  measures  that  have 
been  of  late  pursued  here  look  as  if  they  were  designed  to  drive  the 
people,  if  possible,  into  something  which  they  might  call  rebellion. 
The  late  Act  for  better  regulating  the  civil  government  of  this  prov- 
ince has  operated  just  as  I  expected  it  would.  It  has,  in  effect,  dis- 
solved the  Government.  The  people  will  never  acknowledge  the  new 
counsellors.  Several  of  them  Refused  to  take  their  places.  The  peo- 
ple in  different  parts  of  the  country  have  obliged  some  others  to 
resign ;  so  that  there  are  none  now  but  what  are  in  Boston.  A  stop 
is  also  put  to  the  holding  the  courts  of  justice  upon  the  new  plan. 
Thus  we  have  neither  legislative  nor  executive  powers  left  in  the 
province.  There  are  but  two  possible  ways  to  restore  order  and  good 
government  here :  one  is,  by  repealing  the  Acts  which  have  been  the 
sole  occasion  of  these  commotions ;  and  this,  I  firmly  believe,  would 
quickly  end  them.  The  other,  by  laying  the  country  waste  by  fire  and 
sword,  and  extirpating  the  present  inhabitants,  leaving  none  to  be 
governed,  if  that  can  be  called  restoring  government.  Any  hostile 
measures  short  of  this  will  never  answer  the  end.  They  will  not 
alter  the  sentiments  of  the  people,  whose  spirit  universally  is  now 
risen  to  a  degree  not  easily  to  be  conceived.  Which  part  of  the  alter- 
native the  Ministry  will  adopt,  God  knows.  The  people  expect,  and 
are  determined  to  abide,  even  the  horrors  of  a  civil  war  rather  than 
give  up  their  just  rights."2 

This  temperately  written  account  Of  the  condition 
of  the  province  will  not  agree  either  with  the  contem- 

1  Hallam's  Constitutional  His£>ry,  ii.  146-147. 

2  Letter,  dated  Boston,  Sept.  13,  1774,  in  London  Chronicle,  Nov.  18,  1774. 


374  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAKREX. 

porary  exaggerated  relations  of  the  Tories  or  of  the 
Whigs.  The  former  describe  the  province  as  being 
in  anarchy,  and  the  latter  as  in  a  state  of  nature,  but 
as  still  and  peaceable  as  it  was  when  Government  was 
in  full  vigor.1  .  The  people  were  far  from  being  in  a 
state  of  nature:  for  a  body  of  local  law  was  as  much 
respected  as  ever,  and  the  police  of  the  towns  had  full 
authority  to  arrest  violators  of  the  peace ;  and  there 
were  many  disturbances,  and  invasions  of  personal 
rights,  which  the  popular  leaders  deplored,  and  en- 
deavored to  redress.  In  general,  the  affairs  of 
society  went  on  as  before.  Individuals  enjoyed  secu- 
rity, even  though  they  differed  from  the  public  sen- 
timent, if  they  accommodated  themselves  so  far  to 
the  times  as  to  restrain  their  temper  and  observe  a 
neutrality.2  In  repelling  the  charge  of  being  rebels 
and  hypocrites,  and  claiming  to  be  true  to  the  king, 
the  Whigs  asked,  "  Can  it  be  said  of  any  other  part  of 
all  the  British  dominions,  what  is  known  to  be  true 
of  New  England,  that,  in  all  the  four  provinces  so 
called,  there  never  was  known  so  much  as  one  single 
native  Jacobite?  And  could  we  catch  the  Pretender, 
or  any  other  usurper  here,  we  would  soon  give  a 
good  account  of  him  at  the  Court  of  Great  Britain."3 
The  patriots  did  not  intend  to  deal  blows  upon  the 
Royal  Oak;4  but  they  meant,  at  every  hazard,  to  keep 
their  native  soil  clear  for  the  roots  of  the  tree  of 
liberty. 

There  were  now  among  the  Whigs  a  party  ripe  for 

i  Gordon's  History,  i.  427.  2  lb.,  428.  3  Letter,  Sept.  10,  1774. 

4  In  Walker's  "  Tracts  on  Independency,"  printed  in  1648,  there  is  a  curious 
plate,  representing  the  temper  of  the  times  under  the  figure  of  a  Royal  Oak,  with 
a  motley  crowd  about  it  hewing  it  down,  one  of  the  mottoes  of  which  is,  "  Let's 
kill  him,  and  sell  his  inheritance." 


MASSACHUSETTS   AND    THE    CONGRESS.  375 

extreme  measures,  who  impatiently  waited  for  the 
action  of  the  other  colonies,  —  the  same  element  that 
was  seen  in  the  town-meetings  six  years  before, — 
who  were  for  declaring  Massachusetts  to  be  separated 
by  the  king  from  the  empire,  raising  the  Pine-tree 
Flag,  and  fixing  on  the  terms  on  which  they  would 
continue  to  be  of  the  old  nationality,  offering  them  for 
the  king  to  accept  or  reject,  as  he  might  think  fit.  In 
a  word,  they  would  leave  the  general  congress  noth- 
ing to  do  but  to  prosecute  the  work  which  they  might 
inaugurate.1  Another  class  kept  steadily  in  view  the 
necessity  of  a  unity  of  the  colonies  as  the  requisite 
element  for  success.  w  Our  salvation,"  Joseph  Haw- 
ley  now  said,  "depends  upon  an  established  per- 
severing union  of  the  colonies."  —  "  All  possible 
devices  and  endeavors  must  be  used  to  establish, 
improve,  brighten,  and  maintain  such  union." :  This 
class  were  not  willing  that  Massachusetts  should  go 
any  further  than  there  was  reason  to  believe  she 
would  be  supported  by  the  other  colonies. 

"Warren's  letters  show  in  a  striking  manner  his 
appreciation  of  this  consideration.  His  words  are, 
"  Nothing  can  be  more  important  than  this."  On  the 
day  after  he  sent  the  Suffolk  resolves  to  the  Massa- 
chusetts delegates,  he  wrote  to  them  the  following 
weighty  letter,  stating  the  public  feeling,  and  anx- 
iously asking  how  far  congress  would  support  Massa- 
chusetts. 

Joseph  Warren  to  Samuel  Adams. 

Boston,  September  12,  1774. 
Gentlemen,  —  I  wrote  yesterday  by  Mr.  Revere,  and  requested 
your  advice  concerning  our  public  affairs ;    but  I  wrote  in  so  much 
haste  that  I  believe  I  was  not  explicit  enough. 

1  Gordon,  i.  429.  2  "  Broken  Hints." 


376  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREK. 

Many  among  us,  and  almost  all  in  the  western  counties,  are  for 
taking  up  the  old  form  of  government,  according  to  the  first  charter. 
It  is  exceedingly  disagreeable  to  them  to  think  of  being  obliged  to  con- 
tend with  their  rulers,  and  quarrel  for  their  rights  every  year  or  two. 
They  think  this  mu£t  always  be  the  case  in  a  government  of  so  hetero- 
geneous a  kind  as  that  under  which  they  have  lived.  They  say,  too, 
that  no  security  can  be  given  them  that  they  shall  enjoy  their  estates 
without  molestation,  even  if  the  late  charter  should  be  again  restored 
in  all  its  parts,  since  the  possession  of  their  lands  may  be  rendered 
precarious  by  any  alterations  in  the  charter  which  the  parliament  shall 
think  fit  to  make. 

Other  persons,  more  especially  in  the  eastern  counties,  think  that  it 
will  be  trifling  to  resume  the  old  charter.  They  say  that  the  connec- 
tion between  the  king  and  the  people  is  dissolved  by  his  breaking  the 
compact  made  between  them ;  and  they  have  now  a  right  to  take  what 
form  of  government  they  please,  and  make  such  proposals  of  a  certain 
limited  subjection  to  the  king,  as  they  shall  judge  convenient,  which 
he  may  accept  or  reject,  as  he  pleases. 

I  know  you  are  deeply  engaged ;  but  nothing  can  be  more  important 
than  this  subject,  and  I  beg  you  would  give  me  immediate  advice ;  and 
pray  do  not  fail  to  inform  how  far.  the  other  colonies  will  be  likely  to 
favor  us,  and  what  conduct  is  necessary  to  insure  at  least  their  appro- 
bation. Our  general  assembly  is  called  to  meet  on  the  fifth  day  of 
October.  The  county  of  Essex,  in  their  county  convention,  have 
resolved  to  instruct  the  representatives  of  their  several  towns,  when 
met  agreeably  to  the  precept  at  Salem,  to  resolve  themselves  (if  it  can 
be  obtained  in  the  House)  into  a  provincial  convention.  I  would 
gladly  know  whether  it  is  probable  that  we  can  have  any  service  from 
you  at  that  time ;  and,  inter  nos,  let  me  know  whether  it  will  be  agree- 
able to  elect  Mr. and  Mr.  Adams. 

I  subscribe  myself  your  known  friend. 

The  following  letters,  in  reply  to  this  letter,  are  so 
important,  that  I  print  them  entire.  One  of  them 
seems  to  be  incomplete.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  one 
without  date  was  written  on  the  24th  of  Septem- 
ber:— 


MASSACHUSETTS   AND   THE   CONGRESS.  377 


Samuel  Adams  to  Joseph  Warren. 

Philadelphia,  September,  1774. 
My  Dear  Sir,  —  Your  letter  of  the  12th  instant,  directed  to  Mr. 
Cushing  and  others,  came  duly  to  hand.  The  subject  of  it  is  of  the 
greatest  importance.  It  is  difficult,  at  this  distance,  to  form  a  judgment, 
with  any  degree  of  accuracy,  of  what  is  best  to  be  done.  The  eastern 
and  western  counties  appear  to  differ  in  sentiment  with  regard  to  the 
two  measures  mentioned  in  your  letter.  This  difference  of  sentiment 
might  produce  opposition,  in  case  either  part  should  be  taken.  You 
know  the  vast  importance  of  union.  That  union  is  most  likely  to  be 
obtained  by  a  consultation  of  deputies  from  the  several  towns,  either  in  a 
House  of  Representatives  or  a  Provincial  Congress.  But  the  question 
still  remains,  which  measure  to  adopt.  It  is  probable  the  people 
would  be  most  united,  as  they  would  think  it  safest,  to  abide  by  the 
present  form  of  government,  —  I  mean  according  to  the  charter.  The 
governor  has  been  appointed  by  the  Crown,  according  to  the  charter ; 
but  he  has  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  a  different  constitution.  If 
the  only  constitutional  council,  chosen  last  May,  have  honesty  and 
courage  enough  to  meet  with  the  representatives  chosen  by  the  people 
by  virtue  of  the  last  writ,  and  jointly  proceed  to  the  public  business, 
would  it  not  bring  the  governor  to  such  an  explicit  conduct  as  either  to 
restore  the  general  assembly,  or  give  the  two  Houses  a  fair  occasion 
to  declare  the  chair  vacant  ?  In  which  case  the  council  would  hold  it 
till  another  governor  should  be  appointed.  This  would  immediately 
reduce  the  government  prescribed  in  the  charter;  and  the  people 
would  be  united  in  what  they  would  easily  see  to  be  a  constitutional 
opposition  to  tyranny.  You  know  there  is  a  charm  in  the  word  "  con- 
stitutional." l 

Samuel  Adams  to  Joseph  Warren. 

Philadelphia,  September  25,  1774. 
My  Dear  Sir,  —  I  wrote  you  yesterday  by  the  post.  A  frequent 
communication  at  this  critical  conjuncture  is  necessary.  As  the  all- 
important  American  cause  so  much  depends  upon  each  colony's  acting 
agreeably  to  the  sentiments  of  the  whole,  it  must  be  useful  to  you  to 
know  the  sentiments  which  are  entertained  here  of  the  temper  and 
conduct  of  our  province.    Heretofore  we  have  been  accounted  by  many, 

1  This  letter  is  printed  from  the  Samuel-Adams  Papers.    It  has  no  signature. 

48 


378  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WAEEEX. 

intemperate  and  rash ;  but  now  we  are  universally  applauded  as  cool 
and  judicious,  as  well  as  spirited  and  brave.  This  is  the  character  we 
sustain  in  congress.  There  is,  however,  a  certain  degree  of  jealousy 
in  the  minds  of  some,  that  we  aim  at  a  total  independency,  not  only  of 
the  mother-country,  but  of  the  colonies  too ;  and  that,  as  we  are  a  hardy 
and  brave  people,  we  shall  in  time  overrun  them  all.  However 
groundless  this  jealousy  may  be,  it  ought  to  be  attended  to,  and  is  of 
weight  in  your  deliberations  on  the  subject  of  your  last  letter.  I  spent 
yesterday  afternoon  and  evening  with  Mr.  Dickinson.  He  is  a  true 
Bostonian.  It  is  his  opinion,  that,  if  Boston  can  safely  remain  on  the 
defensive,  the  liberties  of  America,  which  that  town  has  so  nobly  con- 
tended for,  will  be  secured.  The  congress  have,  in  their  resolve  of  the 
17th  instant,  given  their  sanction  to  the  resolutions  of  the  county  of 
Suffolk,  one  of  which  is  to  act  merely  upon  the  defensive,  so  long  as  such 
conduct  may  be  justified  by  reason  and  the  principles  of  self-preserva- 
tion, but  no  longer.  They  have  great  dependence  upon  your  tried 
patience  and  fortitude.  They  suppose  you  mean  to  defend  your  civil 
constitution.  They  strongly  recommend  perseverance  in  a  firm  and 
temperate  conduct,  and  give  you  a  full  pledge  of  their  united  efforts  in 
your  behalf.  They  have  not  yet  come  to  final  resolutions.  It  becomes 
them  to  be  deliberate.  I  have  been  assured,  in  private  conversation 
with  individuals,  that,  if  you  should  be  driven  to  the  necessity  of  acting 
in  the  defence  of  your  lives  or  liberty,  you  would  be  justified  by  their 
constituents,  and  openly  supported  by  all  the  means  in  their  power ;  but 
whether  they  will  ever  be  prevailed  upon  to  think  it  necessary  for  you 
to  set  up  another  form  of  government,  I  very  much  question,  for 
the  reason  I  have  before  suggested.  It  is  of  the  greatest  importance, 
that  the  American  opposition  should  be  united,  and  that  it  should  be 
conducted  so  as  to  concur  with  the  opposition  of  our  friends  in 
England.  Adieu,  Samuel  Adams.1 

Before  these  letters  could  have  been  received  by 
Warren,  he  was  chosen,  at  a  meeting  of  the  free- 
holders at  Faneuil  Hall,  one  of  the  delegates  to  the 
proposed  Provincial  Congress.  The  Boston  delega- 
tion consisted  of  the  four  representatives,  Cushing, 
Samuel -Adams,  Hancock,  and  William  Phillips,  with 

1  This  letter  is  printed  from  the  papers  of  Samuel  Adams. 


MASSACHUSETTS    AND    THE    CONGRESS.  379 

"Warren,  Benjamin  Church,  and  Nathaniel  Appleton. 
The  instructions  which  the  town  gave  to  the  dele- 
gates, not  improbably  prepared  by  Warren,  are  so 
brief  and  important  that  I  copy  them.  It  will  be 
seen  that  they  come  fully  up  to,  while  they  do  not  go 
beyond,  the  resolution  of  the  general  congress,  passed 
on  the  17th. 

"  Gentlemen,  —  A3  we  have  chosen  you  to  represent  us  in  the 
great  and  general  court,  to  be  holden  at  Salem  on  Wednesday  the  oth 
day  of  October  next  ensuing,  we  do  hereby  instruct  you,  that,  in  all 
your  doings  as  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  you  adhere 
jfirmly  to  the  charter  of  this  province,  granted  by  their  majesties  King 
William  and  Queen  Mary,  and  that  you  do  no  act  which  can  possibly 
be  construed  into  an  acknowledgment  of  the  validity  of  the  Act  of  the 
British  Parliament  for  altering  the  Government  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay ;  more  especially,  that  you  acknowledge  the  honorable  board  of 
counsellors,  elected  by  the  general  court,  at  their  session  in  May  last, 
as  the  only  rightful  and  constitutional  council  of  this  province.  And 
we  have  reason  to  believe,  that  a  conscientious  discharge  of  your 
duty  will  produce  your  dissolution  as  a  House  of  Representatives. 
We  do  hereby  empower  and  instruct  you  to  join  with  the  members  who 
may  be  sent  from  this  and  the  other  towns  in  the  province,  and  to 
meet  with  them  at  a  time  agreed  on  in  a  general  Provincial  Congress, 
to  act  upon  such  matters  as  may  come  before  you  in  such  a  manner  as 
shall  appear  to  you  most  conducive  to  the  true  interest  of  this  town 
and  province,  and  most  likely  to  preserve  the  liberties  of  all  America.', 

The  following  card  from  Warren  was  printed  in 
the  w  Boston  Gazette  "  of  the  26th  of  September.  It 
is  one  of  a  class  of  facts  which  show  the  absence,  in 
the  great  movement  of  the  American  Revolution, 
of  the  theological  element,  which  in  the  old  world 
had  played  so  great  a  part  in  the  wars  and  dealings 
of  the  nations :  — 


380  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

September  24,  1774. 

Messieurs  Printers,  —  As  I  have  been  informed  that  the  con- 
duct of  some  few  persons  of  the  Episcopal  denomination,  in  maintain- 
ing principles  inconsistent  with  the  rights  and  liberties  of  mankind, 
has  given  offence  to  some  of  the  jealous  friends  of  this  country,  I 
think  myself  obliged  to  publish  the  following  extract  of  a  letter,  dated 
Sept.  9,  1774,  which  I  received  from  my  worthy  and  patriotic  friend, 
Mr.  Samuel  Adams,  a  member  of  the  congress  now  sitting  in  Phila- 
delphia, by  which  it  appears,  that,  however  injudicious  some  individuals 
may  have  been,  the  gentlemen  of  the  Established  Church  of  England 
are  men  of  the  most  just  and  liberal  sentiments,  and  are  high  in  the 
esteem  of  the  most  sensible  and  resolute  defenders  of  the  rights  of 
the  people  of  this  continent. 

And  I  earnestly  request  my  countrymen  to  avoid  every  thing  which 
our  enemies  may  make  use  of  to  prejudice  our  Episcopal  brethren 
against  us,  by  representing  us  as  disposed  to  disturb  them  in  the  free 
exercise  of  their  religious  privileges,  to  which  we  know  they  have  the 
most  undoubted  claim,  and  which,  from  a  real  regard  to  the  honor  and 
interest  of  my  country  and  the  rights  of  mankind,  I  hope  they  will 
enjoy  unmolested  as  long  as  the  name  of  America  is  known  in  the 
world.  J.  Warren. 

After  settling  the  mode  of  voting,  which  is  by  giving  each  colony 
an  equal  voice,  it  was  agreed  to  open  the  business  with  prayer.  As 
many  of  our  warmest  friends  are  members  of  the  Church  of  England, 
I  thought  it  prudent,  as  well  on  that  as  on  some  other  accounts,  to 
move  that  the  service  should  be  performed  by  a  clergyman  of  that 
denomination.  Accordingly,  the  lessons  of  the  day  and  prayer  were 
read  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Duche,  who  afterwards  made  a  most  excellent 
extemporary  prayer,  by  which  he  discovered  himself  to  be  a  gentleman 
of  sense  and  piety,  and  a  warm  advocate  for  the  religious  and  civil 
rights  of  America. 

The  journals  of  the  committee  of  correspondence 
attest  the  continuous  labors  of  "Warren  in  its  busi- 
ness. "  We  meet  daily,"  Church,  a  member  writes. 
w  Daily  occurrences  demand  our  attention.  An  armed 
truce  is  the  sole  tenure  by  which  the  inhabitants  of 
Boston  possess  life,  liberty,  or  property."     And  John 


MASSACHUSETTS   AND    THE    CONGRESS.  381 

Pitts,  another  member,  wrote  to  Samuel  Adams,  *  In 
your  absence,  there  have  been,  as  usual,  the  improve- 
ment of  the  ready  pens  of  a  Warren  and  Church,  the 
criticism  of  a  Greenleaf,  the  vigilance  and  industry 
of  a  Molineux,  and  the  united  wisdom  of  those  who 
commonly  compose  the  committee."  The  following 
letter  shows  the  state  of  things  at  the  time  of  the 
assembling  of  the  Provincial  Congress:  — 

Joseph  Warren  to  Samuel  Adams. 

Boston,  September  29,  1774. 
Dear  Sir,  —  My  last  letter  of  the  26th  instant  you  will  doubtless 
have  received  by  the  post  before  this  reached  you.  Since  then,  there 
have  been  arrivals  from  England,  by  which  we  learn  that  the  ministry 
are  still  inflexible  and  obstinate.  The  consequence  then  is,  that,  if 
America  sees  better  days,  it  must  be  the  result  of  her  own  conduct. 
The  fortifications  on  Boston  Neck  are  carried  on  without  intermission. 
The  troops  are  availing  themselves  of  every  opportunity  to  make  them- 
selves more  formidable,  and  render  the  people  less  able  to  oppose  them. 
They  keep  a  constant  search  for  every  thing  which  will  be  serviceable 
in  battle ;  and  whenever  they  espy  any  instruments  which  may  serve 
or  disserve  them,— whether  they  are  the  property  of  individuals  or  the 
public  is  immaterial,  —  they  are  seized,  and  carried  into  the  camp  or  on 
board  the  ships  of  war.  Mr.  Joseph  Scott,  of  this  town,  has  sold  them 
a  number  of  shells,  cow  horns,  chain  shot,  &c,  to  the  amount  of  £500 
sterling ;  and  yesterday,  about  noon,  they  were  carried  on  board  one 
of  the  ships.  The  people  are  enraged  against  Mr.  Scott,  and  he  keeps 
incog.  About  two  hundred  carpenters  were  employed  the  last  week 
in  providing  barracks  for  the  troops.  This  week  the  works  are  entirely 
forsaken,  —  a  few  hands,  indeed,  are  raised  from  the  regiments,  but 
by  no  means  enough  to  carry  on  the  buildings  with  expedition. 

The  employment  was  profitable  to  the  tradesmen,  and  drew  cash 
from  the  king  to  circulate  in  this  impoverished  town ;  but,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  proceedings  of  the  committee,  they  desisted,  and  discov- 
ered a  great  aversion  to  do  any  thing  displeasing  [to]  their  brethren  in 
the  country,  or  that  could  possibly  be  injurious  to  the  cause  of  Ameri- 
can freedom. 


382  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

The  treatment  which  the  inhabitants  receive  from  the  soldiery  makes 
us  think  that  they  regard  us  as  enemies  rather  than  as  fellow  subjects. 

Some  of  our  warm  advocates  can  hardly  brook  the  many  private 
insults  we  receive ;  and,  were  it  not  that  your  august  body  had 
cautioned  us  against  any  engagement  with  them,  I  fear  bloodshed 
would  have  ensued  before  this. 

When  they  carried  the  machines  from  Mr.  Scott's,  it  made  us 
"  tremblingly  alive  all  o'er ; "  and  it  is  as  much  as  our  grave,  serious 
people  can  effect  to  keep  people  from  action  at  some  particular  times. 
The  determination  of  the  congress  is  waited  with  much  impatience: 
that,  we  expect,  will  be  decisive. 

In  your  letter  from  England  were  enclosed  two  pamphlets ;  but  as  I 
knew  you  had  one  of  them  at  Philadelphia,  some  time  ago,  and  that 
Dr.  Winthrop  had  sent  you  the  other,  I  did  not  think  it  worth  while 
to  burden  the  carrier  with  them. 

Mr.  Samuel  Phillips,  jun.,  of  Andover,  was  this  day  carrying  about 
a  dozen  fire-arms  over  Charlestown  ferry.  The  sloop-of-war  lying  in 
the  river  dispatched  a  boat,  and  seized  them.  A  load  of  straw,  said  to 
be  the  property  of  Major  Goldthwait,  was  this  day  bringing  to  town 
for  the  use  of  the  soldiers ;  but  the  high  sons  of  Roxbury  gave  it  to  the 
flames. 

Your  worthy  family  are  all  well,  and  would  have  you  informed  that 
they  think  of  you,  though  they  are  not  with  you. 

Josiah  Quincy,  Esq.,  sailed  for  London  last  Monday. 

People  were  so  rapacious  for  the  intelligence  brought  from  the  con- 
gress by  Mr.  Revere,  that  I  thought  myself  bound  to  publish  an  extract 
from  your  letter ;  and,  although  it  was  done  without  your  permission, 
I  know  you  will  forgive  it. 

Please  let  Mr.  Cushing  know,  that  I  should  not  have  published  his 
letter  but  at  the  earnest  request  of  a  number  of  our  most  valuable  friends. 

These  publications,  I  think,  you  would  approve,  if  you  were  sensible 
of  the  animation  they  give  to  our  dejected  friends. 

The  inconnection  and  want  of  form  in  this  hasty  production  pleads 
for  its  excuse,  that  Mr.  Revere  waits  for  it. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  with  the  utmost  sincerity,  your  friend  and  humble 
servant,  Joseph  Warren.1 

Mr.  Adams. 

1  This  letter  is  printed  from  the  original  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Bancroft. 
Only  the  last  paragraph,  commencing  "  I  am,"  &c,  and  the  signature,  are  in 
Warren's  handwriting. 


MASSACHUSETTS   ANT>   THE    CONGRESS.  38b 

The  action  of  the  committee  of  correspondence, 
referred  to  in  this  letter,  related  to  work  in  build- 
ing barracks  for  the  army.  The  committees  of  thir- 
teen towns  met  in  Faneuil  Hall,  agreed  upon  a  syste- 
matic plan  in  relation  to  a  refusal  of  supplies,  and 
declared  all  to  be  inveterate  enemies  to  their  country 
who  furnished  any  materials  whatever  that  would 
enable  the  troops  to  distress  the  inhabitants.  The 
journals  also  contain  a  particular  account  of  an  inter- 
view which  Warren  now  had  with  Governor  Gage,  in 
relation  to  the  new  fortification,  and  the  purchase  of 
stores.  General  Gage,  in  his  official  letters,  dwelt  on 
the  difficulties  he  encountered  in  consequence  of  the 
action  relative  to  labor  and  supplies. 

The  governor  now  had  to  meet  the  more  serious 
movement  of  a  Provincial  Congress.  He  issued  a 
precept,  on  the  1st  of  September,  for  a  return  of 
representatives  to  the  general  court,  to  be  convened 
on  the  5th  of  October,  at  Salem;  but,  he  says,  when 
he  saw  the  resolves  passed  by  some  of  the  counties, 
and  "  the  instructions  given  by  the  town  of  Boston 
and  some  other  towns  to  their  representatives,"  he 
issued  a  proclamation,  on  the  28th  of  September, 
declaring  a  general  court  inexpedient,  discharging  all 
persons  elected  from  giving  their  attendance,  and 
announcing  his  intention  not  to  be  present  at  the 
time  and  place  he  had  named.  Agreeably  to  the  plan 
agreed  upon,  ninety  of  the  .representatives  elect  met, 
on  the  5th  of  October,  at  Salem.  After  waiting  a  day 
for  the  appearance  of  the  constitutional  governor,  they 
resolved  themselves  into  a  Provincial  Congress,  elected 
John  Hancock  their  chairman  and  Benjamin  Lincoln 
their  secretary,  passed  a  series  of  resolves,  and  ad- 


384  LIEE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

journed  to  meet  at  Concord.  The  action  of  the 
governor,  as  it  was  neither  a  dissolution  nor  a  pro- 
rogation of  the  legislature,  was  declared  by  the 
patriots  to  be  without  the  warrant  of  law. 

The  Provincial  Congress  assembled,  on  the  11th  of 
October,  at  Concord.  Many  towns  that  did  not 
choose  representatives  elected  delegates  to  this  con- 
gress. There  were  two  hundred  and  eighty-eight1 
members,  —  all  but  twenty  present,  —  who  were  sent 
by  two  hundred  and  twelve  towns.2  John  Hancock 
was  elected  their  president,  and  Benjamin  Lincoln 
their  secretary.  The  congress  met  first  in  the  Court 
House,  but  adjourned  to  the  Meeting-house. 

Many  of  the  delegates  had  taken  part  in  the  county 
conventions,  and  subsequently  were  distinguished  in 
civil  or  military  life.  There  were  returned  from  the 
towns  in  Suffolk  county,  besides  dishing,  Samuel 
Adams,  Hancock,  and  Warren,  William  Heath  and 
Benjamin  Lincoln,  generals  throughout  the  Revolu- 
tionary war:  from  Essex  were  John  Pickering,  Azor 
Orne,  Jonathan  Greenleaf,  and  Elbridge  Gerry,  who 
were  distinguished  in  political  life:  from  Middlesex 
were  Nathaniel  Gorham,  a  prominent  member  of  the 
convention  that  formed  the  Federal  Constitution ;  Wil- 
liam Prescott,  and  Thomas  Gardner,  colonels  in  the 
Bunker-hill  battle;  Richard  Devens,  an  active  mem- 
ber of  the  committee  of  safety;  James  Barrett,  the 
commander  of  the  militia  at  Concord  on  the  19th  of 
April;  James  Prescott,  subsequently  a  judge,  and 
Henry  Gardner,  soon  to  be  the  treasurer:  Hampshire 
returned  Seth  Pomeroy,  a  veteran  of  Louisburg  fame ; 
and  Joseph  Hawley,  a  patriot  of  decidedly  the  largest 

1  Shattuck's  History  of  Concord.      2  Journals  of  the  Provincial  Congress. 


MASSACHUSETTS   AND    THE    CCXNTGKESS.  385 

influence  in  the  western  part  of  the  province:  Ply- 
mouth sent  James  Warren,  a  pioneer  patriot,  who 
became  president  of  the  Provincial  Congress ;  Bristol, 
Kobert  Treat  Paine,  the  poet  and  jurist;  and  York 
sent  James  Sullivan,  the  scholar;  statesman,  and 
future  governor  :  from  "Worcester  came  Artemas 
Ward,  the  first  commander  of  the  colonial  army;  and 
Moses  Gill  and  Timothy  Bigelow,  distinguished  in 
political  life.  The  memories  of  many  other  delegates 
are  cherished  for  their  character  and  intelligent  pub- 
lic service.  The  congress  was  a  fine  representation 
of  the  great  interests  of  the  province  as  well  as  of  its 
patriotism. 

The  proceedings  of  this  body  show  that  Warren 
shared  largely  in  its  confidence  and  in  its  labors. 
His  letters  indicate  that  he  felt  the  responsibility  of 
the  hour,  and  meant  to  act  with  caution.  ♦  He  and  his 
associates  from  Boston  had  before  them  a  difficult 
role:  for  they  found  themselves  "by  far  the  most 
moderate  men"1  of  the  congress,  the  members  in 
general  being  in  favor  of  forming  a  new  government; 
and  it  was  a  duty  not  to  fall  in  with  what  was 
popular,  but  to  do  what  was  right.  The  shallow 
declaimers  of  the  day  were  rash;  but  the  thinkers 
said,  w  These  are  great  and  profound  questions.  We 
are  grieved  to  find  ourselves  reduced  to  the  necessity 
of  entering  into  the  discussion  of  them." 2 

The  last  letter  of  Warren  shows  his  feeling  on  the 
vital  question  of  "  taking  up "  a  new  local  govern- 
ment, or  of  proceeding,  without  outside  advice  or 
authority,  as  a  separate,  independent,  sovereign  State. 

i  Letter  of  John  Pitts,  Oct.  16,  1774. 
2  Address  of  Middlesex-county  Convention. 
49 


386  LIFE   OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

The  resolve  of  congress  of  the  17th  of  September 
was  a  recommendation  to  defend,  in  a  firm  and  tem- 
perate way,  the  civil  constitution;  and,  in  doing  this, 
to  use  so  much  of  the  law  as  remained.  This  also 
was  the  advice  of  Samuel  Adams.  And  John  Adams, 
after  he  had  learned  with  certainty  the  views  of  the 
members,  wrote,  w  The  proposal  of  some  among  you 
of  re-assuming  the  old  charter  is  not  approved  here  at 
all.  The  proposal  of  setting  up  a  new  form  of  gov- 
ernment of  our  own  is  less  approved  still."  He  wrote 
of  the  future  in  the  following  warning  tone :  — 

"  They  [the  members]  will  not,  at  this  session,  vote  to  raise  men 
or  money  or  arms  or  ammunition.  Their  opinions  are  fixed  against 
hostilities  and  ruptures,  except  they  should  become  absolutely  neces- 
sary ;  and  this  necessity  they  do  not  yet  see.  They  dread  the  thoughts 
of  an  action  because  it  would  make  a  wound  which  would  never  be 
healed ;  it  wouM  fix  and  establish  a  rancor  which  would  descend  to  the 
latest  generations ;  it  would  render  all  hopes  of  a  reconciliation  with 
Great  Britain  desperate  ;  it  would  light  up  the  flames  of  war,  perhaps 
through  the  whole  continent,  which  might  rage  for  twenty  years,  and 
end  in  the  subduction  of  America  as  likely  as  her  liberties." 1 

Such  language  must  have  increased  the  anxiety  of 
the  popular  leaders  in  the  Provincial  Congress.  A 
close  inspection  of  its  proceedings  shows,  that  little 
of  a  positive  character  was  done  for  ten  days,  or  until 
after  it  met  at  Cambridge.  It  was  evidently  awaiting 
the  final  action  of  "  The  Grand  American  Congress," 
as  the  Philadelphia  body  was  termed.  It  was  now 
said,  that  "  the  whole  attention  and  conversation  were 
wrapped  up  in  the  congress."1  An  intelligent  Boston 
patriot,  John  Pitts,  in  a  letter  to  Samuel  Adams, 
relative  to  the  views  of  the  members  of  the  Provincial 

1  Letter  to  William  Tudor,  Oct.  7,  1774.  2  Newspaper. 


MASSACHUSETTS   AND   THE   CONGRESS.  387 

Congress  on  the  question  of  w  a  subordinate  govern- 
ment," said,  "  Without  doubt  they  would  be  cautious 
to  take  the  sense  of  your  body,  from  whose  wisdom 
we  hope  for  relief."1  In  fact,  it  had  long  been  an 
understanding,  reached  through  the  organization  of 
committees  of  correspondence,  that  the  patriots  of  one 
colony  should  take  no  important  step  without  the 
concurrence  of  the  patriots  of  the  other  colonies.  In 
this  spirit,  the  proceedings  relative  to  the  tea  had  been 
carried  on.  In  this  spirit,  the  people  had  refused  to 
obey  the  officials  acting  under  the  Regulating  Act. 
In  this  spirit,  the  wise  popular  leaders  meant  to  pro- 
ceed in  the  formation  of  a  new  Government.  Man 
had  not  attained  to  perfection  in  Massachusetts :  there 
were  mobs,  personal  insults,  and  silly  gasconade ;  and 
the  violent  talked  as  though  they  were  ready,  at  the 
head  of  a  town  or  a  county  or  a  colony,  to  brave 
the  British  Empire.  This  was  the  effervescence  of 
the  hour.  It  was  the  material  which  for  years  sup- 
plied what  truth  there  was  in  the  wanton  misrepre- 
sentations of  the  patriots  by  the  Tories,  who  said 
that  this  was  the  patriot  cause.  To  the  statesmen  of 
that  day,  in  all  the  colonies,  who,  amidst  the  unavoid- 
able confusion  in  upholding  this  cause,  held  on  to 
social  order  and  national  unity,  is  the  world  indebted 
for  the  American  Revolution. 

Warren,  in  the  letter  just  printed,  said  that  the 
determination  of  congress  was  awaited  with  much 
impatience,  and  that  would  be  decisive ;  and  that  peo- 
ple were  rapacious  for  intelligence  from  it.  It  is  said, 
in  the  newspapers,  that  ?  the  congress  continued  in 
private,  solemn  deliberation;    and,  as  the  members 

i  Letter,  Oct.  16. 


388  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

were  under  some  honorary  ties  of  secrecy,  nothing 
had  transpired  of  their  proceedings."  Ten  days  later, 
nothing  had  transpired  from  this  body;  but  it  was 
reported,  that  Paul  Revere,  who  went  as  "  an  express 
from  Boston  to  the  delegates,"  was  waiting  in  Phila- 
delphia for  the  result  of  the  determinations  of  con- 
gress. A  week  later,  on  the  20th  of '  October,  the 
"Massachusetts  Gazette"  contained  this  announce- 
ment: "A  gentleman  last  evening  favored  us  with 
the  following  resolves,  just  come  to  hand  from  Phila- 
delphia." They  were  five  in  number,  the  first  having 
been  passed  on  the  8th  of  October:  — 

.  "  Resolved,  That  this  congress  approve  of  the  opposition  made  by 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  to  the  execution  of  the  late 
Acts  of  Parliament ;  and,  if  the  same  shall  be  attempted  to  be  carried 
into  execution  by  force,  in  such  case  all  America  ought  to  support 
them  in  their  opposition." 

The  four  other  resolves  were  designed  to  meet  the 
condition  of  affairs  in  the  province.  One  recom- 
mended, that  the  people  continue  "  peaceably  and 
firmly  in  the  line  they  are  now  conducting  themselves, 
—  on  the  defensive;"  another  substantially  advised 
a  suspension  of  action  relative  to  instituting  a  new 
Government,  until  the  effect  was  known  of  an  appli- 
cation for  a  repeal  of  the  Act  by  which  their  charter 
rights  were  infringed.  Samuel  Adams  now  wrote  to 
Dr.  Young :  — 

"  I  think  our  countrymen  discover  the  spirit  of  Rome  or  Sparta.  I 
admire  in  them  that  patience,  which,  you  have  often  heard  me  say,  is 
characteristic  of  the  patriot.  .  .  .  Inter  arma  silent  leges.  I  have  writ- 
ten to  our  friends  to  provide  themselves,  without  delay,  with  arms  and 
ammunition,  get  well  instructed  in  the  military  art,  embody  them- 
selves, and  prepare  a  complete  set  of  rules,  that  they  may  be  ready  in 


MASSACHUSETTS   AND    THE    CONGRESS.  389 

case  they  are  called  to  defend  themselves  against  the  violent  attacks 
of  despotism.  Surely  the  laws  of  self-preservation  will  warrant  it  in 
this  time  of  danger  and  doubtful  expectation."1 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  day  of  the  publication  of 
these  resolves,  the  Provincial  Congress  appointed  a 
committee  to  consider  what  it  was  necessary  to  do 
for  the  defence  and  safety  of  the  province.    I  need  not 
present  in  detail  the  proceedings  on  this  report,  or 
the  doings  of  the  congress.     The  debates  for  several 
days  were  long  and  earnest ;  but  there  is  no  report  of 
the  speeches.    The  deliberations  resulted  in  the  adop- 
tion, on  the  26th,  of  a  series  of  resolves,  which  pro- 
vided  for   the   creation   of  a  "committee  of  public 
safety,"  as  a  sort  of  directory  to  take  care  of  the  com- 
monwealth, which  may  be  summed  up  as  an  authority 
to  organize  the  militia,  and  to  provide  military  stores 
when  they  should  take  the  field.     The  resolves  also 
provided  for  officers  to  command  this  force.     On  the 
next  day,  the  congress  elected,  by  ballot,  nine  of  its 
members  to  compose  the  committee;    choosing  first 
three  from  Boston,  and  then  nine  from  the  country. 
They  elected  Hancock,  Warren,  and  Church  from  the 
town;    Eichard  Devens   of  Charlestown,   Benjamin 
"White  of  Brookline,   Joseph  Palmer  of  Braintree, 
Norton  Quincy    (who  declined),  Abraham  Watson 
of  Cambridge,  Azor  Orne  of  Marblehead.      Subse- 
quently,  John  Pigeon   of  Newton,  William  Heath 
of  Eoxbury,  and  Jabez  Fisher  of  Wrentham,  were 
added.     The   congress   next   elected  "five   commis- 
saries," who  were  called  a  committee  of  supplies, — 
David  Cheever,  Moses  Gill,  Jeremiah  Lee,  Benjamin 
Lincoln,  and  Benjamin  Hall.     Three  general  officers 

i  Letter,  dated  October,  1774,  in  Samuel  Adams's  Papers. 


390  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

were  then  chosen, — Jedediah  Preble,  Artemas  Ward, 
and  Seth  Pomeroy.  On  the  28th,  Congress  passed  a 
resolve,  inviting  "  the  constitutional  members  of  His 
Majesty's  council  of  this  colony  by  the  royal  charter, 
chosen  last  May,"  to  meet  with  the  congress  at  their 
adjournment ;  and,  on  the  29th,  appointed  Henry 
Gardner  receiver-general,  to  receive  the  usual  rev- 
enue for  the  use  of  the  province  at  the  hands  of  the 
constables,  collectors,  and  other  persons.  The  con- 
gress appointed  a  day  of  public  thanksgiving,  w  in 
particular  from  a  consideration  of  the  union  which  so 
remarkably  prevailed,  not  only  in  the  province,  but 
throughout  the  continent,  at  this  alarming  crisis." 
The  congress,  on  the  29th,  adjourned  until  the  23d 
of  November.  It  declined  to  take  action  on  the 
formation  of  a  new  Government,  and  adhered  strictly 
to  the  recommendations  of  the  Continental  Congress. 
Warren's  name  occurs  on  committees  from  the  com- 
mencement to  the  close  of  the  session. 

He  now  began  a  great  service  as  a  member  of  the 
committee  of  public  safety,  the  executive  of  the  col- 
ony. It  met  on  the  2d  of  November,  at  Cambridge, 
and  organized  by  the  choice  of  John  Hancock  as 
chairman ;  but  he  did  not  attend  the  next  session,  and 
Warren's  name  stands  on  its  journal  at  the  head  of 
the  list  of  members  present  at  this  meeting. 

The  committee  voted  to  purchase  provisions  for  an 
army;  and,  at  the  second  meeting,  on  the  8th,  they 
voted  to  procure  all  the  arms  and  ammunition  which 
they  could  of  the  neighboring  provinces.  On  the 
evening  of  the  next  day,  Cushing  and  the  two 
Adamses  came  into  the  town  from  congress,  where 
the  people  testified  their  joy  at  their  safe  arrival  by 


MASSACHUSETTS   AKD   THE   CONGRESS.  391 

ringing  the  bells,  some  of  them  till  midnight.  Han- 
cock did  not  attend  the  next  meeting  of  the  commit- 
tee of  safety,  on  the  15th,  when  it  was  voted  to  have 
seven  large  pieces  of  cannon  carried  out  of  Boston. 

Warren,  in  behalf  of  the  committee  of  donations, 
now  replied  to  a  letter  from  the  committee  of  Mid- 
dletown,  Connecticut,  which  enumerated  things  that 
?  roused  their  attention  and  zeal,"  and  induced  them 
tt  to  unite  with  their  brethren  throughout  the  conti- 
nent." They  said  the  claim  of  parliament  was  en- 
forced by  "  the  grossest  violation  of  royal  faith,  in 
tearing  up  by  the  roots  the  ancient  charter"  of  Massa- 
chusetts, and  *  by  all  the  evils  of  Pandora's  box  let 
loose  in  the  new  form  of  Government  imposed  "  upon 
the  people.  The  reply  to  this  spirited  letter  is  as 
follows :  — 

Reply  to  Middletown. 

Boston,  November  17,  1774. 

Gentlemen,  —  Your  kind  letter  of  the  17th  of  October  came  safe 
to  hand.  When  we  reflect  on  the  great  importance  of  the  controversy 
in  which  we  are  engaged ;  when  we  consider  that  America  will  be  free 
and  happy  or  servilely  wretched,  according  as  we  conduct  ourselves,  — 
we  tremble.  But  that  we  are  contending  for  our  rights,  —  that  the 
continent  supports  us,  —  makes  us  confident  and  determined.  The 
plan  which  has  been  so  long  concerted,  to  deprive  America  of  her  rights, 
seems  now  to  be  executing,  and  that  the  ministry  have  chosen  the 
town  of  Boston  as  their  first  victim. 

That  we  are  sequestered  from  all  America,  for  a  criterion  by  which 
they  shall  determine  how  far  the  idea  of  despotic  government  is  com- 
patible with  the  sentiments  of  free-born  Americans,  gives  us  no  concern, 
because  the  spirit  which  is  discovered  in  Middletown  has  diffused  itself 
through  the  continent.  Many  have  been  the  devices,  subtle  have  been 
the  schemes,  and  low  the  artifices,  made  use  of  to  sow  dissension  and 
division :  but  the  virtue  of  our  country  has  risen  superior  to  them  all ; 
and  we  see  a  band  now  formed  which  will  encourage  our  friends  and 
confound  our  enemies.     The  Ministry  have  hitherto  kept  the  people  of 


392  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

Great  Britain  ignorant  of  the  true  state  of  America.  They  have  by 
bribes  and  falsehoods  deceived  the  nation.  Truth  and  justice  were 
never  so.  effectually  enveloped  in  the  thick  clouds  of  calumny  and 
detraction.  The  mercenary  writers  they  have  employed  to  misrep- 
resent, vilify,  and  abuse  the  Bostonians,  afford  us  a  striking  instance 
of  the  base  methods  they  pursue  to  ruin  us.  We  have,  however,  the 
best  grounds  to  think  that  the  tide  is  turning  in  our  favor.  The  eyes 
of  the  people  of  Britain  begin  to  be  opened.  "  The  coolness,  temper, 
and  firmness  of  the  Americans'  proceedings,  the  unanimity  of  all  the 
colonies  in  the  same  sentiments  of  their  rights,  and  of  the  injustice 
offered  to  Boston,  and  the  patience  with  which  those  injuries  are  at 
present  borne,  without  the  least  appearance  of  submission,  have  a  good 
deal  surprised  and  disappointed  our  enemies ;  and  the  tone  of  public 
conversation,  which  has  been  so  violently  against  us,  begins  evidently 
to  turn."  This  is  the  language  of  as  good  a  friend  as  America  has  in 
England,  and  whose  authority  we  can  rely  on.  And,  if  this  most 
desirable  change  had  taken  place  before  the  proceedings  of  the  Ameri- 
can Congress  were  known  in  England,  what  may  we  expect  upon  their 
being  known  ?  Had  not  the  present  ministry  discovered  such  rancor 
and  such  malice  in  their  proceedings  in  respect  to  America,  we  should 
expect  every  thing  to  our  wishes.  But  we  have  had  such  full  demon- 
stration of  their  diabolical  designs  against  us,  that  we  can  look  for 
nothing  from  them  but  what  our  own  virtue  and  spirit  can  extort. 

The  regular,  firm,  and  spirited  conduct  of  the  continent,  if  they 
should  even  fail  of  success,  will  eternally  redound  to  their  honor ;  and, 
should  they  meet  that  success  which  their  cause  merits,  they  must  be 
the  happiest  people  on  whom  the  sun  shines.  The  propriety  and  zeal 
with  which  the  town  of  Middletown  have  treated  the  indignity  which 
is  offered  to  their  country,  seems  to  be  a  renewing  that  glorious  ardor 
which  warmed  the  breasts  of  their  progenitors.  It  is  a  disposition 
which  has  heretofore  been  attended  with  prosperity.  The  support 
which  they  have  formerly  so  liberally  afforded  the  town  of  Boston  in 
their  sufferings  demands  our  warmest  gratitude.  This  recent  instance 
of  their  good  wishes  for  our  success,  and  the  readiness  and  forwardness 
which  they  discover  to  do  every  thing  in  their  power  for  maintaining 
and  preserving  the  rights  of  their  country,  and  for  supporting  and  feed- 
ing any  who  are  immediate  sufferers  by  the  vengeance  of  their  enemies, 
cannot  fail  to  excite  gratitude  from  every  friend  to  the  rights  of  man- 
kind, and  from  the  town  of  Boston  in  particular.  We  are  not  insen- 
sible, although   there   is   a   probability  that   our   grievances  will    be 


MASSACHUSETTS   AND    THE    CONGRESS.  393 

redressed,  that  every  thing  yet  depends  on  our  own  virtue  and  resolu- 
tion ;  great  patience,  vigilance,  and  public  spirit'  are  still  necessary. 
The  point  has  been  so  long  and  so  strenuously  contended  for,  that  our 
enemies  never  will  give  it  up  till  they  are.  compelled  by  the  last  and 
most  unavoidable  necessity.  Our  cause  is  so  just,  and  we  are  so  sensi- 
ble how  necessary  it  is  to  defend  it,  that  we  have  no  doubt,  but,  with 
the  blessing  of  heaven  upon  us,  and  upon  the  many  good  friends 
engaged  for  us,  we  shall  be  able  to  hold  on  and  hold  out  until  oppres- 
sion, injustice,  and  tyranny  shall  be  superseded  by  freedom,  justice,  and 
good  government.  And  we  cannot  but  flatter  ourselves,  that,  while  we 
are  contending  for  justice  for  ourselves,  we  shall  be  instrumental  in 
calling  back  that  virtue  which  of  late  years  has  fled  from  the  councils 
of  our  parent  country. 

We  are,  gentlemen,  your  friends  and  obliged  humble  servants, 

Joseph  Warren, 

Per  order  of  the  Committee  of  Donations. 

p.S.  —  We  have  just  now,  by  Captain  Sheppard,  from  London, 
received  His  Majesty's  proclamation  for  dissolving  the  late  Parliament 
of  Great  Britain,  whose  conduct  respecting  America  will  be  remem- 
bered with  horror  through  all  succeeding  generations. 

To  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  for  the  Town  of  Middletown.1 

Warren,  four  days  after  penning  this  magnetic 
utterance,  sent  a  remarkable  letter  to  Josiah  Quincy, 
jun.,  who  was  in  London.  He  was  a  kindred  spirit, 
and  closed  his  "  Observations  611  the  Port  Bill "  in  the 
following  strain :  w  America  hath  in  store  her  Bruti 
and  Cassii,  her  Hampdens  and  Sydneys,  —  patriots 
and  heroes,  who  will  form  a  band  of  brothers,  —  men 
who  will  have  memories  and  feelings,  courage  and 
swords,  —  courage  that  shall  inflame  their  ardent 
bosoms  till  their  hands  cleave  to  their  swords,  and 
their  swords  to  their  enemies'  hearts."2  His  biogra- 
pher, in  printing  Warren's  letter,  remarks,  that  it  "is 

1  This  letter  is  printed  in  fourth  series  of  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Collections,  iv.  117. 

2  These  words  form  the  conclusion  of  Quincy's  "  Observations  on  the  Port 
Bill." 

50 


394  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

peculiarly  interesting,  because  few  similar  records  oi 
his  mind  remain,  and  as  it  evidences  that  the  life  he 
sacrificed  on  Bunker  Hill  was  offered,  not  under  the 
excitement  of  the  moment,  but  with  a  fixed  and  delib- 
erate purpose.  ]STo  language  can  be  more  decisive 
of  the  spirit  which  predominated  in  his  bosom :  c  It  is 
the  united  voice  of  America  to  preserve  their  freedom, 
or  lose  their  lives  in  defence  of  it.'"1  The  passages 
I  have  put  in  italics  are  placed  by  Bancroft  at  the 
beginning  of  one  of  the  chapters  of  his  History: 2 — 

To  Josiah  Quincy,  jun. 

Boston,  November  21,  1774. 
Dear  Sir,  —  As  nothing  interesting  which  I  am  at  liberty  to  com- 
municate has  taken  place  since  your  departure  from  home,  except  such 
matters  as  you  could  not  fail  of  being  informed  of  by  the  public 
papers,  I  have  deferred  writing  to  you,  knowing  that,  upon  your  first 
arrival  in  London,  you  would  be  greatly  engaged  in  forming  your  con- 
nections with  the  friends  of  this  country,  to  whom  you  have  been 
recommended.  Our  friends  who  have  been  at  the  Continental  Con- 
gress are  in  high  spirits  on  account  of  the  union  which  prevails 
throughout  the  colonies.  It  is  the  united  voice  of  America  to  preserve 
their  freedom,  or  lose  their  lives  in  defence  of  it.  Their  resolutions 
are  not  the  effect  of  inconsiderate  rashness,  hut  the  sound  result  of 
sober  inquiry  and  deliberation.  I  am  convinced,  that  the  true  spirit 
of  liberty  was  never  so  universally  diffused  through  all  ranks  and  orders 
of  people,  in  any  country  on  the  face  of  the  earth,  as  it  now  is  through 
all  North  America.  The  Provincial  Congress  met  at  Concord  at  the 
time  appointed.  About  two  hundred  and  sixty  members  were  present. 
You  would  have  thought  yourself  in  an  assembly  of  Spartans  or 
ancient  Romans,  had  you  been  a  witness  to  the  ardor  which  inspired 
those  who  spoke  upon  the  important  business  they  were  transacting. 
An  injunction  of  secrecy  prevents  my  giving  any  particulars  of  their 
transactions,  except  such  as  by  their  express  order  were  published  in 
the  papers ;  but,  in  general,  you  may  be  assured  that  they  approved 
themselves  the  true  representatives  of  a  wise  and  brave  people,  deter- 

1  Life  of  Josiah  Quincy,  jun.,  181.  2  Vol.  vii.  chap.  16. 


MASSACHUSETTS   AND    THE    CONGRESS.  395 

mined  at  all  events  to  be  free.  I  know  I  might  be  indulged  in  giving 
you  an  account  of  our  transactions,  were  I  sure  this  would  get  safe  to 
you ;  but  I  dare  not,  as  the  times  are,  risk  so  important  intelligence. 

Next  Wednesday,  the  23d  instant,  we  shall  meet  again  according  to 
adjournment.  All  that  I  can  safely  communicate  to  you  shall  be 
speedily  transmitted.  I  am  of  opinion,  that  the  dissolution  of  the 
British  Parliament,  which  we  were  acquainted  with  last  week,  together 
with  some  favorable  letters  received  from  England,  will  induce  us  to 
bear  the  inconvenience  of  living  without  government  until  we  have 
some  farther  intelligence  of  what  may  be  expected  from  England.  It 
will  require,  however,  a  very  masterly  policy  to  keep  the  province, 
for  any  considerable  time  longer,  in  its  present  state.  The  town  of 
Boston  is  by  far  the  most- moderate  part  of  the  province  :  they  are  silent 
and  inflexible.  They  hope  for  relief;  but  they  have  found  from  expe- 
rience that  they  can  bear  to  suffer  more  than  their  oppressors  or 
themselves  thought  possible.  They  feel  the  injuries  they  receive; 
they  are  the  frequent  subject  of  conversation :  but  they  take  an  honest 
pride  in  being  singled  out  by  a  tyrannical  Administration  as  the  most 
determined  enemies  to  arbitrary  power.  They  know  that  their  merits, 
not  their  crimes,  have  made  them  the  objects  of  ministerial  vengeance. 
We  endeavor  to  live  as  peaceably  as  possible  with  the  soldiery ;  but 
disputes  and  quarrels  often  arise  between  the  troops  and  the  inhabitants. 

General  Gage  has  made  very  few  new  manoeuvres  since  you  left 
us.  He  has  indeed  rendered  the  intrenchments,  at  the  entrance  of  the 
town,  as  formidable  as  he  possibly  could.  I  have  frequently  been  sent 
to  him  on  committees,  and  have  several  times  had  private  conversa- 
tions with  him.  I  have  thought  him  a  man  of  honest,  upright  princi- 
ples, and  one  desirous  of  accommodating  the  difference  between  Great 
Britain  and  her  colonies  in  a  just  and  honorable  way.  He  did  not 
appear  to  be  desirous  of  continuing  the  quarrel  in  order  to  make  him- 
self necessary,  which  is  too  often  the  case  with  persons  employed  in 
public  affairs ;  but  a  copy  of  a  letter  via  Philadelphia,  said  to  be  written 
from  him  to  Lord  North,  gives  a  very  different  cast  to  his  character. 
His  answer  to  the  Provincial  Congress,  which  was  certainly  ill  judged, 
I  suppose  was  the  work  of  some  of  that  malicious  group  of  harpies, 
whose  disappointments  make  them  desirous  to  urge  the  governor  to 
drive  every  thing  to  extremes ;  but,  in  this  letter  (if  it  be  genuine),  he 
seems  to  court  the  office  of  a  destroyer  of  the  liberties,  and  murderer 
of  the  people,  of  this  province.  But  you  have  doubtless  read  the 
paper,  and  thought  with  indignation  on  its  contents. 


396  LIFE    Or   JOSEPH   W  ARREST. 

I  wish  to  know  of  you  how  affairs  stand  in  Great  Britain,  and  what 
was  the  principal  motive  of  the  dissolution  of  parliament.  If  the  late 
Acts  of  Parliament  are  not  to  be  repealed,  the  ivisest  step  for  both  coun- 
tries is  fairly  to  separate,  and  not  spend  their  blood  and  treasure  in 
destroying  each  other.  It  is  barely  possible  that  Britain  may  depopulate 
North  America  ;  but  I  trust  in  God  she  can  never  conquer  the  inhab- 
itants:  and,  if  the  cruel  experiment  is  made,  I  am  sure,  whatever 
fortunes  may  attend  America,  that  Britain  will  curse  the  wretch,  who, 
to  stop  the  mouths  of  his  ravenous  pack  of  dependants,  bartered  away 
the  wealth  and  glory  of  her  empire. 

I  have  not  time  to  say  more  at  present  than  to  assure  you,  that  from 
this  time  you  may  expect  to  hear  from  me,  news  or  no  news,  by  every 
vessel ;  and  that  my  earnest  wish  is,  that  your  abilities  and  integrity 
may  be  of  eminent  service  to  your  country. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  your  most  obedient  servant,  Joseph  Warren. 

General  Gage's  letters  now  show,  that  he  realized 
the  import  of  the  political  unity  which  had  been 
reached  by  the  patriots.  On  informing  Lord  Dart- 
month,  on  the  15th,  that  he  had  issued  a  proclamation 
declaring  the  Provincial  Congress  an  unlawful  body, 
and  tending  to  riot  and  rebellion,  he  said  that  it  had 
been  encouraged  to  go  to  the  lengths  it  had  gone  by 
the  general  union,  and  the  readiness  of  the  New- 
England  provinces  to  appear  in  arms;  and  that  the 
proceedings  of  the  Continental  Congress  astonished 
and  terrified  all  considerate  men. 

A  few  days  after  Gage  had  issued  his  proclama- 
tion, and  when,  according  to  his  representation,  "  all 
considerate  men  "  were  in  terror,  the  Provincial  Con- 
gress, on  the  23d  of  November,  renewed  its  session. 
It  invited  John  Adams  and  Robert  Treat  Paine  to 
attend  the  meetings ;  the  other  delegates  to  the  Gen- 
eral Congress,  Cushing  and  Samuel  Adams,  being 
members.  It  is  not  necessary  to  relate  here  in  detail 
the  proceedings  of  this  body.     The  political  centre 


MASSACHUSETTS  AND  THE  CONGRESS.     397 

was  now  "the  grand  American  Congress;"  and  the 
chief  committee  of  the  session  was  the  one  appointed 
to  consider  its  doings.  Joseph  Hawley  was  the  chair- 
man; and  the  other  members  were  Samuel  Dexter, 
Joseph  Warren,  Jeremiah  Lee,  James  "Warren,  El- 
bridge  Gerry,  and  Benjamin  Church.  Their  report 
was  a  grateful  indorsement  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
General  Congress,  and  an  adoption  of  the  "  Associa- 
tion," and  recommending  the  people  to  observe  it. 
This  body  continued  the  preparatory  work  of  defence, 
but  went  no  farther.  On  the  last  day  of  the  session 
(Dec.  10),  a  report  which  had  been  made  on  the 
question  of  "  assuming  civil  government,"  was  taken 
up,  considered,  and  ordered  to  lie  on  the  table. 
This  congress  issued  an  address  to  the  inhabitants, 
briefly  explaining  and  urging  the  measures  that  had 
been  adopted.  It  presented  the  general  intelligence 
from  England,  together  with  the  increase  of  the  army 
and  navy,  as  exciting  the  strongest  jealousy,  that  the 
system  of  colony  administration,  destructive  to  Amer- 
ican liberty,  was  to  be  pursued,  and  to  be  attempted 
with  force  to  be  carried  into  execution.  In  a  tone 
alike  solemn  and  elevated,  it  is  said,  "  You  are  placed 
by  Providence  in  the  post  of  honor  because  it  is  the 
post  of  danger;  and,  while  struggling  for  the  noblest 
objects,  — the  liberties  of  your  country,  the  happiness 
of  posterity,  and  the  rights  of  human  nature,  —  the 
eyes,  not  only  of  North  America  and  the  whole  Brit- 
ish Empire,  but  of  all  Europe,  are  upon  you."  It  is 
added,  "Let  us  be,  therefore,  altogether  solicitous, 
that  no  disorderly  behavior,  nothing  unbecoming  our 
characters  as  Americans,  as  citizens,  as  Christians, 
be  justly  chargeable  to  us." 


398  LIFE    OE   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

Warren  was  now  serving  in  the  committee  of  cor- 
respondence, which  continued  its  vigilant  watch  of 
passing  events.  The  following  note  is  copied  from 
the  original  in  his  handwriting,  dated  two  days  after 
the  adjournment  of  congress :  — 

Boston,  December  12,  1774. 
Gentlemen,  —  We  think  it  our  duty  to  inform  you,  that  one  of  the 
transports  sailed  from  this  port  yesterday,  in  the  afternoon,  with  sev- 
eral hundred  soldiers  on  board.  There  are  various  conjectures  con- 
cerning her  destination  ;  but  it  is  generally  believed  she  is  designed  for 
Newport,  and  that  the  troops  are  to  take  possession  of  the  fortress 
there.  The  vigilance  of  our  enemies  is  well  known.  They  doubt  not 
the  bravery  of  our  countrymen ;  but,  if  they  can  get  our  fortresses, 
our  arms,  and  ammunition  into  their  custody,  they  will  despise  all  our 
attempts  to  shake  off  their  fetters.  We  are  convinced,  that  you  will  do 
what  prudence  directs  upon  this  important  occasion,  and  are,  with  great 
esteem,  your  friends  and  humble  servants. 

Several  town-meetings  were  held  in  December,  in 
Boston,  on  political  affairs.  "Warren  was  placed  on 
the  inspection  committee,  created  to  carry  into  effect 
the  "Association"  of  the  Continental  Congress;  on  a 
committee  to  prepare  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the  colonies 
for  the  contributions  made  for  the  poor  of  the  town, 
and  on  another  to  frame  an  answer  to  General  Gage. 
On  the  30th  of  December,  he  was  chosen  a  delegate 
to  the  second  Provincial  Congress.  In  the  records 
of  the  committee  of  safety,  he  is  named  on  a  com- 
mittee to  inspect  the  commissary  stores  in  Boston. 

Warren  was  now  engaged  in  the  various  duties  — 
town,  provincial,  and  national — by  which  the  patriots, 
as  a  party,  were  carrying  on  their  work.  Though 
there  was,  strictly  speaking,  neither  local  nor  general 
government,  yet  the  majority  of  the  people,  in  most  of 
the   colonies,  was  so  decisively  arrayed   in   support 


MASSACHUSETTS   ANY>    THE    CONGRESS.  399 

of  the  measures  of  the  patriots,  that  the  recommen- 
dations, both  local  and  general,  were  obeyed  as  rigidly 
as  though  they  had  the  authority  of  law. 

The  Tory  party  was  now  uncommonly  active  in 
Boston  and  elsewhere.  Its  organs  denounced  the 
patriots  as  hypocrites,  independents,  republicans,  sow- 
ers of  sedition,  and  rebels.  It  had  long  been  said  in 
Boston  by  adherents  of  this  party,  that  the  local 
charter,  or  constitution,  was  based  on  principles 
"much  too  democratic,  and  subversive  of  all  peace, 
good  order,  and  government,"  and  ought  to  be  anni- 
hilated. It  was  said  in  the  British  House  of  Com- 
mons, by  Lord  George  Germaine,  that  "  there  could 
not  be  a  better  thing  than  to  do  away  with  town- 
meetings;"  and  he  would  bring  "the  Constitution  of 
America  as  similar  to  the  Constitution  of  England  as 
possible."  He  said  that  Massachusetts  was  governed 
by  "  a  tumultuous  and  riotous  rabble ; "  and  "  he  would 
not  have  men  of  a  mercantile  cast  every  day  collect- 
ing themselves  together,  and  debating  about  political 
matters : "  for  they  "  ought  to  follow  their  mercantile 
employment,  and  not  trouble  themselves  with  politics 
and  government,  which  they  do  not  understand."1  A 
divine  said  from  his  pulpit  in  Charleston,  South  Caro- 
lina, "that  mechanics  and  country  clowns  had  no 
right  to  dispute  about  politics,  or  what  king,  lords, 
and  commons  had  done  or  might  do."2     These  cita- 

1  Parliamentary  History,  xvii.  1195. 

2  The  following  is  copied  from  a  newspaper  of  October,  1774 :  — 

"  A  reverend  divine  in  Charlestown,  South  Carolina,  has  been  lately  dis* 
missed  from  his  congregation  for  his  audacity  in  standing  up  in  his  pulpit,  and 
impudently  saying,  that  mechanics  and  country  clowns  had  no  right  to  dispute 
about  politics,  or  what  king,  lords,  and  commons  had  done  or  might  do.  All 
such  divines  should  be  taught  to  know,  that  mechanics  and  country  clowns 
(infamously  so  called)  are  the  real  and  absolute  masters  of  king,  lords,  commons, 


400  LITE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

tions  show  the  spirit  of  the  party  which  now  ruled 
England,  which  had  sympathizers  in  the  colonies  and 
claimed  the  right  of  legislating  w  in  all  cases  whatso- 
ever "  for  America;  and  the  Regulating  Act  was  the 
assertion  of  this  right. 

But  the  united  colonies  demanded  a  repeal  of  this 
Act,  as  well  as  of  other  Acts  conceived  in  a  similar 
spirit.  Warren  wrote,  that,  if  this  were  not  done, 
*  the  wisest  step  for  both  countries  was  to  separate, 
and  not  to  spend  their  blood  and  treasure  in  destroy- 
ing each  other;"1  and  Franklin  said  to  the  ministry, 
that  the  colonies  "must  risk  life  and  every  thing" 
rather  than  submit  to  the  claim  of  altering  the  local 
laws  and  charters  at  will."2  The  united  voice  of 
America  urged,  and  even  commanded,  the  people  of 
Massachusetts  to  resist  to  the  bitter  end  the  new  law. 
It  was  the  vote  of  congress  of  the  8th  of  October; 
pledging  the  faith  of  the  colonies  to  Massachusetts, 
that  hardened  George  III.  to  listen  to  no  terms.3 

The  tone  of  the  "Whigs,  on  the  adjournment  of  the 
Continental  Congress,  was  exultant  in  the  extreme. 
The  union  step  of  instituting  committees  of  corre- 
spondence had  grown  into  the  national  measure  of 
the  "Association"  for  non-importation,  non-exporta- 
tion, and  non-consumption.  It  is  not  necessary  to 
discuss  the  question,  whether  these  were  sound  or 
wise  measures  to  carry  out  on  the  eve  of  a  war.     It 


and  priests,  though  (with  shame  be  it  spoken)  they  too  often  suffer  their  servants 
to  get  upon  their  backs,  and  ride  them  most  barbarously." 

1  Letter,  Nov.  21,  1774. 

2  Franklin  said  this  to  an  agent  of  the  ministry  in  December,  1774.  Hints, 
&c,  Sparks's  Franklin,  v.  22.  One  of  the  conditions  of  reconstruction  was, 
"  All  powers  of  internal  legislation  in  the  colonies  to  be  disclaimed  by  parlia- 
ment." 3  Bancroft,  vii.  145. 


MASSACHUSETTS   AKD   THE    CONGRESS.  401 

was  great  statesmanship  to  attain  the  result  of  united 
counsels.  It  was  soon  related  in  the  journals,  that 
w  committees  were  appointed  in  almost  every  seaport 
from  Georgia  to  New  Hampshire,  to  observe  that  the 
Continental  Association  be  complied  with  in  every 
article  therein  recommended."  At  this  time,  the  con- 
gress aimed  neither  at  independence  nor  at  civil  war; 
but  for  redress  of  grievances,  and  a  restoration  of 
harmony  with  the  mother-country. 

The  point  fairly  reached  was  that  of  a  party  sup- 
porting a  real  American  union.  The  feeling  of  the 
hour  was  nowhere  more  earnestly  expressed  than  in 
the  utterances  from  South  Carolina.  "  Be  comforted, 
ye  oppressed  Bostonians !  and  exult,  ye  northern  vota- 
ries of  liberty!  that  the  sacred  rays  of  freedom, 
which  used  to  beam  from  you  on  us,  are  now  rever- 
berated with  double  efficacy  back  upon,  yourselves, 
from  your  weaker  sister  Carolina,  who  stands  fore- 
most in  her  resolution  to  sacrifice  her  all  in  your 
defence."  Again:  K Many  thanks  to  the  worthy  con- 
gress re-echoes  from  the  generous  breasts  of  grateful 

thousands Oh  glorious  day!    Oh  happy  union! 

From  Nova  Scotia  to  Georgia,  one  mighty  mind 
inspires  the  whole.  When  I  consider  the  unanimity, 
the  firmness,  the  wisdom  of  our  late  representatives, 
I  feel  a  joy  unutterable,  and  an  exultation  never  felt 
before."1  It  would  be  easy  to  fill  pages  with  similar 
citations  from  the  newspapers  of  other  colonies.  The 
following  is  extracted  from  a  glowing  communication 
in  the  "Pennsylvania  Packet :"  —  "  The  American 
congress  derives  all  its  power,  wisdom,  and  action,  not 

i  "  South-Carolina  Gazette : "  an  article  copied  into  the  "  Essex  Gazette," 
Dec.  27,  1774. 

51 


402  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WAEEEN. 

from  scrawled  parchment  signed  by  kings,  bnt  from 
the  people.  A  freeman,  in  honoring  and  obeying  the 
congress,  honors  and  obeys  himself.  ...  I  almost  wish 
to  hear  the  triumphs  of  the  jubilee  of  the  year  1874;" 
to  see  the  medals,  pictures,  fragments  of  writings, 
&c,  that  shall  be  displayed  to  revive  the  memory  of 
the  proceedings  of  congress  in  the  year  1774.  If  any 
adventitious  circumstances  shall  give  precedency  on 
that  day,  it  shall  be  to  inherit  the  blood,  or  even  to 
possess  the  name,  of  a  member  of  that  glorious 
assembly."1 

This  language  marks  the  hour  of  an  outburst 
of  genuine  Americanism,  when  a  great  party  were 
inspired  with  the  purpose  of  freeing  their  country,  by 
a  change  of  Administration,  from  the  control  of  a 
party  who  claimed  the  right,  not  merely  to  mould 
their  forms  of  government,  but  to  monopolize  the 
fruits  of  their  labor.  "For  what  purpose,"  Lord 
Carmarthen  asked,  in  the  debate  on  the  Eegulating 
Act,  w  were  they  (the  colonists)  suffered  to  go  to  that 
country,  unless  the  profits  of  their  labor  should  return 
to  their  masters  here"?2  Union  meant  resistance  to 
this  arrogance  and  mastership.  It  meant  more,  —  it 
meant  action  in  behalf  of  rights  common  to  humanity. 
The  great  utterances  of  congress  are  pervaded  by  the 
spirit  of  universal  liberty.  The  words  of  the  repre- 
sentative patriots  of  that  time,  wmether  they  came 
from  a  Christopher  Gadsden  of  South  Carolina,  an 
Alexander  Hamilton  of  New  York,  a  John  Dicken- 
son of  Pennsylvania,  or  a  Samuel  Adams  of  Massa- 


1  This  extract,  taken  from  a  communication  originally  printed  in  the  "  Penn- 
sylvania Packet,"  and  copied  into  the  "  Essex  Gazette,"  Dec.  20,  1774. 

2  Parliamentary  History,  xvii.  1208. 


MASSACHUSETTS   AND   THE    CONGRESS.  403 

chusetts,  were  broad  and  decisive.  All  are  summed 
up  in  the  words  of  "Washington,  who  was  soon  to  be 
the  representative  of  his  country.  He  pronounced 
the  issue  to  involve  w  the  most  essential  and  valuable 
rights  of  mankind."1  The  hour  had  its  symbol. 
On  the  first  American  flag  was  inscribed  the  motto, 
w  Liberty  and  Union." 2 

In  this  spirit  "Warren  and  the  other  popular  leaders 
were  conducting  affairs  in  Massachusetts.  Neither 
this  province,  "Washington  now  said,  nor  any  other 
province,  desired,  "  separately  or  collectively,  to  set 
up  for  independence;"  but,  he  added,  «  none  of  them 
will  ever  submit  to  the  loss  of  those  rights  and  privi- 
leges without  which  life,  liberty,  and  property  were 
insecure."3  In  this  spirit  of  self-preservation,  and 
by  the  advice  of  a  body  whose  voice  was  as  the 
voice  of  American  law,  the  local  popular  leaders 
went  on  during  the  winter  with  the  work  of  military 
preparation.  Meantime  the  donations  flowed  into 
Boston;  and  the  letters  which  accompanied  them  con- 
tinued to  be  "on  the  rising  tenor."  One  of  them, 
from  Durham,  New  Hampshire,  addressed  to  the 
Boston  committee,  was  printed.  :<What  you  re- 
ceive," the  Durham  committee  say,  w  comes  not  from 
the   opulent,  but  mostly  from   the   industrious   yeo- 

i  Letter,  Oct.  9,  1774. 

2  At  Taunton,  in  October,  1774,  a  "Union  flag"  was  raised  on  the  top  of  a 
liberty  pole,  "  with  the  words  liberty  and  union  thereon."  At  Shutesbury, 
the  inhabitants  erected  a  pole  with  a  flag  of  liberty.  In  January,  1775,  the  sleds 
containing  wood  for  the  inhabitants  of  Boston  bore  a  "  Union  flag." 

William  Molineux  died  on  the  22d  of  October,  after  an  illness  of  three  days, 
at  the  age  of  fifty-eight.  He  is  characterized  in  an  obituary  notice  "  as  a  noted 
merchant."  His  time  was  applied  to  the  public  service  with  unremitted  ardor. 
He  is  called  the  friend  of  mankind.  There  is  an  obituary  notice  of  him  in  the 
"  Boston  Gazette  "  of  October  24,  1774. 

3  Letter,  Oct.  9,  1774. 


404  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAKREN". 

manry  in  this  parish.  We  have  but  few  persons  of 
affluence ;  but  they  cheerfully  contributed.  .  .  .  This  is 
considered  by  us  not  as  a  gift,  or  an  act  of  charity, 
but  of  justice  to  those  who  are  bravely  standing  in 
the  gap  between  us  and  slavery,  defending  the  com- 
mon interest  of  the  whole  continent.  .  .  .  We  can 
with  truth  assure  you,  gentlemen,  that,  in  this  quar- 
ter, we  are  engaged,  to  a  man,  in  your  defence,  and  in 
defence  of  the  common  cause.  We  are  ready  to  com- 
municate of  our  substance  largely,  as  your  necessities 
require ;  and,  with  our  estates,  to  give  our  lives,  and 
mingle  our  blood  with  yours,  in  the  common  sacrifice 
to  liberty."1 

Throughout  the  province,  ordinary  pursuits  gave 
way  to  the  duty  which  engrossed  all  minds  and  stirred 
all  hearts;  for  the  great  business  of  the  hour  was 
organization,  in  compliance  with  the  recommendations 
of  the  Continental  and  the  Provincial  Congresses. 
The  inhabitants,  in  their  several  towns,  now  signed 
agreements  to  meet  for  military  drill,  elected  officers, 
and  entered  into  pledges  to  obey,  at  a  minute's  warn- 
ing, a  summons  to  take  the  field.  These  bands 
of  citizen-soldiers,  on  parade  days,  repaired  to  the 
churches,  where  the  village  pastor  prayed  for  strength 
from  on  High;  and  the  village  Hampdens  uttered 
the  exhortation  to  fight  to  the  last,  if  need  be,  for  the 
ancient  liberties.2 

1  This  letter  was  printed  in  the  journals  in  December. 

2  We  hear  from  Cohasset  (the  only  free  port  in  the  county  of  Suffolk),  that, 
on  the  17th  of  last  month,  the  military  company  in  that  place  appeared  in  the 
field,  lodged  their  arms,  and  marched  to  the  meeting-house.  Their  officers  then 
voluntarily  resigned  their  commissions  ; .  a  moderator  and  clerk  were  chosen  ; 
after  which,  the  Kev.  Mr.  Browne,  by  desire  of  the  moderator,  made  a  prayer, 
and  delivered  an  animated  speech  on  the  exigencies  of  the  times.  They  then 
sang  the  former  part  of  the  44th  Psalm,  and  proceeded  to  the  choice  of  officers, 


MASSACHUSETTS  AND  THE  CONGRESS.     405 

The  national  spirit  of  the  time  is  embodied  in  the 
following  song,  which  is  ascribed  to  Warren,1  and 
was  printed  this  year  in  the  newspapers:  — 

A  SONG  ON  LIBERTY. 
To  the  tune  of  the  "  British  Grenadier." 
That  seat  of  science,  Athens,  and  earth's  proud  mistress,  Rome, 
Where  now  are  all  their  glories  1     We  scarce  can  find  their  tomb. 
Then  guard  your  rights,  Americans,  nor  stoop  to  lawless  sway ; 
Oppose,  oppose,  oppose,  oppose  for  North  America. 
Proud  Albion  bowed  to  Caesar,  and  numerous  hosts  before, 
To  Picts,  to  Danes,  to  Normans,  and  many  masters  more ; 
But  we  can  boast  Americans  have  never  fallen  a  prey  : 
Huzza !  huzza  !  huzza !  huzza  for  free  America ! 
We  led  fair  Freedom  hither,  and  lo !  the  desert  smiled  ; 
A  paradise  of  pleasure  now  opened  in  the  wild  : 
Your  harvest,  bold  Americans,  no  power  shall  snatch  away ; 
Preserve,  preserve,  preserve  your  rights  in  free  America. 
Torn  from  a  world  of  tyrants,  beneath  this  western  sky 
We  formed  a  new  dominion,  a  land  of  liberty  : 
The  world  shall  own  we're  freemen  here,  and  such  will  ever  be. 
Huzza  !  huzza !  huzza !  huzza  for  love  and  liberty  ! 
God  bless  this  maiden  climate,  and  through  her  vast  domain 
May  hosts  of  heroes  cluster  that  scorn  to  wear  a  chain, 
And  blast  the  venal  sycophants  who  dare  our  rights  betray : 
Assert  yourselves,  yourselves,  yourselves  for  brave  America. 

Lift  up  your  hearts,  my  heroes,  and  swear,  with  proud  disdain, 
The  wretch  that  would  ensnare  you  shall  spread  his  net  in  vain : 
Should  Europe  empty  all  her  force,  we'd  meet  them  in  array, 
And  shout  huzza !  huzza !  huzza  !  huzza  for  brave  America  ! 
The  land  where  Freedom  reigns  shall  still  be  masters  of  the  main, 
In  giving  laws  and  freedom  to  subject  France  and  Spain ; 
And  all  the  isles  o'er  ocean  spread  shall  tremble  and  obey 
The  prince  who  rules  by  Freedom's  laws  in  North  America.2 

when  the  three  worthy  gentlemen  who  had  lately  borne  commissions  were 
unanimously  chosen  to  be  their  leaders.  They  cheerfully  accepted  the  trust, 
fully  sensible  that  all  authority  under  God  is  derived  constitutionally  from  the 
people.  —  Mass.  Gazette,  Dec.  16,  1774. 

i  Duyckinck's  Cyclopedia,  i.  443. 

2  I  copy  this  song  from  the  "Massachusetts  Spy"  of  May  26,  1774.  It 
differs  in  arrangement,  and  materially  in  sentiment,  from  the  copy  in  Duyckinck's 
"  Cyclopedia  of  American  Literature,"  vol.  i.  443.  It  is  said  here  of  Warren, 
"  His  •  Free  America,'  written  not  long  before  his  lamented  death,  shows  that  he 
possessed  facility  as  a  versifier." 


406  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH   WARREN. 


CHAPTEE  XIII. 

WARREN'S   SECOND   ORATION. 

Warren  and  the  Committees.  —  The  Struggle  in  Europe.  —  The 
Position  of  Massachusetts.  —  Franklin  and  the  Ministry.  — 
Military  Preparations. — The  Second  Provincial  Congress. — 
The  Committee  op  Safety.  —  Public  Opinion.  — Warren's  Second 
Oration. 

1775.     January  to  March. 

"  I  am  convinced  that  our  existence  as  a  free  people 
absolutely  depends  on  acting  with  spirit  and  vigor. 
The  ministry  are  even  yet  doubtful  whether  we  are 
in  earnest  when  we  declare  our  intention  to  pre- 
serve our  liberty."1  These  words  were  written  by 
"Warren,  and  he  was  interpreting  them  by  efficient 
action.  The  journals  of  the  committee  of  public 
safety  show  clearly  enough  the  nature  of  some  of  his 
service.  One  of  the  January  votes  was,  "that  Dr. 
"Warren  be  desired  to  wait  on  Colonel  Robinson,"  in 
relation  to  securing  certain  brass  cannon  and  seven- 
inch  mortars  5  and  they  ordered  supplies  of  arms  and 
ammunition  to  be  deposited  at  Concord  and  Wor- 
cester.2 

The  inspection  committee,  on  which  Warren  was 
placed  by  the  town,  grew  directly  out  of  the  action 
of  the  Continental  Congress.  It  is  stated  in  the 
Boston  journals  of  the  5th  of  January,  "that  all 
the  southern  provinces  have  heartily  adopted  the  reso- 

1  Letter,  Feb.  10,  1775.  2  Journals  of  the  Committee  of  Safety. 


warren's  second  oration.  407 

lutions  of  the  late  respectable  Continental  Congress, 
and  are  taking  proper  steps  to  carry  them  into  full 
execution;"  and,  a  few  days  later   (Jan.  9),  it  is  re- 
ported that  the  assemblies  of  Rhode  Island,  Connecti- 
cut, Pennsylvania,  and  Maryland  had  met,  and  taken 
steps    to    carry   the   whole   of  these   measures   into 
execution.     It  is  added,  *  In  the  other  colonies,  where 
the  assemblies  have  not  yet  met,  they  are  all  with 
vigor  and  unanimity  exerting  themselves  in  the  same 
important  and  glorious  cause;   so  that,  it  is  thought, 
there  never  was  framed  a  set  of  human  laws  that 
were  more  strictly  and  religiously  observed  than  these 
will  be."     "When  petitioners  of  Marshfield  applied  to 
General  Gage  for  leave  to  hold  a  meeting  w  according 
to  the  Act  of  Parliament,"  Samuel  Adams  wrote  in  a 
letter,  "  They  will  be  dealt  with  according  to  the  law 
of  the  Continental  Congress,  the  laws%of  which  are 
more  observed  throughout  this   continent  than  any 
man's  laws  whatever."     It  was  one  of  the  duties  of 
the  inspection  committees  and  the  committees  of  cor- 
respondence to  see  that  the  non-importation  agree- 
ment  was    strictly   observed  ;    and   the   newspapers 
contain  many  advertisements  of  cargoes  of  vessels  to 
be  sold  by  auction,  under  the  direction  of  these  com- 
mittees, and  "agreeably  to  the  American  Congress 
Association."     In  some  instances,  freight  in  vessels 
that  had  violated  this  agreement  was  thrown  over- 
board, which  was  the  case  with  an  invoice  of  salt,  coal, 
and  tiles  that  arrived  at  Charleston,  South  Carolina; 
the  committee  being  present. 

The  progress  of  events  in  America,  made  known 
through  the  press,  was  attracting  more  and  more  the 
attention  of  the  political  world.     The  British  minister 


408  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAKREX. 

at  the  Court  of  Vienna,  Sir  John  Murray  Keith,  wrote, 
K  There  is  not  a  man  of  sense  in  Europe  who  does 
not  think,  that  the  question  now  in  agitation  between 
Great  Britain  and  her  colonies  is  one  of  the  most 
important,  as  well  as  most  singular,  that  has  been 
canvassed  for  many  centuries."1  The  Americans, 
who  had  to  meet  this  question,  uttered  the  same 
sentiment  in  private  letters,  in  official  papers,  and 
through  the  press.  "Well  might  a  looker-on,  far  away 
from  the  din  of  the  struggle,  pronounce  the  question 
"most  singular;"  for  the  authoritative  voices  of  the 
two  American  centres  of  action  —  the  Continental 
Congress,  and  the  Provincial  Congress  of  Massachu- 
setts —  were  not  only  disclaiming  a  desire  of  inde- 
pendence, but  were  professing  affectionate  fealty  to 
the  king.  The  men  who  spoke  for  Massachusetts 
were  solemnly  pronouncing  the  controversy  to  be  a 
calamity,  and  were  ordering  that  prayers  be  offered  to 
Almighty  God,  w  that  his  blessing  might  rest  upon  all 
the  British  Empire,  upon  George  III.,  their  rightful 
king,  and  upon  all  the  royal  family,  that  they  might 
all  be  great  and  lasting  blessings  to  the  world."2 

It  ought  ever  to  be  borne  in  mind,  that,  from  the 
beginning  of  the  controversy,  the  people  of  Massa- 
chusetts made  no  demands  on  the  sovereignty  for  an 
extension  of  popular  power.  The  following  candid, 
temperate,  and  just  summary  of  their  past  action  and 
position  was  printed  in  the  "  Philadelphia  Journal " 
of  the  1st  of  January,  1775 :  K  The  people  of  Massa- 
chusetts have  hitherto  acted  purely  on  the  defensive : 

1  Keith's  Memoirs,  ii.  35;  Letter,  Jan.  21,  1775. 

2  Vote  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  Feb.  16,  1775,  recommending  a  day  of 
fasting  and  prayer. 


warren's  second  oration.  409 

they  have  only  opposed  those  new  regulations  which 
were  instantly  to  have  been  executed,  and  would  have 
annihilated  all  our  rights.  For  this  absolutely  neces- 
sary and  manly  step,  they  have  received  the  approba- 
tion of  the  Continental  Congress,  one  of  the  most 
respectable  assemblies  in  the  world.  They  aim  at  no 
independency,  nor  any  thing  new,  but  barely  the 
preservation  of  their  old  rights." 

Since  the  passage  of  the  Act  authorizing  the  East- 
India  Company  to  export  tea  to  America,  the  issue 
had  been  on  the  original  question  of  taxation;  but 
the  ministry,  alarmed  at  the  union  of  the  colonies, 
declared  now  to  Franklin,  through  friendly  agents, 
that  they  would  concede  the  point  of  taxation, — 
would  repeal  the  Tea  Act  and  the  Boston  Port  Act; 
but  that  the  two  Acts  relating  to  Massachusetts — the 
Regulating  Act  and  the  Act  concerning  the  admin- 
istration of  justice  —  must  remain  as  permanent 
amendments  to  the  local  constitution,  and  as  a  stand- 
ing example  of  the  power  of  parliament.  When  the 
momentous  issue  was  narrowed  down  to  the  preser- 
vation of  old  customs  and  rights,  the  reply  of  the 
great  American  was  prompt  and  decided,  and  spoke 
the  united  voice  of  the  party  who  constituted  the 
majority  of  his  countrymen:  "While  parliament  claims 
the  right  of  altering  American  constitutions  at  plea- 
sure, there  can  be  no  agreement;  for  we  are  rendered 
unsafe  in  every  privilege."1  Subsequently,  Franklin 
sent,  through  Lord  Howe  to  Lord  North,  the  follow- 
ing as  his  last  words:  "The  Massachusetts  must 
suffer  all  the  hazards  and  mischiefs  of  war  rather 
than  admit  the  alteration  of  their  charter  and  laws  by 


i  Bancroft,  vii.  224. 
52 


410  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

parliament.  They  that  can  give  up  essential  liberty 
to  obtain  a  little  temporary  safety  deserve  neither 
liberty  nor  safety."1 

The  journals  reported  from  time  to  time  the  con- 
centration of  military  and  naval  force  at  Boston,  and 
said  that,  when  the  whole  of  the  army  should  arrive, 
it  would  consist  of  about  sixty-four  hundred  men. 
On  the  18th  of  January,  General  Gage  wrote  to  Lord 
Dartmouth,  "  The  eyes  of  all  are  turned  upon  Great 
Britain;  and  it  is  the  opinion  of  most  people,  that,  if 
a  respectable  force  is  seen  in  the  field,  the  most 
obnoxious  of  the  leaders  seized,  and  a  pardon  pro- 
claimed for  all  others,  Government  will  come  off 
victorious,  and  with  less  opposition  than  was  expected 
a  few  months  ago."  A  letter  w^as  now  on  the  way 
from  Lord  Dartmouth  to  the  general,  containing 
directions,  as  "  the  first  essential  step  to  be  taken 
towards  re-establishing  Government,"  to  arrest  and 
imprison  the  principal  actors  and  abettors  in  the  Pro- 
vincial Congress.  On  the  21st  of  January,  a  gentle- 
man in  Boston,  in  writing  to  his  friend  in  London, 
said  that  the  Continental  Congress  "  had  drawn  a  line 
by  the  banks  of  the  ocean;"  had  "claimed  their  own 
exclusive  jurisdiction  in  all  interior  concerns  and  in 
all  cases  of  taxation ; "  had  "  left  to  Great  Britain  the 
exclusive  sovereignty  of  the  ocean,  and  over  their 
trade ; "  and  had  placed  both  upon  constitutional 
principles ;  and  that  "  it  was  in  vain,  it  was  delirium, 
it  was  frenzy,  to  think  of  dragooning  three  millions 
of  English  people  out  of  their  liberties."2    He  added, 

1  Bancroft,  vii.  242. 

2  From  the  southern  papers  we  learn,  that,  agreeably  to  the  recommendation 
of  the  Grand  Council  of  America,  the  several  colonies  as  far  as  Georgia  were 
continuing  their  collections  for  the  poor  sufferers  by  the  execrable  Port  Bill. 


warren's  second  oration.  411 

"  There  is  a  spirit  prevailing  here  such  as  I  never  saw 
before.  I  remember  the  conquest  of  Louisburg,  in 
1745;  I  remember  the  spirit  here  when  the  Duke 
D'Anville's  squadron  was  upon  this  coast,  when  forty 
thousand  men  inarched  down  to  Boston,  and  were 
mustered  and  numbered  upon  the  Common,  complete 
in  arms,  from  this  province  only  in  three  weeks;  but 
I  remember  nothing  like  what  I  have  seen  these  six 
months  past."  Neither  the  king,  his  ministers,  nor 
the  Tory  majority  in  parliament,  could  be  convinced 
"by  the  blaze  of  genius  and  the  burst  of  thought"1 
of  Camden,  Chatham,  and  Burke,  that  there  was 
any  thing  more  serious  than  w  the  acts  of  a  rude  rab- 
ble, without  plan,  without  concert,  and  without  con- 
duct."2 The  first  lord  of  the  admiralty  declared  "  the 
Americans  were  neither  disciplined  nor  capable  of 
discipline." 

The  task  of  restraining  the  rash  among  the  patriots 
was  becoming  harder  every  day.  The  leaders  on 
both  sides  now  expected  the  commencement  of  war. 
In  the  judgment  of  Lord  Dartmouth,  if  the  arrest  of 
the  members  of  the  Provincial  Congress  should  occa- 
sion hostilities,  it  were  better  that  the  conflict  should 
begin  on  such  grounds  than  in  a  riper  state  of  the 
rebellion.  Samuel  Adams,  on  the  29th  of  January, 
wrote,  "We  appear  to  be  in  a  state  of  hostility;  the 
general,  with regiments,  with  a  very  few  adhe- 
rents, on  one  side,  and  all  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants 

What  can  better  manifest  the  union  of  the  colonies,  and  their  firm  affection  for 
and  sympathy  with  each  other,  than  these  donations,  or  place  in  a  more  striking 
point  of  light  the  inhumanity  of  that  parliament  which  has  made  such  large  and 
distant  charities  absolutely  necessary  to  prevent  thousands  of  the  inhabitants 
from  starving  1  —  Essex  Gazette,  Jan.  15,  1775. 

J  Josiah  Quincy,  in  Gordon's  History,  i.  446.  "2  Dartmouth's  words. 


412  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WAKEEJST. 

of  the  province,  backed  by  all  the  colonies,  on  the 
other.  .  .  .  They  (the  people)  are  resolved  not  to  be 
the  aggressors  in  an  open  quarrel  with  the  troops; 
but,  animated  with  an  unquenchable  love  of  liberty, 
they  will  support  their  righteous  claim  to  it  to  the 
utmost  extremity." 

On  the  1st  of  February,  the  second  Provincial 
Congress  assembled  at  Cambridge,  of  which  Warren 
was  a  member  and  a  prominent  actor.  It  was  com- 
posed largely  of  the  members  of  the  preceding  con- 
gress. "Warren's  name  appears  in  connection  with 
most  of  the  proceedings.  On  the  9th,  the  congress 
re-appointed  a  committee  of  safety  in  a  resolve  which 
reads,  "That  the  Hon.  John  Hancock,  Esq.,  Dr. 
Joseph  Warren,  Dr.  Benjamin  Church,  jun.,  Mr. 
Richard  Devens,  Captain  Benjamin  White,  Colonel 
Joseph  Palmer,  Mr.  Abraham  Watson,  Colonel  Azor 
Orne,  Mr.  John  Pigeon,  Colonel  William  Heath,  and 
Mr.  Jabez  Fisher,  be,  and  hereby  are,  appointed  a 
committee  of  safety,  to  continue  until  the  farther 
order  of  this  or  some  other  congress  or  House  of 
Representatives  of  this  province."  It  was  made  their 
duty  to  observe  the  movements  of  all  who  should 
attempt  to  carry  into  execution  the  Regulating  Act, 
or  the  Act  relating  to  the  administration  of  justice; 
and  five  of  them,  one  to  be  an  inhabitant  of  Boston, 
were  authorized,  in  case  they  should  judge  such  an 
attempt  was  to  be  made,  w  to  alarm,  muster,  and  cause 
to  be  assembled  with  the  utmost  expedition,"  so  much 
of  the  militia  of  the  province  as  they  should  judge  to 
be  necessary  to  oppose  such  attempts.  Another  re- 
solve authorized  "  Hon.  Jedediah  Preble,  Esq.,  Hon. 
Artemas  Ward,  Esq.,  Colonel  Seth  Pomeroy,  Colonel 


warren's  second  oration.  413 

John  Thomas,  and  Colonel  William  Heath"  to  be 
general  officers,  who,  as  such,  for  the  purpose  of  re- 
sisting all  attempts  to  execute  the  two  Acts,  should 
command  the  said  militia  w  so  long  as  it  should  be 
retained  by  the  committee  of  safety,  and  no  longer." 
One  of  the  committee  of  supplies,  Mr.  Hall,  had  de- 
clined; and  Elbridge  Gerry  was  chosen  in  his  place. 

Warren,*  on  the  day  these  resolves  were  passed, 
was  in  Boston.1     On  the  next  day,  while  a  committee 

i  A  letter,  dated  Boston,  Feb.  6,  1775,  says  that  the  Tories,  "  sensible  what 
effects  a  continental  union  must  produce/'  were  straining  every  nerve  to  coun- 
teract the  measures  of  a  general  congress.  The  following  handbill  was  dis- 
tributed this  day  through  the   town,  —  which  shows  the   Tory  side  at  this 

juncture :  — 

"Friends,  countrymen,  and  citizens,  —  Have  you  read  and  weighed  His 
Majesty's  speech?  the  address  of  the  lords  and  commons  of  Great  Britain?  I 
fear  we  have  got  into  the  wrong  box ;  therefore  let  us  not  any  longer  be  led 
by  frenzy,  but  seize  upon  and  deliver  up  to  justice  (at  once)  those  who  have 
seduced  us  from  our  duty  and  happiness,  or,  depend  upon  it,  they  will  leave  us 
in  the  lurch !  Nay,  I  am  assured  some  of  them  (who  had  property)  have  already 
mortgaged  all  their  substance  for  fear  of  confiscation  :  but  that  shall  not  save  their 
their  necks  ;  for  I  am  one  (of  forty  misled  people)  who  will  watch  their  motion, 
and  not  suffer  them  to  escape  the  punishment  due  to  the  disturbers  of  our  repose. 
Remember  the  fate  of  Wat  Tyler,  and  think  how  vain  it  is  for  Jack,  Sam,  or 
Will  to  war  against  Great  Britain,  now  she.  is  in  earnest !  It  is  greatly  inferior 
to  the  giants  waging  war  against  Olympus  !  These  had  strength ;  but  what  have 
we?  Our  leaders  are  desperate  bankrupts!  Our  country  is  without  money, 
stores,  or  necessaries  of  war,  —  without  one  place  of  refuge  or  defence  !  If  we 
were  called  together,  we  should  be  a  confused  herd,  without  any  disposition  to 
obeffience,  without  a  general  of  ability  to  direct  and  guide  us  ;  and  our  numbers 
would  be  our  destruction  !  Never  did  a  people  rebel  with  so  little  reason ;  there- 
fore our  conduct  cannot  be  justified  before  God !  Never  did  so  weak  a  people 
dare  to  contend  with  so  powerful  a  State ;  therefore  it  cannot  be  justified -by  pru- 
dence. It  is  all  the  consequence  of  the  arts  of  crafty  knaves  over  weak  minds 
and  wild  enthusiasts,  who,  if  we  continue  to  follow,  will  lead  us  to  inevitable 
ruin.  Rouse,  rouse,  ye  Massachusetians,  while  it  be  yet  time  !  Ask  pardon  of 
God,  submit  to  our  king  and  parliament,  whom  we  have  wickedly  and  grievously 
offended.  Eyes  had  we,  but  we  saw  not ;  neither  have  we  heard  with  our  ears. 
Let  not  our  posterity  curse  us  for  having  wantonly  lost  the  estates  that  should 
have  been  theirs,  or  for  entailing  misery  upon  them,  by  implicitly  adhering  to 
the  promises  of  a  few  desperadoes.  Let  us  seize  our  seducers,  make  peace  with 
our  mother-country,  and  save  ourselves  and  children.     Amen. 

"A  Yeoman  of  Suffolk  County. 

"  Boston,  Sabbath  Eve,  Feb.  5, 1775." 


414  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

of  the  congress  were  observing  *  the  motion  of  the 
troops,"  said  to  be  on  their  way  to  Cambridge,  "War- 
ren sent  the  following  letter  to  Samuel  Adams,  in 
which  he  evinced  the  spirit  which  impelled  him  to 
share  with  his  countrymen  the  fortune  of  the  day 
of  Bunker  Hill :  — 

Joseph  Warren  to  Samuel  Adams.       > 

Boston,  Feb.  10,  1775. 
Dear  Sir,  —  We  were  this  morning  alarmed  with  a  report,  that  a 
party  of  soldiers  was  sent  to  Cambridge,  with  design  to  disperse  the 
congress.     Many  here   believed  it  was  in  consequence    of  what  was 
yesterday  published  by  their  order.     I  confess  I  paid  so  much  regard 
to  it  as  to  be  sorry  I  was  not  with  my  friends ;  and,  although  my  affairs 
would  not  allow  of  it,  I  went  down  to  the  Ferry  in  a  chaise  with  Dr. 
Church,  both  determined  to  share  with  our  brethren  in  any  dangers 
that  they  might  be  engaged  in :  but  we  there  heard,  that  the  party  had 
quietly  passed  the  bridge,  on  their  way  to  Roxbury ;  up[on]  which  we 
returned  home.     I  have  spent  an  hour  this  morning  with  Deacon  Phil- 
lips, and  am  convinced  that  our  existence  as  a  free  people  absolutely 
depends  in  acting  with  spirit  and  vigor.     The  ministry  are  even  yet 
doubtful  whether  we  are  in  earnest  when  we  declare  our  resolution  to 
preserve  our  liberty  ;  and  the  common  people  there  are  made  to  believe 
we  are   a  nation  of  noisy  cowards.     The  ministry  are  supported  in 
their  plan  of  enslaving  us  by  assurances  that  we  have  not  courage 
enough  to  fight  for  our  freedom.     Even  they  who  wish  us  well  dare 
not   openly   declare   for    us,  lest  we  should  meanly  desert  ourselves, 
and  leave  them  alone  to  contend  with  Administration,  who  they  know 
will  be,  politically  speaking,  omnipotent,  if  America  should  submit  to 
them.      Deacon   Phillips,   Dr.    Church,  and   myself  are  all  fully  of 
opinion,  that  it  would  be  a  very  proper  step,  should  the  congress  order 
a  schooner  to  be  sent  home  with  an  accurate  state  of  facts,  as  it  is  cer- 
tain that  letters  to  and  from  our  friends  in  England  are  intercepted, 
and  every  method  taken  to  prevent  the  people  of  Great  Britain  from 
gaining  a  knowledge  of  the  true  state  of  this  country.     I  intended  to 
have  consulted  you,  had  I  been  at  Cambridge  to-day,  on  the  propriety 
of  a  motion  for  that  purpose,  but  must  defer  it  until  to-morrow.     One 
thing,  however,  I  have  upon  my  mind,  which  I  think  ought  to  be  imme- 


warren's  second  oration.  415 

diately  attended  to.  The  resolution  of  the  congress,  published  yester- 
day, greatly  affects  one  Wheston,  who  has  hitherto  been  thought  firm 
in  our  cause,  but  is  now  making  carriages  for  the  army.  He  assisted 
in  getting  the  four  field-pieces  to  Colonel  Robinson's,  at  Dorchester, 
where  they  are  now.  He  says  the  discovery  of  this  "  will  make  him ; " 
and  he  threatens  to  make  the  discovery.  Perhaps  resentment  and  the 
hope  of  gain  may  together  prevail  with  him  to  act  the  traitor.  Dr. 
Church  and  I  are  clear,  that  it  ought  not  to  be  one  minute  in  his 
power  to  point  out  the  general  the  place  in  which  they  are  kept ;  but 
that  they  ought  to  be  removed  without  [delay].  Pray  do  not  omit  to 
obtain  proper  orders  concerning  them.     I  am,  sir,  in  great  haste, 

Your  very  humble  servant,  Jos.  Warren.1 

Please  to  present  my  affectionate  regards  to  Colonel  Hancock  and 
other  worthy  friends. 

Warren  sat  in  congress  on  the  next  day;  for  he  is 
named  with  Hawley,  Hancock,  and  others,  on  a  com- 
mittee to  report  a  resolve,  expressing  "  the  determina- 
tion of  this  people  coolly  and  resolutely  to  support 
their  rights  at  all  hazards."  At  the  next  meeting,  he 
was  placed  on  a  committee  of  three,  to  consider  what 
it  was  expedient  to  do  for  the  encouragement  of  the 
manufacture  of  saltpetre;  and,  on  the  last  day  of 
the  session,  was  on  a  committee  to  report  a  resolve 
to  create  a  committee  to  correspond  with  the  neigh- 
boring governments;  and  then,  with  Hancock,  Cush- 
ing,  Gerry,  Samuel  Adams,  and  Heath,  he  was  elected 
by  ballot  on  this  committee,  to  whom  were  added,  by 
hand-vote,  Devens,  Palmer,  and  Gill.  A  conference 
was  held,  through  a  committee,  with  a  delegation 
present  from  Connecticut.  Having  appointed  the  six- 
teenth of  March  as  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer,  the 
congress  adjourned  until  the  twenty-third  of  March. 

1  This  letter  is  copied  from  the  original,  in  Warren's  handwriting,  in  the 
possession  of  Mr.  Bancroft. 


416  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

The  letter  of  Warren  shows  how  deeply  he  was  inter- 
ested in  the  proceedings  of  this  body ;  and  the  com- 
mittees on  which  he  was  placed  indicate  the  large 
confidence  which  the  members  felt  in  him. 

This  congress  issued  an  address  "To  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  Massachusetts  Bay."  On  this  being 
reported,  it  was  "  read  and  considered  in  paragraphs," 
and  then  ordered  to  be  recommitted  for  amendments, 
when  Dr.  Church  and  Dr.  Warren  were  added  to  the 
committee.  The  report  made  by  the  committee  was 
accepted.  It  was  printed  in  a  pamphlet  containing  an 
abstract  of  the  proceedings  of  the  former  Provincial 
Congress.  Its  tone  is  unusually  solemn.  It  renewed 
the  recommendation  to  carry  into  execution  the  plan 
projected  by  the  wisdom  of  the  whole  continent,  as 
collected  in  the  general  congress.  It  deprecated  "  a 
rupture  with  the  mother-State;"  yet  it  urged  every 
preparation  for  necessary  defence.  It  recommended 
the  people  to  have  proper  magazines  duly  prepared, 
and  strictly  to  adhere  to  the  resolutions  of  the  sev- 
eral congresses,  on  the  principle  that  "  subjects  gen- 
erally pay  obedience  to  the  laws  of  the  land;"  urging 
this  weighty  consideration:  "We  can  conceive  of  no 
greater  punishment  for  the  breach  of  human  laws 
than  the  misery  that  must  inevitably  follow  your  dis- 
regarding the  plans  that  have,  by  your  authority,  with 
that  of  the  whole  continent,  been  projected."  The 
closing  words  are,  K  Your  conduct  hitherto,  under  the 
severest  trials,  has  been  worthy  of  you  as  men  and 
Christians.  .  .  .  The  whole  continent  of  America  has 
this  day  cause  to  rejoice  in  your  firmness.  We  trust 
you  will  still  continue  steadfast;  and,  having  regard 
to   the   dignity  of   your  characters  as  freemen,  and 


wahken's  second  oration.  417 

those  generous  sentiments  resulting  from  your  nat- 
ural and  political  connections,  you  will  never  submit 
your  necks  to  the  galling  yoke  of  despotism  prepared 
for  you;  but,  with  a  proper  sense  of  your  dependence 
on  God,  nobly  defend  those  rights  which  Heaven 
gave,  and  no  man  ought  to  take  from  us."  It  will  be 
observed,  that  the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts  are 
appealed  to  as  though  they  were  in  "natural  and 
political  connections"  with  a  common  country,  and 
not  as  though  they  were,  or  aspired  to  be,  a  separate, 
independent,  and  sovereign  nation. 

On  the  day  after  the  adjournment  of  the  Provincial 
Congress,  Governor  Gage  informed  Lord  Dartmouth 
of  its  proceedings,  remarking,  "If  this  Provincial 
Congress  is  not  to  be  deemed  a  rebellious  meeting, 
surely  some  of  their  resolves  are  rebellious,  though 
they  affect  not  to  order,  but  only  to  recommend 
measures  to  the  people."  Three  days  later,  he  again 
wrote  Lord  Dartmouth  of  this  body,  and  evinced 
considerable  anxiety  in  relation  to  an  assumption 
of  Government  and  the  Connecticut  delegation  :  "  I 
have  tried  to  get  intelligence  if  they  had  presumed 
to  usurp  the  Government  entirely,  and  choose  a  gov- 
ernor, and  am  informed  that  the  measure  was  talked 
of,  but  could  not  be  carried.  Some  people  from  Con- 
necticut, termed  a  committee,  and  amongst  them  the 
governor's  son,  came  to  the  congress;  which  caused 
much  speculation,  and  of  course  many  reports.  Some 
say  their  business  was  to  offer  an  aid  of  men.  ...  I  can 
only  yet  discover  that  it  was  a  visit  of  curiosity."  Not 
unlikely  the  information  relative  to  an  assumption  of 
Government  was  communicated  by  Church;  for  it  was 
now  said  that  there  was  a  traitor  in  the  congress. 

53 


418  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

Four  days  after  "Warren  had  acted  so  conspicuous 
a  part  in  the  Provincial  Congress,  he  addressed  the 
following  calm  and  important  letter  to  Arthur  Lee :  — 

Boston,  Feb.  20,  1775. 
Dear  Sir,  —  My  friend,  Mr.  Adams,  favored  me  with  the  sight  of 
your  last  letter.  I  am  sincerely  glad  of  your  return  to  England,  as  I 
think  your  assistance  was  never  more  wanted  there  than  at  present. 
It  is  truly  astonishing  that  Administration  should  have  a  doubt  of  the 
resolution  of  the  Americans  to  make  the  last  appeal  rather  than  sub- 
mit to  wear  the  yoke  prepared  for  their  necks.  We  have  waited  with 
a  degree  of  patience  which  is  seldom  to  be  met  with :  but  I  will  ven- 
ture to  assert,  that  there  has  not  been  any  great  alloy  of  cowardice ; 
though  both  friends  and  enemies  seem  to  suspect  us  of  want  of  cour- 
age. I  trust  the  event,  which  I  confess  I  think  is  near  at  hand,  will 
confound  our  enemies,  and  rejoice  those  who  wish  well  to  us.  It  is 
time  for  Britain  to  take  some  serious  steps  towards  a  reconciliation 
with  her  colonies.  The  people  here  are  weary  of  watching  the 
measures  of  those  who  are  endeavoring  to  enslave  them:  they  say 
they  have  been  spending  their  time  for  ten  years  in  counteracting  the 
plans  of  their  adversaries.  They,  many  of  them,  begin  to  think  that 
the  difference  between  [them]  will  never  be  amicably  settled ;  but  that 
they  shall  always  be  subject  to  new  affronts  from  the  caprice  of  every 
British  minister.  They  even  sometimes  speak  of  an  open  rupture 
with  Great  Britain,  as  a  state  preferable  to  the  present  uncertain  con- 
dition of  affairs.  And  although  it  is  true  that  the  people  have  yet  a 
very  warm  affection  for  the  British  nation,  yet  it  sensibly  decays. 
They  are  loyal  subjects  to  the  king ;  but  they  conceive  that  they  do 
not  swerve  from  their  allegiance  by  opposing  any  measures  taken  by 
any  man  or  set  of  men  to  deprive  them  of  their  liberties.  They  con- 
ceive that  they  are  the  king's  enemies  who  would  destroy  the  Constitu- 
tion ;  for  the  king  is  annihilated  when  the  Constitution  is  destroyed. 

It  is  not  yet  too  late  to  accommodate  the  dispute  amicably.  But  I 
am  of  opinion,  that,  if  once  General  Gage  should  lead  his  troops  into 
the  country,  with  design  to  enforce  the  late  Acts  of  Parliament,  Great 
Britain  may  take  her  leave,  at  least  of  the  New-England  colonies,  and, 
if  I  mistake  not,  of  all  America.  If  there  is  any  wisdom  in  the 
nation,  God  grant  it  may  be  speedily  called  forth !  Every  day,  every 
hour,   widens  the  breach.     A  Richmond,  a  Chatham,  a  Shelburne,  a 


warren's  second  oration.  419 

Camden,  with  their  noble  associates,  may  yet  repair  it ;  and  it  is 
a  work  which  none  but  the  greatest  of  men  can  conduct.  May  you  be 
successful  and  happy  in  your  labors  for  the  public  safety ! 

I  am,  sir,  with  great  respect,  your  very  humble  servant, 
Dr.  Lee.  JoS'  BARREN.1 

This  valuable  letter  contains  an  off-hand  analyza- 
tion  of  the  aspect  of  a  great  movement.     During  the 
next  four  days,  the  committee  of  safety  held  meetings 
in  Charlestown,  and  "Warren  was  present.     The  busi- 
ness transacted  was  important.     The  unusual  record 
is   made  in  the  journal  of  the  proceedings  on  the 
21st,  that  the  votes  were  passed  unanimously.     Thus : 
"Voted,  unanimously,  by  the   committee  of  safety, 
that  the  committee  of  supplies  purchase  all  kinds  of 
warlike  stores  sufficient  for  an  army  of  fifteen  thou- 
sand men."     On  the  next  day,  the  business  consisted 
of  the  details  of  preparation,  one  of  them  being  a 
provision  for  the  re-assembling  of  congress  on  the 
arrival  of  the  "re-enforcements  coming  to  General 
Gage."      On  the   23d,  the  committee  met  at  forty- 
five  minutes  after  seven  in  the  morning;  and,  besides 
other  matters,  it  was  agreed,  that  a  letter  should  be 
prepared,  and  be  ready  for  transmission  to  the  com- 
manding officers  of  the  militia  and  minute-men,  direct- 
ing them,  on  receipt  of  it,  to  assemble  "  one-fourth 
part  of  the  militia;"  and  that  this  should  be  printed, 
and  that  certain  couriers  should  deliver  the  letters. 
The    committee    of    supplies   were   ordered   to   buy 
"  twenty  hogsheads  of  rum,  and  send  them  to  Con- 
cord."    On  the  24th,  provision  was  made  for  the  road 

i  I  copy  this  letter  from  the  original,  in  Warren's  handwriting,  in  the  archives 
of  Harvard-College  Library.  I  am  indebted  to  the  courteous  librarian,  John  L. 
Sibley,  Esq.,  for  every  facility  in  the  use  of  books  and  papers  of  this  institution. 


420  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

each  courier  should  take  when  he  carried  the  let- 
ters to  the  militia  to  take  the  field.  The  committee 
now  adjourned  to  meet  on  the  7th  of  March,  at  the 
house  of  Captain  Steadman,  of  Cambridge.  War- 
ren, during  the  proceedings  of  these  four  days,  was 
placed  on  several  special  committees.  One  vote 
desired  him  to  apply  to  the  company  in  Boston 
formerly  under  Major  Paddock,  to  learn  "  how  many 
of  them  might  be  depended  on,  officers  and  men,  to 
form  an  artillery  company,  when  the  constitutional 
army  of  the  province  should  take  the  field." 

The  Provincial  Congress  had  provided  for  certain 
K  rules  and  regulations  for  the  officers  and  men  of  the 
constitutional  army  which  might  be  raised  in  the 
province"  (Feb.  10).  The  committee  of  safety  had 
fixed  this  army  at  fifteen  thousand  men;  but  they 
were  to  be  only  conditionally  summoned  into  the  field. 
Among  the  manuscripts  of  this  committee  is  a  re- 
markable letter,  addressed,  on  the  22d  of  February, 
by  that  admirable  patriot  Joseph  Hawley  to  Thomas 
Cushing,  enjoining  upon  him  (Cushing),  as  he  loved 
his  country,  to  use  his  utmost  influence  with  the  com- 
mittee of  safety,  that  the  militia  be  not  mustered,  and 
that  hostilities  be  not  commenced,  until  Massachusetts 
"had  the  express  categorical  decision  of  the  con- 
tinent, that  the  time  is  absolutely  come  that  hostilities 
ought  to  begin,  and  that  they  would  support  us  in  con- 
tinuing them."  All  the  assurance  or  security  of  such 
effectual  and  continued  aid  as  would  be  absolutely 
necessary,  Hawley  said,  w  was  contained  in  a  resolu- 
tion of  about  six  lines,  and  they  consisting  of  terms 
and  expressions  not  the  most  definite  or  of  certain 
or  precise  meaning.     The  words  used  in  the  resolu- 


warren's  second  oration.  421 

tion  to  state  the  case  wherein  hostilities  are  to  be 
commenced,  are,  in  my  opinion,  by  far  too  loose;  to 
wit,  *  when  the  Acts  shall  be  attempted  to  be  carried 
into  execution  by  force,'  as  well  as  the  words  made 
use  of  to  secure  the  aid  of  the  colonies;  to  wit,  'All 
America  ought  to  support  them  in  such  opposition; ' 
not  that  they  will  actually  support  them,  but  a  mere 
declaration  that  it  would  be  reasonable  and  just  that 
such  support  should  be  afforded.  Is  this  a  treaty, 
offensive  and  defensive,  of  sufficient  precision  to  make 
us  secure  of  the  effectual  aid  of  the  other  colonies  in 
a  war  with  Great  Britain?"1  There  was  no  bolder 
spirit  or  more  sterling  character  than  Joseph  Haw- 
ley;  but  he  shrunk  from  the  step  of  war  without  an 
assurance  of  the  full  sanction  of  the  American  Union. 
At  this  time,  Josiah  Quincy,  jun.,  was  about  embark- 
ing at  London  for  home;  and  he  was  commissioned 
0/ the  friends  of  the  cause  abroad  to  enjoin  on  the 
people  of  Massachusetts  "  by  no  means  to  take  any 
steps  of  great  consequence,  unless  on  a  sudden  emer- 
gency, without  the  advice  of  the  Continental  Con- 
gress."2 

Military  events  of  an  irritating  nature  rendered 
the  preservation  of  the  peace  difficult,  and  the  occur- 
rence of  "a  sudden  emergency"  imminent.  Such 
were  the  dismissal  of  Hancock  from  the  command 
of  the  Cadets,  the  seizure  of  arms  and  ammunition, 
and  the  employment  of  the  military  to  sustain  civil 
action.  To  counteract  the  *  American  Association," 
which  had  been  adopted  by  the  Continental  Congress, 
the  Tory  party  inaugurated  a  *  Loyal  Association," 

i  Letter  of  Joseph  Hawley  to  Thomas  Cushing,  Feb.  22,  1775. 
a  Gordon,  i.  467. 


422  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WARREN. 

the  signers  of  which  pledged  themselves  to  oppose  the 
proceedings  of  committees  and  congresses  as  the  acts 
of  unconstitutional  assemblies.  On  the  application  of 
a  portion  of  the  people  of  Marshfield,  who  had  signed 
this  Tory  pledge,  General  Gage  stationed  a  small 
force  in  this  town,  which,  being  under  good  dis- 
cipline, did  not  disturb  the  inhabitants,  were  not 
molested,  and  remained  until  the  19th  of  April.  This 
forbearance  was  ascribed  by  the  Tories  to  the  cow- 
ardice of  the  minute-men.  In  continuance  of  the 
policy  of  disarming  the  patriots,  Colonel  Leslie,  on 
Sunday  the  26th  of  February,  was  sent  from  Boston 
with  a  body  of  troops  to  seize  certain  military  stores 
deposited  at  Salem;  but  the  spirited  conduct  of  the 
inhabitants  defeated  the  object  of  this  expedition,  and 
the  detachment  thought  itself  fortunate,  in  view  of 
the  minute-men  who  spontaneously  gathered,  in  get- 
ting safely  back  to  Boston.  Even  this  show  of  hos- 
tility did  not  provoke  the  committee  of  safety  to  give 
the  order  for  a  general  muster  of  the  troops  into  the 
field.  The  militia  and  minute-men  continued  to  meet 
for  drill  in  the  towns  all  over  the  province;  and,  in 
many  cases,  the  expenses  were  met  by  appropriations 
from  the  town-treasury. 

This  was  the  state  of  things  when  the  king,  not 
harboring  a  thought  of  concession,  "left  the  choice 
of  war  or  peace "  to  depend  on  the  submission  of 
Massachusetts  to  the  Regulating  Act.1  As  the  sword 
was  hanging  by  a  thread,  the  words  sent  to  its 
patriots,  along  with  the  donations  which  had  now 
continued  in  an  uninterrupted  flow  for  nine  months, 
grew  more  and  more  tender.    The  committee  of  Fal- 

1  Bancroft,  vii.  174. 


warren's  second  oration.  423 

mouth  (now  Portland),  which,  like  Charlestown,  was 
soon   to   become  a  holocaust  for  American  liberty, 
said  of  its  contribution,  w  It  is  for  suffering  brethren, 
who  are  standing  in  the  gap  between  us  and  slavery. 
.  .  .  We  are  but  few  in  number,  and  of  small  ability; 
and,  as  we  earn  our  bread  by  the  sweat  of  our  brow, 
shall   ever  hold   in  utter  detestation  both  men  and 
measures  that  would  rob  us  of  the  fruits  of  our  toil; 
and  are  ready  with  our  labor,  with  our  lives,  and  with 
our  estates,  to  stand  or  fall  in  the  common  cause  of 
liberty.     And,  if  we  fall,  we  shall  die  like  men  and 
like  Christians,  and  enjoy  the  glorious  privileges  of 
the  sons  of  God."     The  reply  of  the  committee  on 
donations  was  scarcely  less  touching:  "  Your  letter, 
though  short,  is  very  refreshing.     Though  the  lines 
are  few,  the  matter  is  very  comprehensive.     What 
could   you   have   said   more  ?      The   committee   are 
greatly  obliged,  and  not  a  little  strengthened.     You 
will  please  accept  their  sincere  thanks  for  that  cordial 
affection  expressed  in  your  letter,  and  manifested  in  a 
way  the  most  convincing.     May  the  Lord  bless  you 
and  reward  you  a  thousand  fold ! " x    This  interchange 
of  sentiment  shows  the  silken  cords  that  were  in- 
twining   communities    into    the   sacred   relations    of 
country,  by  cementing  a  union,  not  denned  on  parch- 
ment, but  fragrant  with  the  blossoming  of  fraternal 
sympathy. 

The  press  mirrored  each  fresh  detail  in  the  march 
of  events  towards  American  nationality.  It  now  con- 
tained instalments  of  foreign  intelligence,  showing 
England's   fierce  temper;    reports  of  the  regiments 

i  These  letters  will  be  found  printed  in  the  Collections  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society,  4th  series,  vol.  iv. 


424  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

sent  to  Boston;  the  parades  of  Alarm  Lists  through 
the  colony;  the  choice  of  military  officers  in  every 
county  of  Delaware,  Maryland,  and  Virginia  ;  the 
resolves  of  Fairfax  County,  adopted  at  a  meeting  when 
w  Colonel  George  Washington  was  in  the  chair,"1  tax- 
ing every  tithable  person  for  the  purchase  of  arms; 
the  expedition  of  Leslie  at  Salem;  "the  alarm  that 
flew  like  lightning ; "  the  last  number  of  w  Novan- 
glus,"  proving  the  destruction  of  the  tea  "just, 
proper,  and  right,"  avowing  that  committees  of  cor- 
respondence w  were  intended  by  Providence  for  great 
events,"  and  declaring  that  Britain  could  restore 
harmony  by  desisting  from  taxing  the  colonies,  and 
"interfering  with  their  internal  concerns."  These 
details  indicate  the  sentiment,  which,  suggested  by 
the  common  sense  and  heart,  passed  from  mouth  to 
mouth,  in  the  home,  in  the  street,  in  the  club,  in  the 
caucus,  in  the  public  meeting,  formed  public  opinion, 
and  was  a  type  of  the  political  momentum  of  modern 
times. 

The  American  mind  at  the  time  interpreted  rightly 
the  importance  of  the  movement.  Two  utterances 
showing  this,  are  recorded  side  by  side  in  the  jour- 
nals,— the  memorable  Charge  of  Judge  William  Henry 
Drayton,  enjoining  a  maintenance  of  the  laws  and  the 
rights  of  the  constitution  at  the  hazard  of  life  and  for- 
tune; and  the  "  Novanglus  " 2  of  John  Adams,  claiming 
for  the  basis  of  the  patriots  the  principles  that  all 
men  were  by  nature  equal;  that  kings  are  but  the 
ministers   of  the  people,  holding  delegated   power; 

1  Essex  Gazette,  March  7,  1775. 

2  The  "Essex  Gazette  "  of  Feb.  21,  1775,  contains  the  second  number  of 
"  Novanglus,"  and  the  Charge,  pronounced  "  remarkable,"  of  William  Henry 
Drayton,  delivered  to  the  several  grand  juries  in  South  Carolina. 


warren's  second  oration.  425 

and  that  the  people,  whenever  power  was  used  to 
oppress  them,  had  a  right  to  resume  it  and  place  it 
in  other  hands.  Bising  above  the  provincial  and  the 
theological,  the  narrow  and  the  transient,  the  patriot 
urged,  that  these  *  were  the  principles  of  Aristotle 
and  Plato,  of  Livy  and  Cicero,  of  Sidney,  Harring- 
ton, and  Locke,  —  the  principles  of  nature  and  eternal 
reason."  As  the  actors  in  these  scenes  mused  on  the 
development  of  these  principles,  they  reproduced  as 
applicable,  an  old  prophecy  of  the  future  glory  of 
America :  — 

"But  (if  I  fail  not  in  my  augury, 
And  who  can  better  judge  events  than  I  ?) 
Long-rolling  years  shall  late  bring  on  the  times 
When  with  your  gold-debauched  and  ripened  crimes 
Europe  (the  world's  most  noble  part)  shall  fall, 
Upon  her  banished  gods  and  virtue  call 
In  vain ;  while  foreign  and  domestic  war 
At  once  shall  her  distracted  bosom  tear 
Forlorn  and  to  be  pitied  even  by  you. 
Meanwhile  your  rising  glory  you  shall  view : 
Wit,  learning,  virtue,  discipline  of  war, 
Shall  for  protection  to  your  world  repair 
And  fix  a  long  illustrious  empire  there. 
Your  native  gold  (I  would  not  have  it  so, 
But  fear  the  event)  in  time  will  follow  too  : 
Late  Destiny  shall  high  exalt  your  reign, 
Whose  pomp  no  crowds  of  slaves,  a  needless  train, 
Nor  gold  (the  rabble's  idol)  shall  support, 
Like  Montezume's  or  Guanapaci's  court ; 
But  such  true  grandeur  as  old  Rome  maintained 
Where  fortune  was  a  slave,  and  virtue  reigned.'* l 

The  patriots  now  designed  to  commemorate  the 
Boston  massacre.      This   was   usually   done   in  the 

i  This  was  printed  in  the  "  Essex  Gazette  "  of  Feb.  21,  1775,  where  it  is  said 
to  be  copied  from  the  close  of  Abraham  Cowley's  fifth  "  Book  of  Plants,"  p.  130, 
translated  into  English,  and  published  in  London,  1689.     It  is  the  edition  of 

1711. 

In  the  "  Massachusetts  Spy  "  of  the  10th  of  March,  1774,  is  a  "  Song  for  the 
Fifth  of  March,"  which  was  written  for  this  paper.     It  contains  a  prediction 

54 


426  LIFE   OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

town-meeting;  but  it  was  one  of  the  objects  of 
the  Regulating  Act  to  suppress  meetings  for  such  a 
purpose.  The  main  theme  of  the  discourse  on  the 
occasion  was  the  danger,  to  a  free  people,  of  standing 
armies  in  time  of  peace ;  but  this  theme  would  have 
to  be  treated  in  the  presence  of  the  British  army. 
Then  the  Tory  party  of  the  town  was  numerous  and 
exultant.  *  "We  have,"  Samuel  Adams  wrote  on  the 
4th,  "  almost  all  the  Tories  of  note  in  the  province  in 
this  town,  to  which  they  have  fled  for  the  general's 
protection.  They  affect  the  style  of  Rabshakeh;  but 
the  language  of  the  people  is,  *  In  the  name  of  the 
Lord,  we  will  tread  down  our  enemies.'"  It  was 
given  out  that  it  would  be  at  the  price  of  the  life 
to  any  man  to  speak  of  the  massacre,  and  that  the 
military  were  determined  that  reflection  on  the  king 
or  the  royal  family  should  not  be  allowed  to  pass  with 
impunity.  The  duty  which,  when  parties  were  irri- 
tated and  exasperated  to  the  verge  of  civil  war,  most 
men  would  not  at  least  seek,  it  was  characteristic  of 
"Warren's  heroic  nature  to  covet.  At  his  own  sug- 
gestion, he  was  appointed  the  orator.  He  sought  the 
duty  in  no  selfish  spirit,  but  to  enable  him,  as  the 

of  the  triumphs  of  "  The  American  Ensign."  There  are  phrases  in  this  song 
similar  to  what  may  be  found  in  Warren's  letters.  I  copy  the  three  closing 
verses,  —  the  allusion  is  to  Hancock,  who  was  the  orator:  — 

"  Blest  Freedom's  the  prize,  thither  bend  all  your  eyes  ; 
Stern  valor  each  visage  inflames : 
These  lands  they  have  won,  and  still  claim  as  their  own  ; 
And  no  tyrant  shall  ravish  their  claims. 

A  ray  of  bright  glory  now  beams  from  afar, 

Blest  dawn  of  an  empire  to  rise ; 
The  American  ensign  now  sparkles  a  star. 

Which  shall  shortly  flame  wide  through  the  skies. 

Strong  knit  is  the  band  which  unites  the  blest  land, 

No  demon  the  union  can  sever  : 
Here's  a  glass  to  fair  Freedom  !  come,  give  us  your  hand ! 

May  the  Orator  flourish  for  ever !  " 


warren's  second  oration. 


427 


organ  of  the  community,  to  bear  open  testimony,  that 
"  the  Americans  would  make  the  last  appeal  rather 
than  submit  to  the  yoke  that  was  prepared  for  their 
necks;  that  their  unexampled  patience  had  no  alloy 
of  cowardice."1  The  popular  leaders,  in  so  critical  a 
conjuncture,  were  naturally  desirous  to  be  sure  of 
their  man.  "  To-morrow,"  Samuel  Adams  wrote,  *  an 
oration  is  to  be  delivered  by  Dr.  "Warren.  It  was 
thought  best  to  have  an  experienced  officer  in  the 
political  field  on  this  occasion,  as  we  may  possibly  be 
attacked  in  our  trenches."  The  patriots  looked  for- 
ward to  the  day  with  deep  interest,  and  not  without 
apprehension. 

The  anniversary  coming  on  Sunday,  the  commemo- 
ration took  place  on  Monday.  It  is  said  that  many 
people,  came  in  to  the  town  from  the  country  to  take 
part  in  it,  and  there  was  "  a  prodigious  concourse." 
This  indicates  that  the  streets  were  thronged  as 
they  are  on  a  modern  Fourth  of  July.  In  the  morn- 
ing, the  citizens,  "  legally  warned  by  an  adjournment 
of  the  Port-bill  meeting,"  assembled  in  Faneuil  Hall, 
with  Samuel  Adams  for  the  moderator,  and  transacted 
the  usual  business  relative  to  the  selection  of  the 
orator.  It  was  reported,  that  the  committee  of  the 
Old  South  Meeting-house  were  willing  it  should  be 
used  on  the  occasion;  and  the  town  adjourned  to 
meet  at  half  past  eleven  o'clock  in  the  church. 

The  Old  South  was  crowded.  In  the  pulpit,  which 
was  draped  in  black,  were  the  popular  leaders,  who, 
from  year  to  year,  had  been  selected  by  the  people  to 
be  the  exponents  of  their  cause.  Those  named  as 
being  present,  besides  Samuel  Adams  and  William 

i  Bancroft,  vii.  256. 


428  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

Cooper,  the  town-clerk,  were  Church,  Hancock,  and 
the  selectmen.  The  moderator,  observing  several 
British  officers  standing  in  the  aisles,  requested  the 
occupants  of  the  front  pews  to  vacate  them,  and 
courteously  invited  the  strangers  to  occupy  these 
seats;  when  about  forty  officers,  dressed  in  their 
uniforms,  filled  these  pews,  or  sat  upon  the  pulpit 
stairs. 

The  audience  consisted  mainly  of  the  actors  in  the 
public  meetings  of  preceding  years, —  the  men  who 
had  opposed  the  Revenue  Acts,  had  protested  against 
military  rule,  had  summoned  the  convention  of  1768, 
had  demanded  the  removal  of  the  troops,  had  organ- 
ized committees  of  correspondence,  had  destroyed  the 
tea,  and  had  resisted  the  Regulating  Act.  They  now 
felt  that  they  were  parts  of  an  organization  known 
as  the  "  Grand  American  Union."  As  yet,  this 
party  did  not  desire  independence;  but  one  of  their 
number  —  probably  Warren  —  said,  on  this  morning, 
in  the  press,  that,  if  the  ministry  would  not  hearken  to 
the  wise  and  just  proposals  of  the  Continental  Con- 
gress, it  could  be  demonstrated  by  a  million  of  reasons 
that  the  people  must  look  forward  to  the  last  grand 
step  for  defence ;  that  "  the  Americans  would  be  com- 
pelled by  the  great  law  of  nature  to  strike  a  decisive 
blow;  and,  following  the  example  of  the  once  op- 
pressed United  Provinces,  publish  a  manifesto  to  the 
world,  showing  the  necessity  of  dissolving  their  con- 
nection with  a  nation  whose  ministers  were  aiming  at 
their  ruin."1  Warren's  personal  friends  were  deter- 
mined, to  protect  him  from  insult. 

The  audience  manifested  some  impatience  at  a  little 

1  Boston  Evening  Post,  March  6,  1775. 


warren's  second  oration.  429 

delay  in  the  appearance  of  the  orator.  He  was  pre- 
pared to  meet  violence,  and  rode  in  a  chaise  to  a 
building  opposite  the  Old  South,  there  put  on  a  robe, 
and,  to  avoid  pressing  through  the  crowd,  went  to  the 
rear  of  the  building,  and,  by  a  ladder,  entered  it 
through  the  window  back  of  the  pulpit.  Classic  and 
loving  pens  have  drawn  the  traits  of  this  type  of 
American  manhood :  w  Amiable,  accomplished,  pru- 
dent, energetic,  eloquent,  brave,  he  united  the  graces 
of  a  manly  beauty  to  a  lion  heart,  a  sound  mind,  a  safe 
judgment,  and  a  firmness  of  purpose  which  nothing 
could  shake.1  He  possessed  a  clear  understanding,  a 
strong  mind,  a  disposition  humane  and  generous,  with 
manners  easy,  affable,  and  engaging,  but  zealous, 
active,  and  sanguine  in  the  cause  of  his  oppressed 
country.2  He  was  a  powerful  orator,  because  he  was 
a  true  man,  and  struggled  for  man's  highest  rights;8 
a  patriot,  in  whom  the  flush  of  youth  and  the  grace 
and  dignity  of  manhood  were  combined,  stood  armed 
in  the  sanctuary  of  God  to  animate  and  encourage  the 
sons  of  liberty,  and  to  hurl  defiance  at  their  oppres- 
sors."4 The  tender  words  of  eulogy  uttered  on  the 
next  commemoration  of  this  day,  after  his  spirit  had 
passed  from  earth,  and  as  "  his  loved  idea  and  number- 
less virtues  "  were  recalled,  indicate  the  sympathy  that 
existed  between  the  speaker  and  the  audience.  w  We 
mourn  thine  exit,  illustrious  shade,  with  undissembled 
grief;  we  venerate  thine  exalted  character:  we  will 
erect  a  monument   to   thy  memory  in  each  of  our 

1  Edward  Everett's  Speech,  May  28,  1833. 

2  Mercy  Warren :  "  History  of  the  American  Revolution,"  i.  221.     She  was 
a  sister  of  James  Otis,  and  knew  Warren  personally. 

8  Magoon's  Orators  of  the  Revolution,  159. 
4  Knapp's  Biographical  Sketches,  114. 


430  LIFE    Or   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

grateful  hearts,  and  to  the  latest  ages  will  teach  our 
tender  infants  to  lisp  the  name  of  Warren  with  ven- 
eration and  applause."1 

The  silence  was  oppressive  as  the  orator  advanced 
to  the  pulpit,  and  began  in  a  firm  tone  of  voice : 2  w  My 
ever-honored  fellow-citizens !  It  is  not  without  the 
most  humiliating  conviction  of  my  want  of  ability 
that  I  now  appear  before  you;  but  the  sense  I  have 
of  the  obligation  I  am  under  to  obey  the  calls  of  my 
country  at  all  times,  together  with  an  animated  recol- 
lection of  your  indulgence,  exhibited  upon  so  many 
occasions,  has  induced  me  once  more,  undeserving  as 
I  am,  to  throw  myself  upon  that  candor  which  looks 
with  kindness  on  the  feeblest  efforts  of  an  honest 
mind."  After  an  exordium  imbued  with  the  sterling 
virtue  of  sincerity,  the  orator  proceeded  to  the  con- 
clusion with  great  energy  and  pathos,  receiving  the 
warm  applause  of  friends,  and  occasional  tokens  of 
dissent  from  portions  of  his  audience. 

The  orator,  at  the  beginning,  stated  the  following 
proposition:  "That  personal  freedom  is  the  natural 
right  of  every  man,  and  that  property,  or  an  exclu- 
sive right  to  dispose  of  what  he  has  honestly  acquired 
by  his  own  labor,  necessarily  arises  therefrom,  are 
truths  which  common  sense  has  placed  beyond  the 
reach  of  contradiction;  and  no  man  or  body  of  men 
can,  without  being  guilty  of  flagrant  injustice,  claim 
a  right  to  dispose  of  the  persons  or  acquisitions 
of  any  other  man  or  body  of  men,  unless  it  can  be 
proved  that  such  a  right  had  arisen  from  some  com- 
pact between  the  parties  in  which  it  has  been  ex- 
plicitly and  freely  granted." 

1  Peter  Thaeher's  Oration,  1776.  2  Knapp's  Sketches. 


warren's  second  oration.  431 

The  orator,  in  a  retrospective  survey  of  the  settle- 
ment of  the  country  « by  the  illustrious  emigrants," 
delineated  their  labors  and  perils  in  these  western 
regions,  in  rescuing  them  from  their  rudest  state,  and 
defending  them  from  the  savage;  regarding  man  in 
this  state,  and  even  anarchy  itself,  as  "  infinitely  less 
dangerous  "  than  arbitrary  power.  Then  this  widely 
extended  continent  was  let  alone,  and  grew;  Britain 
saw  her  commerce  extend,  and  her  wealth  increase; 
the  colonist  found  himself  free,  and  thought  himself 
secure;  both  countries,  flourishing,  happy,  and  united 
in  affection,  thought  not  of  distinct  or  separate  inter- 
ests. The  colonist  gloried  in  the  British  fame.  w  He 
dwelt  under  his  own  vine  and  under  his  own  fig- 
tree,  and  had  none  to  make  him  afraid.  He  knew, 
indeed,  that,  by  purchasing  the  manufactures  of  Great 
Britain,  he  contributed  to  its  greatness;  he  knew  that 
all  the  wealth  that  his  labor  produced  centred  in 
Great  Britain:  but  that,  far  from  exciting  his  envy, 
filled  him  with  the  highest  pleasure;  that  thought , 
supported  him  in  all  his  toils.  When  the  business  of 
the  day  was  passed,  he  solaced  himself  with  the  con- 
templation, or  perhaps  entertained  his  listening  family 
with  the  recital,  of  some  great,  some  glorious  trans- 
action which  shines  conspicuous  in  the  history  of 
Britain;  or  perhaps  his  elevated  fancy  led  him  to 
foretell,  with  a  kind  of  enthusiastic  confidence,  the 
glory,  power,  and  duration  of  an  empire  which  should 
extend  from  one  end  of  the  earth  to  the  other:  he 
saw,  or  thought  he  saw,  the  British  nation  risen 
to  a  pitch  of  grandeur  which  cast  a  veil  over  the 
Koman  glory,  and,  ravished  with  the  prseview,  boasted 
a  race  of  British  kings  whose  names   should  echo 


432  LITE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

through  those  realms  where  Cyrus,  Alexander,  and 
the  Caesars  were  unknown,  —  princes  for  whom  mil- 
lions of  grateful  subjects,  redeemed  from  slavery  and 
Pagan  ignorance,  should,  with  thankful  tongues,  offer 
up  their  prayers  and  praises  to  that  transcendently 
great  and  beneficent  Being  by  whom  kings  reign,  and 
princes  decree  justice." 

The  orator  then  traced  the  rise  and  progress  of  the 
aggressions  on  the  natural  right  of  the  colonists  to 
enjoy  personal  freedom  and  representative  govern- 
ment, "until  this  wicked  policy  had  shaken  the  empire 
to  its  centre."  Yet  it  was  still  persisted  in,  regardless 
of  the  voice  of  reason,  deaf  to  the  prayers  and  sup- 
plications, and  unaffected  by  the  flowing  tears,  of 
suffering  millions;  and,  as  a  consequence,  "the  hearts 
of  Britons  and  Americans,  which  had  lately  felt  the 
generous  glow  of  mutual  confidence  and  love,  now 
burn  with  jealousy  and  rage."  The  Briton  looked 
on  the  American  with  an  envious  eye ;  and  the  Amer- 
ican beheld  the  Briton  as  the  ruffian,  ready  "  first  to 
take  his  property,  and  next,  what  is  dearer  to  every 
virtuous  man,  the  liberty  of  his  country." 

The  orator  then  passed  to  the  scenes  arising  out  of 
the  resolution  of  the  British  Administration  to  sus- 
tain this  aggressive  policy  by  force,  which  reason 
scorned  to  countenance,  and  placemen  were  unable 
to  execute.  He  dwelt  on  the  features  of  that  night 
of  unequalled  horror,  when  the  troops  fired  on  the 
people,  the  sad  remembrance  of  which  took  full  posses- 
sion of  his  soul.  One  of  the  victims  was  so  mangled 
by  the  bayonet,  that  his  brains  fell  upon  the  pave- 
ment; and  to  this  the  orator  referred  when  he  said, 
cc  Come,  widowed  mourner,  here   satiate  thy  grief : 


WARKESTS    SECOND    ORATION.  433 

behold  thy  murdered  husband  gasping  on  the  ground; 
and,  to  complete  the  pompous  show  of  wretchedness, 
bring  in  each  hand  thy  infant  children  to  bewail  their 
father's  fate.  Take  heed,  ye  orphan  babes,  lest,  while 
your  streaming  eyes  are  fixed  upon  the  ghastly 
corpse,  your  feet  slide  on  the  stones  bespattered  with 
your  father's  brains.  Enough!  This  tragedy  need 
not  be  heightened  by  an  infant  weltering  in  the  blood 
of  him  that  gave  it  birth.  Nature,  reluctant,  shrinks 
already  from  the  view,  and  the  chilled  blood  rolls 
slowly  backward  to  its  fountain.  We  wildly  stare 
about,  and  with  amazement  ask,  "Who  spread  this  ruin 
round  us?  What  wretch  has  dared  deface  the  image 
of  his  God?  Has  haughty  France  or  cruel  Spain 
sent  forth  her  myrmidons?  Has  the  gjrim  savage 
rushed  again  from  the  far  distant  wilderness  ?  Or 
does  some  fiend,  fierce  from  the  depth  of  hell,  with 
all  the  rancorous  malice  which  the  apostate  damned 
can  feel,  twang  her  destructive  bow,  and  hurl  her 
deadly  arrows  at  our  breast?  No:  none  of  these;  — 
but,  how  astonishing!  it  is  the  hand  of  Britain  that 
inflicts  the  wound.  The  arms  of  George,  our  right- 
ful king,  have  been  employed  to  shed  that  blood 
which  freely  would  have  flown  at  his  command  when 
justice,  or  the  honor  of  his  crown,  had  called  his 
subjects  to  the  field."  The  cry  that  arose  for  revenge 
was  referred  to,  and  the  departure  of  the  troops  as 
the  close  of  this  drama. 

The  orator  then  spoke  of  the  existing  exigency, 
when  a  gracious  prince  had  been  persuaded  tt  to  erect 
the  hostile  banner  against  a  people  ever  affectionate 
and  loyal  to  him,  and  his  illustrious  predecessors  of 
the  house  of  Hanover,"  and  to  enforce  obedience  to 

55 


434  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

Acts  of  Parliament  destructive  to  liberty.  Though 
armed  men  again  filled  the  streets,  the  people  were 
not  intimidated,  but  resolved  that  liberty  must  be 
preserved.  It  was  a  Roman  maxim,  never  to  despair 
of  the  commonwealth.  It  may  prove  salutary  now. 
w  Short-sighted  mortals  see  not  the  numerous  links 
of  small  and  great  events  which  form  the  chain  on 
which  the  fate  of  kings  and  nations  is  suspended." 
Ease  has  often  made  a  people  effeminate:  hardship 
and  danger  have  called  forth  virtues  that  commanded 
the  applause  of  an  admiring  world.  "Our  country 
loudly  calls  you  to  be  circumspect,  vigilant,  active, 
and  brave.  Perhaps  (all-gracious  Heaven  avert  it!) 
perhaps  the  power  of  Britain,  a  nation  great  in  war, 
by  some  malignant  influence,  may  be  employed  to 
enslave  you.  But  let  not  even  this  discourage  you. 
Her  arms,  'tis  true,  have  filled  the  world  with  terror; 
her  troops  have  reaped  the  laurels  of  the  field;  her 
fleets  have  rode  triumphant  on  the  sea;  and  when  or 
where  did  you,  my  countrymen,  depart  inglorious 
from  the  field  of  fight?  You,  too,  can  show  the 
trophies  of  your  forefathers'  victories  and  your  own; 
can  name  the  fortresses  and  battles  you  have  won; 
and  many  of  you  count  the  honorable  scars  of  wounds 
received  whilst  fighting  for  your  king  and  country. 
Where  justice  is  the  standard,  heaven  is  the  war- 
rior's shield ;  but  conscious  guilt  unnerves  the  arm 
that  lifts  the  sword  against  the  innocent." 

The  orator,  in  conclusion,  said  that  the  attempt  of 
parliament  to  raise  a  revenue  from  America,  and  the 
denial  of  the  right  to  do  it,  "  had  excited  an  almost 
universal  inquiry  into  the  rights  of  mankind  in  gen- 
eral,"  and    created    such    a    liberality   of   sentiment 


warren's  second  oration.  435 

and  jealousy  of  power  as  would,  better  than  an 
adamantine  wall,  secure  the  people  against  the  ap- 
proach of  despotism.  The  Boston  Port  Act  had 
created  those  sympathetic  ties  that  must  for  ever 
endear  the  people  to  each  other,  and  "form  those 
indissoluble  bonds  of  friendship  and  affection  on 
which  the  preservation  of  our  rights  so  evidently  de- 
pend; the  mutilation  of  the  charter  has  made  every 
other  colony  jealous  for  its  own;  for  this,  if  once  sub- 
mitted to  by  us,  would  set  afloat  the  property  and 
Government  of  every  British  settlement  on  the  conti- 
nent."   The  following  are  the  closing  paragraphs:  — 

"Our  country  is  in  danger,  but  not  to  be  despaired  of.  Our 
enemies  are  numerous  and  powerful ;  but  we  have  many  friends,  deter- 
mined to  be  free,  and  heaven  and  earth  will  aid  the  resolution.  On 
you  depend  the  fortunes  of  America.  You  are  to  decide  the  important 
question  on  which  rest  the  happiness  and  liberty  of  millions  yet  un- 
born. Act  worthy  of  yourselves.  The  faltering  tongue  of  hoary  age 
calls  on  you  to  support  your  country.  The  lisping  infant  raises  its 
suppliant  hands,  imploring  defence  against  the  monster,  slavery.  Your 
fathers  look  from  their  celestial  seats  with  smiling  approbation  on  their 
sons  who  boldly  stanci  forth  in  the  cause  of  virtue,  but  sternly  frown 
upon  the  inhuman  miscreant,  who,  to  secure  the  loaves  and  fishes  to 
himself,  would  breed  a  serpent  to  destroy  his  children. 

"  But,  pardon  me,  my  fellow-citizens,  I  know  you  want  not  zeal  or 
fortitude.  You  will  maintain  your  rights,  or  perish  in  the  generous 
struggle.  However  difficult  the  combat,  you  will  never  decline  it  when 
freedom  is  the  prize.  An  independence  on  Great  Britain  is  not  our 
aim.  No :  our  wish  is,  that  Britain  and  the  colonies  may,  like  the  oak 
and  ivy,  grow  and  increase  in  strength  together.  But,  whilst  the  infat- 
uated plan  of  making  one  part  of  the  empire  slaves  to  the  other  is  per- 
sisted in,  the  interest  and  safety  of  Britain  as  well  as  the  colonies 
require  that  the  wise  measures  recommended  by  the  honorable,  the 
Continental  Congress  be  steadily  pursued,  whereby  the  unnatural  con- 
test between  a  parent  honored  and  a  child  beloved  may  probably  be 
brought  to  such  an  issue  as  that  the  peace  and  happiness  of  both  may 


436  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAHREST. 

be  established  upon  a  lasting  basis.  But,  if  these  pacific  measures  are 
ineffectual,  and  it  appears  that  the  only  way  to  safety  is  through  fields 
of  blood,  I  know  ydu  will  not  turn  your  faces  from  our  foes,  but  will 
undauntedly  press  forward  until  tyranny  is  trodden  under  foot,  and  you 
have  fixed  your  adored  goddess,  Liberty,  fast  by  a  Brunswick's  side, 
on  the  American  throne. 

"  You,  then,  who  nobly  have  espoused  your  country's  cause ;  who 
generously  have  sacrificed  wealth  and  ease ;  who  have  despised  the 
pomp  and  show  of  tinselled  greatness ;  refused  the  summons  to  the  fes- 
tive board ;  been  deaf  to  the  alluring  calls  of  luxury  and  mirth ;  who 
have  forsaken  the  downy  pillow  to  keep  your  vigils  by  the  midnight 
lamp  for  the  salvation  of  your  invaded  country,  that  you  may  break 
the  fowler's  snare  and  disappoint  the  vulture  of  his  prey,  you  then 
will  reach  this  harvest  of  renown  which  you  so  justly  have  deserved. 
Your  country  shall  pay  her  grateful  tribute  of  applause.  Even  the 
children  of  your  most  inveterate  enemies,  ashamed  to  tell  from  whom 
they  sprang,  while  they  in  secret  curse  their  stupid,  cruel  parents, 
shall  join  the  general  voice  of  gratitude  to  those  who  broke  the  fetters 
which  their  fathers  forged. 

"  Having  redeemed  your  country,  and  secured  the  blessing  to  future 
generations,  who,  fired  by  your  example,  shall  emulate  your  virtues, 
and  learn  from  you  the  heavenly  art  of  making  millions  happy,  with 
heartfelt  joy,  with  transports  all  your  own,  you  cry,  'The  glorious 
work  is  done  ! '  Then  drop  the  mantle  to  some  young  Elisha,  and  take 
your  seats  writh  kindred  spirits  in  your  native  skies." l 

1  This  oration  was  printed  in  the  "  Boston  Gazette  "  of  March  17,  1775.  It 
was  also  printed  in  a  pamphlet  with  the  following  titlepage  :  "  An  Oration  deliv- 
ered March  sixth,  1775,  at  the  request  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Boston: 
to  commemorate  the  bloody  tragedy  of  the  Fifth  of  March,  1770.  By  Dr. 
Joseph  Warren. 

Tantse  molis  erat,  Romanam  condere  gentem.  —  Virgil's  JEn. 
Qui,  metuins  yivit,  liber  mini  non  erit  unquam.  —  Hor.  Epis. 

Boston  :  Printed  by  Edes  and  Gill,  in  Queen  Street,  and  by  Joseph  Greenleaf  in 
Union  Street,  near  the  Market,    m.dcc.lxxv." 

An  edition  was  printed,  probably  in  1775,  in  a  pamphlet  in  New  York  by  John 
Anderson,  at  Beekman's  Slip.     The  titlepage  has  no  date. 

It  has  several  times  since  been  reprinted.  A  volume  of  the  orations  com- 
memorative of  the  Fifth-of-March  tragedy,  was  printed  in  Boston,  by  Peter  Edes, 
with  a  preface  dated  January,  1785.  These  orations,  with  Perez  Morton's 
"  Eulogy,"  were  printed  by  William  T.  Clapp,  Boston,  the  second  edition  of 
which  is  dated  1807. 


warren's  second  oration.  437 

The  speeches  in  which  prominent  actors  in  Grecian 
and  Roman  story  develop  their  policy  or  promote 
their  objects,  not  words  actually  spoken,  but  what  the 
relator  thought  were  fitting  to  have  been  spoken,  are 
regarded  as  valuable  delineations  of  the  temper  of 
those  times.  But  here  are  the  words  of  an  earnest 
and  representative  man,  uttered  on  the  eve  of  a  great 
war,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  military  power  whom 
he  was  soon  to  meet  in  the  field.  For  the  sake  of 
the  cause,  — 

"  He  dared  to  speak  what  some  scarce  dared  to  think." 

His  speech,  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  a  high  chivalry 
and  faith,  resounds  with  the  clash  of  arms.1 

Though  it  is  said  that  some  of  the  officers  groaned 
as  the  enthusiastic  audience  applauded,  yet  they  were 
generally  quiet  to  the  close  of  the  oration.  One  of 
them,  seated  on  the  pulpit  stairs,  in  the  course  of  the 
delivery,  held  up  one  of  his  hands  with  several  pistol 
bullets  on  the  open  palm,  when  the  orator,  observing 
the  action,  gracefully  dropped  a  white  handkerchief 
on  them.2  After  the  delivery,  when  it  was  moved 
that  the  thanks  of  the  town  be  presented  to  the  orator 
for  the  oration  w  on  the  commemoration  of  the  horrid 
massacre,"  some  of  the  officers  struck  their  canes  on 
the  floor,  others  hissed,  others  exclaimed,  "Oh  fie, 
fie!"3  which  was  understood  as  a  cry  of  fire,  and 

1  Magoon's  Orators  of  the  American  Revolution,  167. 

2  Everett's  Life  of  Warren,  182. 

3  Several  accounts  of  this  disturbance  have  been  printed.  The  following 
is  from  manuscript  in  J.  Greene's  "  Almanack,"  loaned  to  me  by  Dr.  S.  A. 
Green :  — 

"March  6.  Oration  delivered  at  the  Old  South  Meeting-house,  by  Dr. 
Joseph  Warren.    After  which  a  number  of  the  army,  in  particular  Captain  B.' 

Chapman,  of  the  Eighteenth,  and ,  of  the  Royal  Irish,  put  on  their  hats 

when  the  town  was  upon  business,  nominating  persons,  holding  up  their  hands 


438  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WAKREX. 

there  was  a  scene  of  panic.  The  patriots  were  pre- 
pared for  any  exigency.  The  ]STorthenders,  who 
idolized  Warren,  did  not  mean  to  be  trifled  with. 
K  The  assembly,"  Samuel  Adams  says,  "  was  irritated 
to  the  greatest  degree,  and  confusion  ensued.  They 
(the  officers),  however,  did  not  gain  their  end,  which 
was  apparently  to  break  up  the  meeting;  for  order 
was  soon  restored,  and  we  proceeded  regularly  and 
finished  the  business.1     I  am  persuaded,  that,  were  it 

in  the  negative  after  a  full  vote,  and,  when  the  motion  was  making  for  the  next 
oration,  raising  their  voices,  striking  their  canes  on  the  floor,  and  by  other 
indecent  and  insolent  conduct,  as  far  as  in  their  power,  endeavored  to  affront  the 
town,  and,  if  possible,  make  a  disturbance." 

1  The  following  is  the  official  record  connected  with  this  oration :  — 

"At  a  meeting  of  the  freeholders  and  other  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Boston, 
legally  warned,  at  Faneuil  Hall,  March  6,  1775,  by  adjournment  of  the  Port-bill 
meeting,  Mr.  Samuel  Adams,  moderator,  — 

"  The  committee,  appointed  by  the  town,  the  5th  of  March  last,  to  apply  to  a 
proper  gentleman  to  deliver  an  oration  on  the  5th  of  March  instant,  to  perpetuate 
the  memory  of  the  horrid  massacre  perpetrated  on  the  evening  of  the  Fifth  of 
March,  1770,  by  a  party  of  soldiers  under  the  order  and  eye  of  Captain  Thomas 
Preston,  of  the  Twenty -ninth  Regiment,  reported  :  — 

"  That,  having  met  together  for  the  purpose  mentioned  in  the  town's  vote, 
they  had  made  choice  of  Joseph  Warren,  Esq.,  to  deliver  an  oration  on  the  6th 
of  March  instant,  who  had  accordingly  accepted  of  such  service. 

"  The  foregoing  report  having  been  made  by  Mr.  Samuel  Adams,  chairman 
of  the  committee,  the  question  was  put,  whether  the  same  shall  be  accepted. 
Passed  in  the  affirmative. 

"  Upon  a  motion  made,  the  town  took  into  consideration  what  time  would  be 
best  for  the  oration  to  be  pronounced,  as  also  the  place  that  would  be  most  suita- 
ble for  the  purpose,  whereupon  — 

"  Voted,  That  the  oration  be  delivered  at  half-past  eleven  o'clock,  at  the  Old 
South  Meeting-house,  the  hall  not  being  capacious  enough  to  contain  the  inhab- 
itants that  may  attend  on  this  occasion ;  the  committee  of  that  society  having, 
upon  application,  consented  that  said  meeting-house  should  be  made  use  of  for 
this  service. 

"  Voted,  That  the  Hon.  John  Hancock,  Esq.,  Mr.  Samuel  Austin,  and  Mr. 
William  Cooper,  be  a  committee  to  wait  upon  Joseph  Warren,  Esq.,  and  ac- 
quaint him  that  it  is  the  desire  of  the  town  that  the  oration  may  be  delivered  at 
the  Old  South  Meeting-house,  at  half-past  eleven  o'clock  this  forenoon. 

"  Upon  a  motion,  Voted,  That  this  meeting  be  now  adjourned  to  the  Old  South 
Meeting-house,  to  meet  there  at  half-past  eleven  o'clock. 

"  The  town  met,  according  to  adjournment,  at  the  Old  South  Meeting-house, 
at  half-past  eleven  o'clock. 


WARREX'S    SECOXD    ORATION.  439 

not  for  the  danger  of  precipitating  a  crisis,  not  a  man 
of  them  would  have  been  spared.  It  was  provoking 
enough  to  the  whole  corps,  that,  while  there  were  so 
many  troops  stationed  here,  with  the  design  of  sup- 
pressing town-meetings,  there  should  yet  be  one  for 
the  purpose  of  delivering  an  oration  to  commemorate 
a  massacre  perpetrated  by  soldiers,  and  to  show  the 
danger  of  standing  armies." 

"  The  scene  was  sublime,"  Samuel  L.  Knapp  says. 
"There  was  in  this  appeal  to  Britain — in  this  descrip- 
tion of  suffering,  dying,  and  horror — a  calm  and  high- 

"  The  committee  appointed  to  wait  on  Joseph  Warren,  Esq.,  to  acquaint  him 
with  the  vote  of  the  town  respecting  the  time  and  place  of  the  delivery  of  the 
oration,  — 

"  Reported  that  said  gentleman  was  ready  to  comply  with  the  orders  of  the 
town,  made  known  to  him  by  their  committee. 

"  Upon  a  motion  made,  Voted,  That  there  be  a  collection  made  in  this  meet- 
ing for  Mr.  Christopher  Monk,  a  young  man  now  languishing  under  a  wound  he 
received  in  his  lungs,  by  a  shot  from  Preston's  butchering  party  of  soldiers,  on 
the  5th  of  March,  1770.  ♦ 

"An  oration  to  commemorate  the  horrid  massacre  of  the  5th  of  March,  1770, 
and  to  impress  on  the  minds  of  the  citizens  the  ruinous  tendency  of  standing 
armies  being  placed  in  free  and  populous  cities,  &c,  was  delivered  by  Joseph 
Warren,  Esq.,  to  a  large  and  crowded  audience,  and  received  by  them  with  great 
applause. 

"  Upon  a  motion  made  and  seconded,  Voted,  That  the  thanks  of  the  town  be, 
and  hereby  are,  given  to  Joseph  Warren,  Esq.,  for  the  elegant  and  spirited 
oration,  delivered  by  him,  at  their  request,  in  commemoration  of  the  horrid 
massacre,  perpetrated  on  the  evening  of  the  5th  of  March,  1770,  by  a  party  of 
soldiers  of  the  Twenty-ninth  Regiment,  under  Captain  Thomas  Preston.    Also, — 

"  Voted,  That  Mr.  Samuel  Adams,  the  Hon.  John  Hancock,  Esq.,  Benjamin 
Church,  Esq.,  Mr.  John  Pitts,  John  Scollay,  Esq.,  Colonel  Thomas  Marshall,  and 
Mr.  Samuel  Austin,  be,  and  hereby  are,  appointed  a  committee  to  wait  on  Joseph 
Warren,  Esq.;  and,  in  the  name  of  the  town,  to  require  of  him  a  copy  of  said 
oration  for  the  press." 

Warren  returned  the  following  answer :  — 

"  Gentlemen,  —  The  same  motives  which  influenced  me  yesterday  to  appear 

before  my  fellow-citizens,  induce  me  to  deliver  this  copy  to  you. 

"  I  am,  with  the  sincerest  respect,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

"Joseph  Wakken. 
"March  7,  1775." 


440  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WABRE3*. 

souled  defiance  which  must  have  chilled  the  hlood  of 
every  sensible  foe.  Such  another  hour  has  seldom 
happened  in  the  history  of  man,  and  is  not  surpassed 
in  the  records  of  nations.  The  thunders  of  Demos- 
thenes rolled  at  a  distance  from  Philip  and  his  host; 
and  Tully  poured  the  fiercest  torrent  of  invective 
when  Cataline  was  at  a  distance,  and  his  dagger  no 
longer  to  be  feared;  but  W»arren's  speech  was  made 
to  proud  oppressors  resting  on  their  arms,  whose 
errand  it  was  to  overawe,  and  whose  business  it  was 
to  fight.  If  the  deed  of  Brutus  deserved  to  be  com- 
memorated by  history,  poetry,  painting,  and  sculpture, 
should  not  this  instance  of  patriotism  and  bravery  be 
held  in  lasting  remembrance?     If  he  — 

"  That  struck  the  foremost  man  of  all  this  world,"  — 

was  hailed  as  the  first  of  freemen,  what  honors  are  not 
due  to  him,  who,  undismayed,  bearded  the  British 
lion,  to  show  the  world  what  his  country  dared  to  do 
in  the  cause  of  liberty?  If  the  statue  of  Brutus  was 
placed  among  those  of  the  gods,  who  were  the  pre- 
servers of  Roman  freedom,  should  not  that  of  War- 
ren fill  a  lofty  niche  in  the  temple  reared  to  perpetuate 
the  remembrance  of  our  birth  as  a  nation?"1 

i  Biographical  Sketches,  114,  115. 


ON   THE   NINETEENTH   OF   APRIL.  441 


CHAPTER  XIY. 

ON  THE  NINETEENTH  OF  APRIL. 

The  Committee  op  Safety.  —  Warren's  Letters.  —  The  Second 
Provincial  Congress.  —  Military  Preparations.  —  Warren's 
Vigilance.  —  Colonel  Smith's  Expedition.  —  Warren  leaves 
Boston.  —  His  Service  on  the  Nineteenth  op  April 

1775.     The  5th  of  Mauch  to  the  19th  of  April. 

Warren,  on  the  day  after  the  delivery  of  his  oration 
(March  7),  met  with  the  committee  of  safety  in  Cam- 
bridge, where  the  deliberations  were  uncommonly 
important,  —  dishing  and  Adams  being  named,  for 
the  first  time,  as  having  been  present.  The  proceed- 
ings related  to  the  proposed  army.  They  were  of  a 
similar  character  at  the  next  meeting  of  the  commit- 
tee, on  the  14th,  when  a  watch  was  arranged  to  be 
kept  in  Charlestown,  Cambridge,  and  Eoxbury,  in 
order  that  the  committees  of  these  towns  might  be 
ready  "  to  send  couriers  forward  to  the  towns  where 
the  magazines  were  placed,  when  sallies  were  made 
from  the  army  by  night." 

According  to  Paul  Revere,  about  thirty  persons, 
chiefly  mechanics,  had  agreed  to  watch  the  movements 
of  British  soldiers  and  the  Tories.  These  patriots 
met  at  the  Green  Dragon  tavern  in  Union  Street. 
w  We  were  so  careful,"  he  says,  "  that  our  meetings 
should  be  kept  secret,  that  every  time  we  met,  every 

56 


442  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WARREN. 

person  swore  upon  the  Bible  that  they  would  not 
discover  any  of  our  transactions  but  to  Messrs.  Han- 
cock, Adams,  Drs.  Warren,  Church,  and  one  or  two 
more.  .  .  .  They  took  turns  to  watch  the  soldiers,  two 
by  two,  by  patrolling  the  streets  all  night." 1  It  was 
now  a  common  remark,  that  there  was  a  traitor  in  the 
Provincial  Congress. 

At  this  time,  the  ministry  were  assuring  George 
III.  that  the  union  of  the  colonies  could  not  last;  and 
he  said,  on  the  day  on  which  Warren  delivered  his 
oration,  w  I  am  convinced  the  line  adopted  in  Ameri- 
can affairs  will  be  crowned  with  success." 2  At  this 
time,  Warren,  as  the  organ  of  the  committee  of  do- 
nations, expressed  the  faith  with  which  the  patriots 
clung  to  unity  as  the  anchor  of  their  safety,  and  the 
interest  with  which  they  looked  to  the  decision  of 
Canada. 

Joseph  Warren  to  the  Committee  of  Montreal. 

Boston,  March  15,  1775. 
Messrs.  James  Price  and  Alexander  Hay,  at  Montreal. 

Gentlemen,  —  So  handsome  a  donation  as  £100.  4s.,  accompanied 
by  such  an  animating  letter  from  our  brethren  at  Montreal,  cannot  fail 
to  excite  the  warmest  gratitude  in  the  breast  of  every  one  who  wishes 
prosperity  and  freedom  to  his  country.  The  committee  to  whom  your 
letter  comes  directed  beg  leave  (as  well  on  their  account  as  in  the 
name  and  behalf  of  every  virtuous  man  in  the  town,  more  especially  of 
the  many  thousands  who  are  actually  feeling  the  miseries  occasioned 
by  the  Boston  Port  Bill)  to  offer  you  their  most  unfeigned  thanks  for 
this  convincing  proof  of  your  sympathy  for  the  distresses  of  your  fellow- 
countrymen,  and  for  your  firm,  disinterested  attachment  to  the  rights 
of  your  country.  It  affords  singular  pleasure  to  every  friend  of  virtue 
to  find  such  enlarged  and  generous  sentiments  as  dictated  your  letter 
discovering  themselves  in  places  where  the  utmost  diligence  and  most 
wicked  devices   have  been  made  use  of  to  distinguish   them.     The 

1  Paul  Revere's  Narrative.  2  Bancroft,  vii.  253. 


ON    THE    NINETEENTH    OE    APRIL.  443 

religion  lately  established  in  Canada  is  but  too  well  calculated  to  banish 
every  idea  of  freedom,  and  to  familiarize  the  mind  to  slavery.  But 
your  letter  is  an  agreeable  instance  how  tenacious  men  are  of  their 
rights  when  they  clearly  understand  them.  We  wish  most  heartily 
that  sentiments  like  yours  may  be  diffused  throughout  your  widely- 
extended  province,  to  the  utter  extinction  of"  every  imposition,  whether 
civil  or  religious.  Your  numbers  are  great,  and  it  is  of  course  impor- 
tant to  us  whether  you  are  engaged  for  or  against  us.  The  decision 
of  the  present  controversy  between  Britain  and  the  colonies  will  give 
happiness  or  misery  to  America  for  years,  perhaps  for  centuries. 
Unanimity  and  firmness  form  the  only  anchor  on  which  we  depend. 
And  we  have  the  strongest  assurances  that  can  be  given,  that  the  whole 
continent  see  with  the  same  eyes,  and  are  actuated  by  one  soul.  To 
*  war  with  brethren  must  be  shocking  to  every  brave,  every  humane 
mind ;  but,  if  brethren  and  fellow-subjects  will  suffer  themselves  to  be 
instruments  in  the  hands  of  tyrants  to  stab  our  Constitution,  every 
tender  idea  must  be  forgot,  and  they  must  be  repelled  with  that  heroic 
spirit  which  open  enemies  have  experienced. 

Our  advocates  are  many,  both  in  Europe  and  America ;  but  the 
importance  of  our  prosperity  makes  it  a  duty  to  solicit  with  earnest- 
ness for  all  the  assistance  and  all  the  strength  which  the  continent  can 

give. 

The  inhabitants  of  Montreal  have  done  worthily.  May  Heaven 
reward  them !  and,  while  life  lasts,  the  memory  of  their  kindness  will 
never  be  effaced  from  the  bosoms  of  the  committee  of  donations. 

Joseph  Warren,  per  order.1 

The  temper  of  the  public  mind  was  never  firmer 
than  it  was  in  the  month  of  March.  The  donations 
for  the  relief  of  the  poor  continued  to  flow  into  Bos- 
ton as  for  a  common  cause:  the  letters  accompanying 
them  were  of  the  most  resolute  character;  and  the 
evidences  multiplied  that  the  colonies  would  be  one 
and  indivisible.  The  tenor  of  the  reports  from  the 
mother-country  was  thoroughly  warlike.  It  was  said, 
in  letters  from  England,  printed  in  the  newspapers, 
"  that  the  ministry  were  determined  to  persevere  in 

i  This  letter  is  printed  in  4th  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Collections,  iv.  237. 


444  LIFE    OE   JOSEPH    WARKEN. 

the  great  system  of  American  taxation;"  and  their 
reliance  was  on  force.  It  was  the  advice  in  these 
letters  to  the  Americans,  w  Prepare  for  the  worst,  and 
persevere  in  the  plan  adopted  by  congress."  —  "  For 
Heaven's  sake,  for  your  own  sake,  and  that  of  pos- 
terity, do  not  relax  your  vigilance."1  There  was  the 
natural  sequence  of  general  and  vigorous  preparation 
for  the  last  resort.  It  was  said  in  the  press,  "  In  con- 
tending for  liberty,  the  Constitution  should  be  held  in 
one  hand,  and  the  sword  in  the  other.  Our  union, 
under  Providence,  is  the  rock  of  our  salvation."2, 
Such  was  the  lofty  spirit  in  the  bosom  of  the  Ameri- 
can Republic  in  the  beginning  of  its  grand  historic 
life. 

On  the  22d  of  March,  the  Provincial  Congress 
renewed  its  session.  It  immediately  ordered  a  re- 
solve to  be  printed,  which  stated  the  necessity  of 
putting  the  colony  in  a  complete  state  of  defence, 
and  urged  "that  any  relaxation  would  be  attended 
with  the  utmost  danger  to  the  liberties  of  this  colony 
and  to  all  America ; "  and,  for  several  days,  this  body 
was  occupied  with  a  consideration  of  "  the  rules  and 
regulations  for  a  constitutional  army."  Still,  there  was 
no  desire  for  war;  but  the  door  was  kept  open  for 
reconciliation.  On  the  1st  of  April,  congress  voted, 
that,  if "  writs  should  be  issued,  in  form  as  the  law 
directs,  for  calling  a  general  assembly,"  to  be  held  in 
May,  the  towns  ought  to  obey  the  precepts,  instruct- 
ing the  members  elect  to  transact  no  business  with 
the    council    appointed   by   mandamus.      Thus   was 

1  The  citations  are  made  from  letters  printed  in  the  "  Essex  Gazette  "  of 
March  21,  1775. 

2  Editorial  in  Boston  paper,  March  27. 


ON    THE    NINETEENTH    OF    APRIL.  4A5 

evinced  the  resolution,  in  matters  of  civil  government, 
to  adhere  to  the  advice  of  the  Continental  Congress. 
But  provision  was  made  for  the  election  of  a  third 
Provincial  Congress,  in  case  such  writs  were  not 
issued  by  Governor  Gage. 

On  the  2d  of  April,  a  fresh  arrival  brought  the 
decisive  intelligence,  that  parliament  had  pledged  life 
and  fortune  to  the  king  for  the  subjection  of  America, 
that  New  England  was  prohibited  from  the  fisheries, 
and  that  re-enforcements  were  on  the  way  to  General 
.Gage.  On  the  next  day,  Warren  was  placed  on  a 
"committee  to  require  a  full  representation  from  the 
towns,  when  the  following  proclamation  appeared  in 
the  w  Salem  Gazette:  "  — 

In  Provincial  Congress,  Concord,  April  3,  1775. 
Whereas  several  members  of  this  congress  are  now  absent  by  leave 
of  the  congress,  and  as  the  important  intelligence  received  by  the  last 
vessels  from  Great  Britain  renders  it  necessary  that  every  member 

attend  his  duty, — 

Resolved,  That  the  absent  members  be  directed  forthwith  to  attend 
in  this  place,  that  so  the  wisdom  of  the  province  may  be  collected. 
By  order  of  the  Provincial  Congress, 

John  Hancock,  Presidents 

The  soldiers  now  became  more  irritating  than  ever, 
and  even  the  officers  behaved  more  like  a  parcel  of 
children  than  like  men.  One  of  the  most  conspicuous 
of  the  officers  who  disturbed  the  meeting  at  the  Old 
South  was  a  captain  of  the  Royal  Irish,  who  fared 
rather  hard;  for  among  those  who  beset  him  was 
a  woman,  "who  threatened  to  wring  his  nose."2  Two 
days  after  occurred  the  well-known  case  of  tarring 

i  This  proclamation  is  not  printed  in  the  journals  of  the  Provincial  Congress. 
2  Andrews's  Letter,  March  18. 


446  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

and  feathering  a  citizen  of  Billerica,  by  Colonel  Nes- 
bitt   and   party.      On   the   16th,   the   day  "Warren's 
oration  was  published,  the  officers  made  themselves 
merry  in  delivering  a  mock-oration,  of  which  a  letter 
gives   the   following   account:    "A  vast  number  of 
officers   assembled   in   King  Street,  when  they  pro- 
ceeded to  the  choice  of  seven  out  of  their  number  to 
represent  the  selectmen,  the  latter  of  whom,  with  the 
moderator,  went  into  the  coffee-house  balcony,  where 
was  provided  a  fellow  apparelled  in  a  black  gown, 
with  a  rusty-gray  wig  and  fox-tail   hanging   to   it, 
together  with  bands  on,  who   delivered   an   oration 
from   the   balcony   to   a   crowd  of  few  else  besides 
gaping  officers.     It  contained  the  most  mischievous 
abuse  upon  the  characters  of  principal  patriots  here, 
wholly  made  up  of  the  most  vile,  profane,  blackguard 
language  as  ever  was  expressed."1     This  scurrilous 
speech  was  printed.      There  were  acts  of  far  more 
importance  occurring  every  day,  in  the  personal  col- 
lisions occasioned  by  the  seizures  of  all  kinds  of  mili- 
tary articles  that  the  patriots  endeavored  to   carry 
out  of  the  town.      Occasionally  large   detachments 
of  the   army  were  marched  into  the  country.      On 
the  30th  of  March,  the  ever-vigilant  committee  of 
correspondence  summoned  "  the  little  Senate  "  —  the 
committees  of  the  neighboring  towns  —  to  meet  in 
their  chamber,  in  Faneuil  Hall,  at  ten  o'clock,  a.m.,  on 
the  next  day,  "to  determine  on  measures  of  safety;" 
saying  in  the  summons,  w  The  wisdom  of  the  joint 
committees  has  been  very  conspicuous.     The  fullest 

1  Andrews's  Letter,  March  18.  This  collection  of  interesting  letters  I  con- 
sulted in  the  library  of  Mr.  Bancroft.  They  are  now  in  the  archives  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 


ON   THE   NINETEENTH    OP    APRIL. 


447 


exertion   of  the   same  wisdom  is   necessary  at  this 

excited  time." 

While  engaged  in  this  varied  service,  "Warren 
wrote  the  following  letter,  which  contains  one  of 
those  salient  sentences,  which  has  been  much  quoted, 
to  show  the  spirit  of  the  time.  Bancroft  places  the 
words  italicised  in  his  text.  The  march  of  Earl 
Percy,  referred  to  in  the  letter,  occasioned  the  meet- 
ing of  the  committee  of  correspondence:  — 

i  Boston,  April  3,  1775. 

Dear  Sir,  — Your  favor  of  the  21st  of  December  came  oppor- 
tunely to  hand,  as  it  enabled  me  to  give  the  Provincial  Congress,  now 
sitting  at  Concord,  a  just  view  of  the  measures  pursued  by  the  tools 
of  the  Administration,  and  effectually  to  guard  them  against  that  state 
of  security  into  which  many  have  endeavored  to  lull  them.     If  we  ever 
obtain  a  redress  of  grievances  from  Great  Britain,  it  must  be  by  the 
influence  of  those  illustrious  personages  whose  virtue  now  keeps  them 
out  of  power.     The  king  never  will  bring  them  into  power  until  the 
io-norance  and  frenzy  of  the  present  Administration  make  the  throne 
on  which  he  sits  shake  under  him.     If  America  is  an  humble  instru- 
ment of  the  salvation  of  Britain,  it  will  give  us  the  sincerest  joy ;  but, 
if  Britain  must  lose  her  liberty,  she  must  lose  it  alone.     America  must 
and  will  be  free.      The  contest  may  be  severe  ;  the  end  will  be  glorious. 
We  would  not  boast,  but  we  think,  united  and  prepared  as  we  are,  we 
have  no  reason  to  doubt  of  success,  if  we  should  be  compelled  to  the  last 
appeal;    but  we  mean  not  to  make  that  appeal  until  we  can  be  justified 
in  doing  it  in  the  sight  of  God  and  man.     Happy  shall  we  be  if  the 
mother-country  will   allow  us  the  free   enjoyment   of  our  rights,  and 
indulge  us  in  the  pleasing  employment  of  aggrandizing  her. 

The  members  for  the  Continental  Congress  are  almost  all  chosen 
by  the  several  colonies.  Indeed,  if  any  colony  should  neglect  to  choose 
members,  it  would  be  ruinous  to  it,  as  all  intercourse  would  immediately 
cease  between  that  colony  and  the  whole  continent. 

The  first  brigade  of  the  army  marched  about  four  miles  out  of  town, 
three  days  ago,  under  the  command  of  a  brigadier-general  (Earl 
Percy)  ;  but,  as  they  marched  without  baggage  or  artillery,  they  did 
not  occasion  so  great  an  alarm  as  they  otherwise  would.     Nevertheless, 


448  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAPJREX. 

great  numbers,  completely  armed,  collected  in  the  neighboring  towns ; 
and  it  is  the  opinion  of  many,  that,  had  they  marched  eight  or  ten 
miles,  and  attempted  to  destroy  any  magazines  or  abuse  the  people,  not 
a  man  of  them  would  have  returned  to  Boston.  The  congress  imme- 
diately took  proper  measures  for  restraining  any  unnecessary  effusion 
of  blood ;  and  also  passed  proper  resolves  respecting  the  army,  if  they 
should  attempt  to  come  out  of  town  with  baggage  and  artillery. 

I  beg  leave  to  recommend  to  your  notice  Mr.  Dana,  the  bearer 
hereof  (a  gentleman  of  the  law),  a  man  of  sense  and  probity,  a  true 
friend  to  his  country,  of  a  respectable  family  and  fortune. 

May  Heaven  bless  you,  and  reward  your  labors  with  success !     I 

am,  sir,  with  great  respect,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

Jos.  Warren.1 
To  Arthur  Lee,  Esq.,  London. 

At  this  time,  Francis  Dana,  a  lawyer  and  a  patriot, 
sailed  for  London,  and  carried  letters  addressed  to 
Franklin,  describing  the  colony,  since  the  resig- 
nation of  the  mandamus  counsellors,  to  have  been 
w  as  quiet  and  peaceable  as  any  colony  on  the  con- 
tinent," but  in  a  state  of  most  anxious  suspense, 
preparing  for  the  worst.  w  Much  art  and  pains,"  Dr. 
Cooper  wrote,  K  have  been  employed  to  dismay  us,  or 
provoke  us  to  some  rash  action;  but  hitherto  the 
people  have  behaved  with  astonishing  calmness  and 
resolution.  The  union  and  firmness  of  this  and  the 
other  colonies  have  rather  grown  than  diminished; 
and  they  seemed  prepared  for  all  events."  Warren 
sent  by  Mr.  Dana  a  copy  of  his  oration  to  Franklin, 
with  the  following  letter :  — 

Joseph  Warren  to  Benjamin  Franklin. 

Boston,  April  3,  1775. 
Sir,  —  Although  I  have  not  the  pleasure  either  of  a  personal  or 
epistolary  acquaintance  with  you,  I  have  taken  the  liberty  of  sending 

1  This  letter  is  printed  in  "  Life  of  Arthur  Lee,"  vol.  ii.  265. 


ON   THE   NINETEENTH   OE   APRIL.  449 

you  by  Mr.  Dana  a  pamphlet,  which  I  wish  was  more  deserving  of 
your  notice.  The  abililty  and  firmness  with  which  you  have  defended 
the  rights  of  mankind,  and  the  liberties  of  this  country  in  particular, 
have  rendered  you  dear  to  all  America.  May  you  soon  see  your 
enemies  deprived  of  the  power  of  injuring  you,  and  your  friends  in  a 
situation  to  discover  the  grateful  sense  they  have  of  your  exertions  in 
the  cause  of  freedom. 

I  am,  sir,  with  the  greatest  esteem  and  respect,  your  most  obedient, 
humble  servant,  Joseph  Warren.1 

Dr.  Franklin. 

The  Provincial  Congress  remained  twelve  days  in 
session  after  the  peremptory  summons  of  the  absent 
members;  and  "Warren,  a  part  of  the  time  at  least, 
attended  the  meetings.  On  the  7th,  he  was  placed 
on  the  committee  on  the  state  of  the  province.  On 
the  recommendation  of  this  committee,  a  resolve  was 
passed,  providing  for  delegations  to  repair  forthwith 
to  Connecticut,  Ehode  Island,  and  New  Hampshire, 
asking  their  co-operation  and  quotas  in  raising  an 
army  for  the  effectual  security  of  ]STew  England  and 
the  continent.  The  same  committee  prepared  for 
their  delegates,  instructions  which  dwelt  on  the  im- 
portance "  of  cementing  and  continuing  that  union 
which  had  so  happily  taken  place  on  this  continent." 
Congress  sent  a  circular  to  the  committees  of  the 
towns  round  Boston,  earnestly  recommending  that 
the  militia  and  minute-men  be  put  in  the  best  posture 
for  defence;  but  said  that  plans  laid  for  the  general 
good  obliged  them  to  request,  that,  whatever  patience 
and  forbearance  it  might  require  for  the  present,  the 
committees  should  act  on  the  defensive  only  until 

1  The  original  of  this  letter,  and  the  other  letters  alluded  to  in  the  text,  are 
in  the  archives  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  and  printed  in  their 
proceedings,  1863-64. 

57 
i 


450  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

the  further  direction  of  the  congress."  They  could 
not  advise  any  measures  "that  the  enemies  of  the 
cause  might  plausibly  interpret  as  a  commencement 
of  hostilities."  Having  fixed  on  the  11th  of  May  for 
a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer,  and  provided  for  re- 
assembling on  any  pressing  exigency,  congress,  on 
the  15th  of  April,  adjourned. 

It  was  said  in  the  British  papers,  that,  by  the  10th 
of  April,  an  army  of  thirteen  thousand  would  rendez- 
vous in  Boston,  and  that  three  major-generals  were 
to  be  sent  over  to  command  it.  This  report  was 
copied  into  the  Boston  journals.1  According  to  a 
statement  drawn  up  by  Colonel  William  Heath,  and 
dated  the  20th  of  March,  there  were  at  this  time 
about  2,850  troops  at  Boston,  who  were  distributed 
in  the  following  localities :  80  in  King  Street,  340  on 
the  Neck,  400  at  Fort  Hill,  1700  on  the  Common, 
and  330  at  Castle  William.  The  fortifications  on  the 
Neck  are  said  to  have  been  skilfully  designed  and 
thoroughly  executed.2  Re-enforcements  from  Eng- 
land and  other  places  were  expected  soon.  There 
was  the  feeling  among  the  officers,  that  the  mere 
presence  of  the  king's  troops  in  the  field  would  pro- 
duce submission  to  the  Regulating  Act,  and  that 
there  would  be  no  fighting.3 

In  connection  with  this  feeling  was  the  allegation 
of  cowardice.  Warren  met  this  charge  in  the  follow- 
ing clear  and  temperately  worded  note,  printed  in  his 

1  Essex  Gazette,  April  11,  1775. 

2  Proceedings  of  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  1858-60,  292,  where  the 
report  entire  may  be  seen. 

8  Life  of  Lord  Harris,  46,  who  was  an  officer.  In  the  Boston  papers  of  April 
17,  it  is  said  that  the  Twenty-second,  Thirty-fifth,  Fortieth,  Forty-fourth,  Forty- 
ninth,  and  Sixty-third  Regiments  of  Foot  and  the  Seventeenth  of  Dragoons 
were  expected. 


ON   THE   NINETEENTH   OF   APKIL.  451 

oration.  It  is  written  in  the  repose  of  a  heroic  spirit, 
who  was  deeply  moved  at  the  insults  that  were  heaped 
on  his  countrymen:  — 

"  The  patience  with  which  this  people  have  borne  the  injuries  which 
have  been  heaped  upon  them,  and  their  unwillingness  to  take  any  san- 
guinary measures,  has,  very  injudiciously,  been  ascribed  to  cowardice, 
by  persons  both  here  and  in  Great  Britain.  I  most  heartily  wish  that 
an  opinion  so  erroneous  in  itself  and  so  fatal  in  its  consequences  might 
be  utterly  removed  before  it  is  too  late ;  and  I  think  nothing  further 
necessary  to  convince  every  intelligent  man,  that  the  conduct  of  this 
people  is  owing  to  the  tender  regard  which  they  have  for  their  fellow- 
men,  and  an  utter  abhorrence  to  the  shedding  of  human  blood,  than  a 
little  attention  to  their  general  temper  and  disposition,  discovered  when 
they  cannot  be  supposed  to  be  under  any  apprehension  of  danger  to 
themselves.  I  will  only  mention  the  universal  detestation  which  they 
show  to  every  act  of  cruelty,  by  whom  and  upon  whomsoever  com- 
mitted, the  mild  spirit  of  their  laws,  the  very  few  crimes  to  which 
capital  penalties  are  annexed,  and  the  very  great  backwardness  which 
both  courts  and  juries  discover  in  condemning  persons  charged  with 
capital  crimes.  But,  if  any  should  think  this  observation  not  to  the 
purpose,  I  readily  appeal  to  those  gentlemen  in  the  army  who  have 
been  in  the  camp  or  in  the  field  with  the  Americans." 

It  was  now  expected  that  General  Gage  would 
order  arrests  of  the  popular  leaders;  it  was  said  that 
parliament  would  pass  Bills  of  attainder  against  the 
Bostonians ;  and  the  aspect  of  affairs  became  so 
serious,  that  a  number  of  families  moved  into  the 
country,  and  carried  with  them  their  valuable  effects.1 
Samuel  Adams  and  John  Hancock  were  persuaded  to 
retire  to  the  residence  of  Rev.  Jonas  Clark,  a  patriotic 
clergyman,  in  Lexington.  It  is  one  of  the  doubtful 
stories  of  the  time,  that  the  officers  formed  a  scheme 
to  seize  Adams,  Hancock,  and  Warren,  which  an  acci- 

1  Newspapers,  April  10. 


4:52  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

dent  frustrated.1  "Warren's  friends  felt  apprehensions 
for  his  safety.  As  one  of  his  students,  Dr.  Eustis, 
returned  home  one  evening,  he  passed  a  party  of 
officers  who  appeared  to  be  on  the  watch;  and  he 
advised  Warren  not  to  visit  his  patients  that  evening. 
But  Warren,  putting  his  pistols  in  his  pocket,  replied, 

K I  have  a  visit  to  make  to  Mrs. ,  in  Cornhill,  this 

evening,  and  I  will  go  at  once:  come  with  me."2 
It  was  about  this  time,  when  he  was  moved  by  the 
taunts  which  the  officers  were  uttering,  that  he  said 
to  Eustis,  "These  fellows  say  we  won't  fight:  by 
Heavens,  I  hope  I  shall  die  up  to  my  knees  in  blood!"3 
One  day  he  was  passing  the  place  at  the  JN~eck  where 
the  gallows  stood,  and  met  three  officers,  one  of 
whom  insultingly  said,  "Go  on,  Warren:  you  will 
soon  come  to  the  gallows."  Warren  turned,  walked 
up  to  the  officers,  and  calmly  asked  who  it  was  that 
uttered  these  words,  but  received  no  reply.4 

Warren  did  not  attend  the  meetings  of  the  com- 
mittee of  safety  in  April.     They  held  their  sessions 

1  Moore's  Diary  of  the  Revolution,  i.  157.  When  George  Chalmers  was 
preparing  his  history  of  the  revolt  of  the  American  colonies,  he  addressed  to 
General  Gage  a  series  of  questions,  some  of  which  refer  to  this  period.  One  of 
these  related  to  an  alleged  design  of  "  the  malcontents  "  to  surprise  Boston,  with 
a  view  to  "  massacre  the  troops."    In  one  of  the  replies  of  Chalmers,  he  says  :  — 

"  On  the  arrival  of  two  vessels  at  Marblehead,  on  the  8th  of  April,  1775,  an 
unusual  hurry  and  commotion  was  perceived  among  the  disaffected.  It  being  on 
a  Sunday  morning,  Dr.  Cooper,  a  notorious  rebel,  was  officiating  in  his  meeting- 
house, and,  on  notice  given  him,  pretended  sudden  sickness,  went  home,  and  sent 
to  another  clergyman  to  do  his  duty  in  the  evening.  He,  with  every  other  chief 
of  the  faction,  left  Boston  before  night,  and  never  returned  to  it.  The  cause,  at 
the  time  unknown,  was  discovered  on  the  14th  of  said  month,  when  a  vessel 
arrived  with  Government  despatches,  which  contained  directions  to  seize  the 
persons  of  certain  notorious  rebels.  It  was  too  late.  They  had  received  timely 
notice  of  their  danger,  and  were  fled."  —  4th  Series  of  Mass.  Hist.Soc.  Collections, 
vol.  iv. 

2  Tudor's  Life  of  Otis,  466.  3  lb.    See  p.  168. 
4  Loring's  Hundred  Boston  Orators,  48. 


ON   THE   NINETEENTH   OF   APKIL.  453 

at  Concord.     The  absence  doubtless  was  for  weighty 
reasons.     He  had  resolved  to  abandon  his  profession, 
and  enter  the  army;   and,  as  the  crisis  approached,  he 
devoted   some   time  each  day  to  a  regular  practice 
of  the  manual  exercise.1     His  letters  show  that  he 
watched  narrowly  the  motions  of  the  army.     As  he 
knew  their  numbers,  knew  also  the  preparations  for 
self-defence  that  had  been  matured  by  the  patriots, 
he  was  confident,  that,  in  case  offensive  operations 
were  attempted,  the  militia  would  appear  in  the  field 
in  sufficient  numbers  to  defeat  them.     The  organiza- 
tion of  a  watch,  and  of  couriers  to  alarm  the  country, 
by  the  committee  of  safety,  have  been  already  stated. 
General  Gage  sent  two  officers,  disguised  as  farm- 
ers, into  the  interior  to  ascertain  the  places  where 
the   provincials   had  gathered   stores,    sites   for   en- 
campments, and   the   state   of  the  country.      They, 
though  narrowly  watched  by  the  patriots,  succeeded 
in  their  object;   and,  besides  an  interesting  narrative 
showing  the  spirit  of  the  people,  they  presented  to 
General  Gage  a  rudely  sketched  map  of  the  roads  as 
far  as  Concord  and  Worcester.    It  was  now  (April  4) 
said  in  the  journals,  that  a  considerable  number. of 
army  wagons  were  ready  for  use,  that  blacksmiths 
were  employed  in  making  crow's-feet,  and  the  army 
seemed  to  be  preparing  for  a  march.     A  week  later, 
it  was  suggested  that  "Worcester  would  be  the  point 
to  which  the  army  would  march,  with  the  view  to  pro- 
tect the  courts  under  the  Regulating  Act.2     A  ^ew- 
York  letter,  in  remarking  on  the  probability  that  the 
troops  would  take  the  field,  said  to  the  Massachusetts 
patriots,  "  For  Heaven's  sake,  be  watchful  and  firm,  as 

1  Tudor's  Otis,  466.  2  Salem  Gazette,  April  10. 


454  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

all,  under  God,  depends  on  your  conduct  at  this 
time." *  The  policy  of  disarming  the  people  had  been 
acted  on,  though  it  had  not  been  followed  up  very 
energetically.  The  indications  now  were,  that  this 
policy  would  be  carried  out  in  earnest. 

On  Friday,  the  14th  of  April,  the  "Somerset" 
frigate  was  moored  in  Charles  River,  between  Boston 
and  Charlestown;*2  and,  on  the  next  day,  the  Grena- 
diers and  Light  Infantry  were  taken  off  of  duty,  on 
the  pretext  of  learning  a  new  exercise,  and  the  trans- 
ports were  hauled  near  the  sterns  of  the  men-of-war. 
These  movements  appeared  so  suspicious,  that,  on 
the  following  day,  Sunday,  Warren  sent  Paul  Revere 
to  Lexington 3  with  intelligence  of  these  changes,  for 
the  guidance  of  Hancock  and  Adams.  On  the  next 
day,  preparations  were  made  for  a  removal  of  a  por- 
tion of  the  stores  at  Concord. 

Little  to  attract  the  special  attention  of  the  vigi- 
lant patriots  occurred  on  Monday,  though  "they 
were  expecting  something  serious  to  be  transacted." 4 
It  happened,  that,  on  the  day  (15th)  on  which  the 
movements  in  Boston  attracted  attention,  Lord  Dart- 
mouth wrote  to  General  Gage,  that  all  the  cannon, 
small  arms,  and  military  stores  that  might  be  either  in 
any  magazine,  or  secreted  by  the  patriots,  ought  to 
be  seized;  and  all  who,  in  the  opinion  of  His  Ma- 
jesty's attorney  and  solicitor-general,  had  committed 
acts  of  treason,  ought  to  be  arrested. 

On  Tuesday  evening,  the  18th,  it  was  observed 
that  troops  were  marching  towards  the  bottom  of  the 
Common;   and  a  vigilant  patriot  informed  Warren  of 

1  Salem  Gazette,  April  10.  2  Newspaper. 

3  Revere's  Narrative.  4  lb. 


<W   THE   NINETEENTH   OF   APRIL.  4z55 

the  fact,1  who  immediately  sent  "William  Dawes,  by 
way  of  Roxbury,  to  Lexington,  to  inform  Hancock 
and  Adams.  About  ten  o'clock,  "Warren  sent  an 
earnest  message  for  Paul  Revere,  who  went  to  the 
patriot's  house.  Revere  says,  "  Warren  begged  that 
I  would  immediately  set  off  for  Lexington,  to  Messrs. 
Hancock  and  Adams,  and  acquaint  them  of  the 
movement,  and  that  it  was  thought  they  were  the 
objects."  At  half-past  ten  o'clock  that  night,  Lieu- 
tenant-colonel Smith,  with  about  eight  hundred  Gren- 
adiers and  Light  Infantry,  embarked  in  long  boats,  at 
the  foot  of  the  Common,  and  moved  over  Charles 
River,  in  the  direction  of  Phipps's  Farm,  or  Lechmere's 
Point,  on  a  secret  expedition  to  destroy  the  stores 
collected  at  Concord,  and,  it  was  reported,  to  seize 
Hancock  and  Adams.  "General  Gage,  this  even- 
ing," Stedman  says,  "told  Lord  Percy  that  he  in- 
tended to  send  a  detachment  to  seize  the  stores  at 
Concord,  and  to  give  the  command  to  Colonel  Smith, 
who  knew  he  was  to  go,  but  not  where.  He  meant 
it  to  be  a  secret  expedition,  and  begged  of  Lord 
Percy  to  keep  it  a  profound  secret.  As  this  noble- 
man was  passing  from  the  general's  quarters  home  to 
his  own,  perceiving  eight  or  ten  men  conversing 
together  on  the  Common,  he  made  up  to  them,  when 
one  of  the  men  said,  "  The  British  troops  have 
marched,  but  will  miss  their  aim." —  "What  aim?"  said 
Lord  Percy.  "  Why,"  the  man  replied,  "  the  cannon 
at  Concord."  Lord  Percy  immediately  returned  on 
his  steps,  and  acquainted  General  Gage,  not  without 
marks  of  surprise  and  disapprobation,  with  what  he 
had  just  heard.     The  general  said  that  his  confidence 

1  Manuscript. 


456  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

had  been  betrayed;  for  that  he  had  communicated  his 
design  to  one  person  only  besides  his  lordship."1 
Gordon  says,  w  When  the  corps  was  nearly  ready  to 
proceed  upon  the  expedition,  Dr.  "Warren,  by  a  mere 
accident,  had  notice  of  it  just  in  time  to  send  mes- 
sengers over  the  Neck  and  across  the  Ferry,  on  to 
Lexington,  before  the  orders  for  preventing  every 
person's  quitting  the  town  were  executed."2  The 
lights  of  the  watch-fires,  the  sounds  of  the  bells,  and 
the  signal-guns,  proclaimed  the  faithfulness  with  which 
Warren's  messengers  did  their  work. 

I  need  not  follow  Colonel  Smith's  progress  into  the 
country,  on  this  memorable  night,  until,  at  half-past 
four,  on  the  morning  of  the  nineteenth  of  April,  his 
advance  fired  on  the  company  of  provincials  who 
paraded  at  Lexington  under  Captain  Parker,  and 
then  passed  on  to  Concord,  which  the  detachment 
reached  about  seven;  nor  need  I  relate  the  remark- 
able rapidity  with  which  the  agencies  which  the  com- 
mittee of  safety  had  organized,  did  the  work  of 
alarming  the  militia,  or  the  prompt  response  to  the 
summons  which  occasioned  the  roads  leading  to  Con- 
cord and  Lexington  to  swarm  with  the  minute-men. 
It  is  only  necessary  to  relate  Warren's  connection 
with  the  events  of  this  extraordinary  day. 

A  special  messenger,  early  in  the  morning,  brought 
to  Warren  the  intelligence  of  the  events  that  occurred 
in  the  morning  at  Lexington.  "His  soul  beat  to 
arms,"  Dr.  Eliot  says,  "as  soon  as  he  learned  the 
intention  of  the  British  troops ; " 3  and  he  now  called 
in  Mr.  Eustis,  his  student,  directed  him  to  take  care 

1  Stedman's  History  of  the  War,  i.  119. 

2  Gordon,  i.  477.  8  Eliot's  Biographical  Dictionary. 


ON   THE   NINETEENTH   OF   APRIL.  457 

of  his  patients,  mounted  his  horse,  and  departed  for 
the  scene  of  action.1  He  rode  to  the  Charlestown 
Ferry.  The  last  person  to  whom  he  spoke  as  he  en- 
tered the  boat  was  the  grandfather  of  the  late  John 
K.  Adan,  of  Boston;  and  Warren  said,  as  they  parted, 
"Keep  up  a  brave  heart!  They  have  begun  it,— 
that  either  party  can  do;  and  we'll  end  it,  —  that  only 
one  can  do." 2  On  the  way  through  Charlestown,  he 
met  Dr.  Welch,  a  resident,  who  says,  «  Eight  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  saw  Dr.  Joseph  Warren"  just  come 
out  of  Boston,  horseback.  I  said,  ?  Well,  they  are 
gone  out.'  — ?  Yes,'  he  said,  f  and  we  will  be  up  with 
them  before  night.' "  Jacob  Kogers,  another  resident 
of  Charlestown,  says,  "  We  were  alarmed  with  vari- 
,  ous  reports  concerning  the  king's  troops,  which  put 
everybody  in  confusion.  About  ten  in  the  morning, 
I  met  Dr.  Warren,  riding  hastily  out  of  town,  and 
asked  him  if  the  news  was  true  of  the  men  being 
killed  at  Lexington.  He  assured  me  it  was.  He 
rode  on."  Between  nine  and  ten  o'clock,  Lord 
Percy  began  his  march,  by  the  way  of  Koxbury,  to 
re-enforce  Colonel  Smith:  his  column  passed  through 
Cambridge;  and,  according  to  Dr.  Welch,  who  ap- 
pears to  have  accompanied  Warren  a  short  time,  they 
were  near  this  force.  "Two  soldiers,"  Dr.  Welch 
says,  "  going  to  Lexington,  tried  to  steal  Watson's 
horse,  at  Watson's  Corner;  the  old  man,  with  his  cat 
and  hat,  pulling  one  way,  and  the  soldiers  the  other. 
Dr.  Warren  rode  up,  and  helped  drive  them  off.  Tried^ 
to  pass  Percy's  column;  stopped  by  bayonets.  Two 
British  officers  rode  up  to  Dr.  Warren,  in  the  rear 
of  the  British,  inquiring  * Where  are   the   troops?' 

i  Thacher's  Medical  Biography,  ii.  238.        2  Manuscript  letter  of  Mr.  Adan. 

58 


4:58  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

The  doctor  did  not  know.  They  were  greatly 
alarmed.  Went  home."  And  Dr.  "Welch,  who  re- 
turned to  Charlestown,  relates  nothing  further  that 
transpired  that  day  until  the  afternoon.1 

A  meeting  of  the  committee  of  safety  was  notified 
to  be  held  "  at  Mr.  Wetherby's,  at  the  Black  Horse, 
in  Menotomy,"  or  West  Cambridge;  and  Watson's 
Corner  was  on  the  route  to  this  place.  There  is  no 
record  of  the  proceedings  of  the  committee  on  this 
day;  but  tlfe  fact  is  stated  that  the  committee  met. 
General  Heath,  a  member,  was  present  at  this  meet- 
ing, and,  on  leaving  it  in  the  morning,  went  w  by  a 
cross-road  "  over  to  Watertown,  the  British  being  in 
possession  of  the  Lexington  road.2  Warren  undoubt- 
edly was  present  at  this  meeting  of  the  committee. 
I  am  unable  to  locate  him  for  several  hours,  or  until 
in  the  afternoon,  about  the  time  Lord  Percy's  column 
rescued  Colonel  Smith's  party  from  entire  destruction, 
which  was  at  two  o'clock. 

The  Provincial  Congress  had  clothed  the  mem- 
bers of  the  committee  of  safety  with  the  power,  in 
case  of  offensive  operations,  to  summon  the  militia 
into  the  field;  and  they,  therefore,  were  the  centre  of 
authority.  Warren,  in  the  relations  of  the  day,  is 
spoken  of  as  "  the  chairman  of  the  committee  in  Bos- 
ton." Hancock  was  the  chairman  of  the  whole  com- 
mittee, and  Samuel  Adams  met  twice  with  them. 
Now,  the  Provincial  Congress,  anxious  to  conform  to 
the  recommendations  of  the  Continental  Congress, 
had  cautioned  the  committees  of  the  towns  to  exer- 
cise the  utmost  forbearance  in  the  great  matter  of 
commencing  hostilities ;   and  this  had  been  impressed 

1  Manuscript  statement  of  Dr.  Welch.  2  Heath's  Memoirs,  13. 


ON   THE   NINETEENTH   OF   APRIL. 


459 


on  the  towns  by  the  committee  of  safety.  This  fact 
has  a  bearing  on  what  took  place  at  half-past  four,  on 
the  morning  of  this  day,  at  Lexington;  and,  again, 
at  between  nine  and  ten,  at  Concord  Bridge.  It 
was  considered  of  great  consequence  to  be  able  to 
establish  the  fact  that  the  British  fired  first;  thus 
to  make  it  clear  to  the  tribunal  of  the  world  that 
they  were  the  immediate  aggressors,  and  to  save  the 
colony  of  Massachusetts  from  the  judgment  of  hav- 
ing acted  inconsiderately.  Nothing  could  have  been 
easier  than  for  the  militia,  who  had  assembled  in 
large  numbers  in  Concord,  after  the  firing  at  Concord 
Bridge,  to  have  destroyed  a  British  party  of  about  a 
hundred  men,  who  were  at  a  great  distance  from  the 
main  body;  but  they  were  allowed  to  return  over 
the  bridge  where  the  firing  took  place. 

From  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  couriers  were 
flying  in  every  direction  from  Lexington;  and  it  is 
not  improbable  that  the  military  officers,  before  twelve 
o'clock,  had  the  advice  of  the  committee  of  safety. 
Adams  and  Hancock  were  on  the  ground,  and  could 
have  given  immediate  directions.  They  were  per- 
suaded to  retire  to  what  was  then  known  as  the 
second  precinct  of  "Woburn,  now  Burlington,  about 
two  miles  from  Kev.  Jonas  Clarke's  house.  I  am  not 
able  to  say  whether  Adams  and  "Warren  met  on  this 
memorable  day;  but  they  surely  were  not  far  apart. 
w  It  is  a  fine  day,"  Adams  remarked,  as  he  was  walk- 
ing in  the  field  after  the  day  had  dawned.  'Very 
pleasant,",  answered  one  of  his  companions,  supposing 
him  to  be  contemplating  the  beauties  of  the  sky. 
*  I  mean,"  he  replied,  "  this  day  is  a  glorious  day  for 
America."     So  fearless  was  he  of  consequences,"  Dr. 


460  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREX. 

Eliot  says,  "so  intrepid  in  the  midst  of  danger,  so 
eager  to  look  forward  to  the  lustre  of  events  that 
would  succeed  the  gloom  which  then  involved  the 
minds  of  the  people." 1 

"Warren,  about  the  time  Lord  Percy  met  Colonel 
Smith,  rejoined  General  Heath,  as  the  latter  was 
taking  a  cross-road  leading  from  Watertown  to  Lex- 
ington, on  his  way  to  assume  the  command  of  the 
militia;  and  the  two  kept  together  during  the  after- 
noon. There  had  been  no  hesitation,  on  the  part  of 
the  minute-men,  after  the  British  troops,'  about  twelve 
o'clock,  set  out  on  their  return  from  Concord.  Before 
they  had  left  the  town,  the  battle  of  the  day  began 
in  earnest,  —  "  an  incessant  though  irregular  fire,"  a 
British  officer  writes  of  the  British  troops,  "  which 
was  kept  up  during  the  whole  of  their  march  back  to 
Lexington,  in  which  they  were  driven  before  the 
Americans  like  sheep.  At  that  place,  they  were  met 
by  the  detachment  under  Lord  Percy,  with  two  pieces 
of  cannon.  The  two  detachments  rested  on  their 
arms,  and  received  some  refreshment.  Lord  Percy 
now  formed  his  detachment  into  a  square,  in  which 
he  enclosed  Colonel  Smith's  party,  who  were  so  much 
exhausted  with  fatigue,  that  they  were  obliged  to  lie 
down  for  rest  on  the  ground,  their  tongues  hanging 
out  of  their  mouths,  like  those  of  dogs  after  a 
chase." 2 

Lord  Percy  had  now  about  eighteen  hundred  troops 
under  him.  On  renewing  his  retreat,  he  was  closely 
pursued.  As  he  went  through  West  Cambridge,  the 
firing  was  very  sharp.  "  In  this  battle,"  Heath  says, 
w  I  was  several  times  greatly  exposed,  in  particular  at 

1  Eliot's  Biographical  Dictionary,  10.  2  Stedman's  History,  i.  118. 


ON   THE    NINETEENTH   OE    APRIL.  461 

the  high  grounds,  at  the  upper  end  of  Menotomy 
(West  Cambridge),  and  also  on  the  plain  below  the 
meeting-house;  on  the  latter,  Dr.  Joseph  Warren,— 
afterwards  Major-general  Warren,  — who  kept  con- 
stantly near  me,  and  then  but  a  few  feet  distant,  a 
musket-ball  from  the  enemy  came  so  near  his  head  as 
to  strike  the  pin  out  of  the  hair  of  his  earlock.  On 
this  plain,  Dr.  Eliphalet  Downer,  in  single  combat 
with  a  British  soldier,  killed  him  on  the  spot,  by 
thrusting  him  nearly  through  the  body  with  his  bay- 
onet." 1 

Authorities  agree  in  stating,  that  the  firing  was 
severe  on  that  portion  of  West  Cambridge  known  as 
« the  Plain."  The  reference  to  Warren's  service  here, 
in  Boyle's  "  Eulogy,"  printed  in  1781,  shows  the  im- 
pression which  his  bearing  made  on  his  country- 
men: — 

"  Again  the  conflict  glows  with  rage  severe, 
And  fearless  ranks  in  combat  mixt  appear. 
Victory  uncertain !  fierce  contention  reigns, 
And  purple  rivers  drench  the  slippery  plains. 
Column  to  column,  host  to  host  oppose, 
And  rush  impetuous  on  their  adverse  foes, 
When,  lo !  the  hero  Warren  from  afar 
Sought  for  the  battle,  and  the  field  of  war. 
From  rank  to  rank  the  daring  warrior  flies, 
And  bids  the  thunder  of  the  battle  rise. 
Sudden  arrangements  of  his  troops  are  made, 
And  sudden  movements  round  the  Plain  displayed. 
Columbia's  genius  in  her  polished  shield 
Gleams  bright,  and  dreadful  o'er  the  hostile  field 
Her  ardent  troops,  enraptured  with  the  sight, 
With  shock  resistless  force  the  dubious  fight. 
Britons,  astonished,  tremble  at  the  sight, 
And,  all  confused,  precipitate  their  flight." 

The  minute-men  continued  to  harass  the  retreating 
troops  as  they  left  the  Plain.     After  they  entered  the 

i  Proceedings  of  Mass.  Hist.  Society,  1858-60,  294. 


462  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

portion  of  Charlestown  which  is  now  Somerville, 
and  were  moving  from  Prospect  Hill,  along  the  road 
by  the  bay  that  makes  up  from  Charles  River,  their 
position  was  again  critical;  for  a  force  of  several 
hundred  militia  from  Essex  County  were  on  or  near 
"Winter  Hill,  and  threatened  to  cut  them  off.  w  The 
militia,"  Heath  says,  K  continued  to  hang  on  the  rear 
of  the  British,  until  they  reached  Bunker  Hill,  in 
Charlestown,  and  it  had  become  so  dusk  as  to  render 
the  flashes  of  the  muskets  very  visible."  Bunker 
Hill  is  the  nearest  hill  to  the  main  land  within  the 
peninsula  of  Charlestown;  and  here  the  British  com- 
mander formed  a  line,  and,  covered  by  his  ships,  pre- 
pared to  make  a  stand.  General  Heath  was  now  on 
a  plot  of  ground  known  as  the  Common,  just  out- 
side of  the  peninsula;  and  he  says  Warren  kept  near 
him.  Here  the  order  was  given  for  the  militia  to 
discontinue  the  pursuit,  and  return  to  Cambridge. 
General  Heath  now  held  the  first  council  of  war  of 
the  Revolution,  at  the  foot  of  Prospect  Hill. 

It  is  said  of  Warren  by  Eliot,  "  that  he  was  per- 
haps the  most  active  man  in  the  field;"1  by  Knapp, 
that  "  the  people  were  delighted  with  his  cool,  col- 
lected bravery,  and  already  considered  him  as  a  leader 
whose  gallantry  they  were  to  admire,  and  in  whose 
talents  they  were  to  confide ; " 2  by  Morton,  that  "  he 
appeared  in  the  field  under  the  united  characters 
of  the  general,  the  soldier,  and  the  physician ;  here  he 
was  seen  animating  his  countrymen  to  battle,  and 
fighting  by  their  side ;  and  there  he  was  found  admin- 
istering healing  comforts  to  the  wounded;"3  and  by 

1  Eliot's  Biographical  Dictionary,  473. 

2  Knapp's  Biographical  Sketches,  1171.  8  Perez  Morton's  Eulogy. 


ON   THE   NINETEENTH   OF   APRIL.  463 

Tudor,  that  he  would  be  regarded  as  "the  personal 
representative  of  those  brave  citizens,  who,  with  arms 
hastily  collected,  sprang  from  their  peaceable  homes 
to  resist  aggression,  and,  on  the  plains  of  Lexington 
and  heights  of  Charlestown,  cemented  with  their 
blood  the  foundation  of  American  libdrty."1 

i  Tudor's  Life  of  Otis,  460.    The  History  of  the  Siege  of  Boston  contains  a 
full  relation  of  the  events  of  this  day. 


464  LITE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN, 


CHAPTEE  XV. 


SIXTY  DAYS   OF   SERVICE. 


The  Committee  of  Safety.  — The  Provincial  Congress.  —  Organ- 
ization of  the  Army.  —  Letters  of  Warren.  —  The  Third 
Provincial  Congress.  —  Warren  elected  President.  —  Elected 
Major-general. 

1775.     Feom  the  19th  of  Apeil  to  the  17th  of  June. 

Warren  had  reason  to  be  proud  of  the  bearing  of 
his  countrymen  on  the  nineteenth  of  April.      They 
made  good  every  confident  word  which  he  had  uttered 
on  their  bravery.     The  allegation  of  cowardice  would 
no  longer  answer,  even  in  England,  as  an  explanation 
of  the  forbearance  that  had  been  so  persistently  exer- 
cised.    All  the  organizations  of  the  popular  party  — 
the  local  committees,  the  Provincial  and  Continental 
Congresses  —  had   urged   the   necessity  of  keeping 
purely  on  the  defensive;   it  had  been  adhered  to  un- 
der the  most  trying  circumstances,  even  up  to  the 
moment  of  the  appearance  of  the  British  troops  on 
Lexington  Green;1  but  after  the  fire  of  their  mus- 
ketry, forbearance  was  no  longer  a  virtue.     The  ques- 
tion, "Who  fired  the  first  gun?  was  considered  to  be 
of  great  importance.     The  simple  statement  which 
flew  through  the  land,  that  a  British  brigade  had 

1  It  is  remarkable,  that,  notwithstanding  the  exciting  and  often  bitter  politi- 
cal controversies  during  the  years  preceding  the  war,  not  a  life  was  lost  in 
Boston,  except  the  lives  occasioned  by  the  firing  on  the  people,  in  1770,  by 
the  British  troops.     Much  credit  is  due  to  the  Board  of  Selectmen  in  preserving 


SIXTY   DAYS   OF    SERVICE. 


465 


fired  on  a  provincial  company,  seemed  a  vindication 
of  the  severe  handling  which  the  minute-men  gave 
to  the  regulars.  It  was  like  the  sounding  of  a  tocsin. 
]STo  patriots  made  the  plea,  that  a  portion  of  the  party 
had  madly  rushed  upon  war:  but  the  judgment  was 
as  spontaneous  as  it  was  righteous,  that  the  firing 
was  the  crowning  act  of  a  series  of  aggressions  on  a 
loyal  and  unoffending  people;  and  that  the  hour  had 
come  in  which  to  redeem  their  pledges  of  union,  by 
moving  to  the  support  of  their  brethren.  The  army 
of  citizen-soldiers  who  hastened  to  the  point  of  dan- 
ger, and  shut  up  the  British  army  in  Boston,  was  a 
magic  demonstration  of  the  life  and  power  of  Amer- 
ican nationality. 

Warren  was  called  upon  for  service  when  the  great 

the  public  peace.  The  period  covered  in  these  pages  extends  from  1767  to 
.  1775  When  arrogance  and  outrage  stirred  passion  to  its  depths,  these  fathers 
of  the  town,  acting  in  concert  with  the  other  popular  leaders,  were  successful  in 
guiding  the  expression  of  indignation  through  the  channels  of  the  law.  The 
successive  Boards  during  this  period  were  as  follows :  — 


1767. 
Joseph  Jackson, 
John  Ruddock, 
John  Hancock, 
John  Rowe, 
Joshua  Henshaw, 
Samuel  Pemberton, 
Henderson  Inches. 

1768.  « 

Joseph  Jackson, 
Samuel  Sewall, 
John  Ruddock, 
John  Hancock, 
William  Phillips, 
Timothy  Newell, 
John  Rowe. 

1769. 
Joshua  Henshaw, 
Joseph  Jackson, 
John  Hancock, 
Jonathan  Mason, 
Samuel  Pemberton, 
Henderson  Inches, 
John  Ruddock. 


1770. 
Joshua  Henshaw, 
Joseph  Jackson, 
John  Ruddock, 
John  Hancock, 
Samuel  Pemberton, 
Henderson  Inches, 
Jonathan  Mason. 

1771. 
Joseph  Jackson, 
John  Ruddock, 
John  Hancock, 
Henderson  Inches, 
Samuel  Pemberton, 
Jonathan  Mason, 
Ebeneeer  Storer. 

1772. 
John  Ruddock, 
John  Hancock, 
Samuel  Austin, 
Thomas  Marshall, 
John  Scollay, 
Timothy  Newell, 
Oliver  Wendell. 

69 


1773. 
John  Hancock, 
John  Scollay, 
Timothy  Newell, 
Thomas  Marshall, 
Samuel  Austin, 
Oliver  Wendell, 
John  Pitts. 

1774. 
John  Scollay, 
John  Hancock, 
Timothy  Newell, 
Thomas  Marshall, 
Samuel  Austin, 
Oliver  Wendell, 
Jonn  Pitts. 

1775. 
John  Scollay, 
Timothy  Newell, 
Thomas  Marshall, 
Samuel  Austin, 
John  Hancock, 
John  Pitts, 
Oliver  Wendell. 


£66  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

event  of  the  day  of  Lexington  and  Concord,  like 
the  destruction  of  the  tea,  wrested  affairs  from  the 
control  of  men,  and  cast  them  upon  the  current  of 
ideas.  But  I  do  not  feel  called  upon  to  trace  the 
effect  of  the  event  on  the  nationality  of  England,  or 
only  incidentally  on  that  of  America;  but  propose,  as 
an  act  of  justice  to  Warren's  memory,  to  give  an 
idea  of  his  varied  labors  as  he  moved  on  towards  the 
mount  of  sacrifice. 

There  is  no  record  of  the  proceedings  of  the  com- 
mittee of  safety  on  the  19th  of  April.  They  were  in 
session  the  whole  of  the  day  of  the  20th,  and  the 
night ;  but  only  the  circulars  they  issued  are  recorded. 
I  copy  the  following  letter,  addressed  to  the  towns, 
from  the  original  in  Warren's  handwriting,  which 
contains  much  interlineation.  It  seems  to  glow  with 
the  fire  of  the  battle :  — 

Gentlemen,  —  The  barbarous  murders  committed  on  our  innocent 
brethren,  on  Wednesday  the  19th  instant,  have  made  it  absolutely 
necessary  that  we  immediately  raise  an  army  to  defend  our  wives  and 
our  children  from  the  butchering  hands  of  an  inhuman  soldiery,  who, 
incensed  at  the  obstacles  they  met  with  in  their  bloody  progress,  and 
enraged  at  being  repulsed  from  the  field  of  slaughter,  will,  without  the 
least  doubt,  take  the  first  opportunity  in  their  power  to  ravage  this 
devoted  country  with  fire  and  sword.  We  conjure  you,  therefore,  by 
all  that  is  dear,  by  all  that  is  sacred,  that  you  give  all  assistance  possi- 
ble in  forming  an  army.  Our  all  is  at  stake.  Death  and  devastation 
are  the  instant  consequences  of  delay.  Every  moment  is  infinitely 
precious.  An  hour  lost  may  deluge  your  country  in  blood,  and  entail 
perpetual  slavery  upon  the  few  of  your  posterity  who  may  survive  the 
carnage.  We  beg  and  entreat,  as  you  will  answer  to  your  country, 
tc  your  own  consciences,  and,  above  all,  as  you  will  answer  to  God 
himself,  that  you  will  hasten  and  encourage  by  all  possible  means  the 
enlistment  of  men  to  form  the  army,  and  send  them  forward  to  head- 
quarters, at  Cambridge,  with  that  expedition  which  the  vast  importance 
and  instant  urgency  of  the  affair  demand.1 

1  Massachusetts  Archives. 


SIXTY  DAYS   OE    SERVICE.  467 

On  this  day  of  keen  anguish,  Warren  addressed 
the  following  letter  to  General  Gage:  — 

Cambridge,  April  20,  1775. 
SIR)  —  The  unhappy  situation  into  which  this  colony  is  thrown 
gives  the  greatest  uneasiness  to  every  man  who  regards  the  welfare 
of  the  empire,  or  feels  for  the  distresses  of  his  fellow-men :  but  even 
now  much  may  be  done  to  alleviate  those  misfortunes  which  can- 
not be  entirely  remedied ;  and  I  think  it  of  the  utmost  importance 
to  us,  that  our  conduct  be  such  as  that  the  contending  parties  may 
entirely  rely  upon  the  honor  and  integrity  of  each  other  for  the 
punctual  performance  of  any  agreement  that  shall  be  made  between 
them.  Your  Excellency,  I  believe,  knows  very  well  the  part  I  have 
taken  in  public  affairs :  I  ever  scorned  disguise.  I  think  I  have  done 
my  duty :  some  may  think  otherwise ;  but  be  assured,  sir,  as  far  as  my 
influence  goes,  every  thing  which  can  reasonably  be  required  of  us  to 
do  shall  be  done,  and  every  thing  promised  shall  be  religiously  per- 
formed. I  should  now  be  very  glad  to  know  from  you,  sir,  how  many 
days  you  desire  may  be  allowed  for  such  as  desire  to  remove  to  Boston 
with  their  effects,  and  what  time  you  will  allow  the  people  in  Boston  for 
their  removal.  When  I  have  received  that  information,  I  will  repair 
to  congress,  and  hasten,  as  far  as  I  am  able,  the  issuing  a  proclama- 
tion. I  beg  leave  to  suggest,  that  the  condition  of  admitting  only 
thirty  wagons  at  a  time  into  the  town  appears  to  me  very  incon- 
venient, and  will  prevent  the  good  effects  of  a  proclamation  intended 
to  be  issued  for  encouraging  all  wagoners  to  assist  in  removing  the 
effects  from  Boston  with  all  possible  speed.  If  Your  Excellency  will 
be  pleased  to  take  the  matter  into  consideration,  and  favor  me,  as  soon 
as  may  be,  with  an  answer,  it  will  lay  me  under  a  great  obligation,  as 
it  so  nearly  concerns  the  welfare  of  my  friends  in  Boston.  I  have  many 
things  which  I  wish  to  say  to  Your  Excellency,  and  most  sincerely 
wish  I  had  broken  through  the  formalities  which  I  thought  due  to  your 
rank,  and  freely  have  told  you  all  I  knew  or  thought  of  public  affairs ; 
and  I  must  ever  confess,  whatever  may  be  the  event,  that  you  gen- 
erously gave  me  such  opening,  as  I  now  think  I  ought  to  have  em- 
braced :  but  the  true  cause  of  my  not  doing  it  was  the  knowledge  I 
had  of  the  vileness  and  treachery  of  many  persons  around  you,  who, 
I  supposed,  had  gained  your  entire  confidence. 

I  am,  &c,  Joseph  Warren. 

His  Excellency  General  Gage. 


468  LIEE    OE    JOSEPH   WARREN. 

On  the  21st,  the  committee  of  safety  resolved  to 
enlist  out  of  the  Massachusetts  forces  eight  thousand 
effective  men,  adopted  the  forms  of  the  enlisting 
papers  to  meet  the  emergency,  and  resolved  to  pro- 
pose an  establishment  at  an  early  day  after  the  meet- 
ing of  congress.  The  labors  of  the  committee  of 
safety  were  uncommonly  arduous.  Dr.  Eliot  says, 
w  Nothing  could  be  in  a  more  confused  state  than  the 
army  which  first  assembled  at  Cambridge.  This  un- 
disciplined body  of  men  were  kept  together  by  a  few 
who  deserved  well  of  their  country.  .  .  .  Dr.  Warren 
was  perhaps  the  man  who  had  the  most  influence,  and 
in  whom  the  people  in  the  environs  of  Boston  and 
Cambridge  placed  their  highest  confidence.  He  did 
wonders  in  preserving  order  among  the  troops." 

On  the  22d,  the  Provincial  Congress,  which  had 
been  summoned  on  the  18th,  assembled  at  Concord, 
when  a  letter,  addressed  by  Josiah  Quincy,  jun.,  to 
Samuel  Adams,  was  presented,  opened,  read,  and 
ordered  to  be  sent  to  "Warren,  "to  be  used  at  his 
discretion;"  when,  in  order  to  be  nearer  the  army, 
the  congress  adjourned  to  meet  in  the  afternoon,  at 
Watertown.  On  re-assembling  here,  the  congress, 
after  notifying  officially  the  committee  of  safety  of  its 
meeting,  adjourned  until  the  next  day. 

On  the  23d,  Sunday,  congress  held  an  important 
session.  Instead  of  the  usual  stillness  of  the  sab- 
bath, there  was  now  the  hurry  of  war.  The  militia 
of  the  neighboring  colonies  were  approaching  the 
scene  of  action  by  hasty  marches;  families,  in  great 
distress,  were  hurrying  from  the  seaport  towns  into 
the  country ;  while  a  large  number  of  the  minute-men, 
so  suddenly  summoned  to  the  field,  were  returning  to 


SIXTY   DAYS    OF    SERVICE.  469 

their  homes.  On  this  day,  Warren  read  in  congress 
a  letter  from  a  Connecticut  committee  of  correspond- 
ence well  calculated  to  nerve  the  desponding  and 
to  cheer  on  the  brave :  "  Every  preparation,"  the  let- 
ter said,  "is  making  to  support  your  province."  — 
w  The  ardor  of  our  people  is  such  that  they  cannot  be 
kept  back.  The  colonels  are  to  forward  a  part  of  the 
best  men,  and  most  ready,  as  fast  as  possible;  the  re- 
mainder to  be  ready  at  a  moment's  warning."  On 
this  day,  it  was  voted  to  raise  an  army  of  13,600 
men,  as  the  quota  of  Massachusetts  in  the  army  of 
30,000,  which  it  was  resolved  ought  to  be  raised.  In 
the  afternoon,  Hancock,  the  regular  president,  being 
absent,  it  was  voted  to  choose  a  president  pro  tem- 
pore, when  a  committee  reported  that  w  the  vote  was 
full  for  Dr.  Warren."  Papers  bearing  his  signature, 
while  acting  in  this  capacity,  occur  henceforward  to 
the  day  of  his  death.  He  said  to-day  to  Dr.  Belknap, 
"  The  town  must  be  cleared,  and  would  be  soon." 1 

On  the  24th,  the  following  commission,  which  has 
Warren's  autograph,  was  given  to  "Captain  Eben- 
ezer  Winship,"  and  dated,  w  In  committee  of  safety : " 
"  Sir,  you  are  to  enlist  a  company  of  rangers,  whereof 
Jonathan  Brewer  is  colonel.  You  are  hereby  em- 
powered immediately  to  enlist  a  company,  to  consist 
of  fifty-nine  able-bodied  and  effective  men,  including 
sergeants,  as  soldiers  in  the  Massachusetts  service, 
for  the  preservation  of  American  liberty,  and  cause 
them  to  muster  as  soon  as  possible.  —  Jos.  Wah- 
ren^,  chairman."  The  signature  is  in  his  large  hand- 
writing. 

On   the   25th,  the   following   resolve  was   passed, 

1  Belknap's  Memoirs,  90. 


470  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

which  is  in  "Warren's  handwriting :  K  In  committee  of 

safety.      Resolved   that  be   ordered,   with  the 

troops  of  horse  under  his  command,  to  proceed  for- 
ward as  an  escort  to  the  honorable  members  of  the 
Continental  Congress,  on  their  way  to  Philadelphia, 
until  they  are  met  by  an  escort  from  the  colony  of 
Connecticut.  —  Jos.  Warren,  chairman."  One  of  the 
delegates  was  Samuel  Adams,  and  the  friends  parted 
for  the  last  time. 

On  the  26th,  Warren's  intimate  friend,  Josiah 
Quincy,  jun.,  died  as  he  reached  his  native  land.  His 
biographer  says,  "  He  repeatedly  said  to  the  seaman 
on  whose  attentions  he  was  chiefly  dependent,  that 
he  had  but  one  desire  and  prayer,  which  was  that  he 
might  live  long  enough  to  have  an  interview  with 
Samuel  Adams  or  Joseph  Warren;  that  granted,  he 
should  die  content.  This  wish  of  the  patriot's  heart 
Heaven,  in  its  inscrutable  wisdom,  did  not  grant." 
On  this  day,  Warren  penned  the  following  letter  in 
relation  to  the  ]S"ew-Hampshire  forces,  copied  from 
the  original,  in  his  handwriting :  — 

1775,  Cambridge,  April  26. 
Sir,  —  Our  friends  from  New  Hampshire  have  shown  their  readi- 
ness to  assist  us  on  this  day  [of]  distress :  therefore  thought  it  best 
to  give  orders  for  enlisting  such  as  were  present  in  the  service  of  this 
colony,  as  many  desired  something  might  be  done  to  hold  them  together 
until  the  resolve  of  your  congress  is  known,  when  we  are  ready  and 
desirous  they  should  be  discharged  from  us,  and  put  under  such  com- 
mand as  you  shall  direct.  Colonel  Sargeant  has  been  so  kind  as  to 
afford  his  utmost  assistance  in  conducting  this  matter. 

On  the  27th,  Warren  addressed  the  following  letter 
to  Arthur  Lee,  which  shows  the  views  with  which  he 
was  now  acting  as  the  head  of  the  popular  cause :  — 


SIXTY   DAYS   OF    SERVICE.  471 

Cambridge,  April  27,  1775. 

My  Dear  Sir,  —  Our  friend  Quincyjust  lived  to  come  on  shore 
to  die  in  his  own  country.  He  expired  yesterday  morning.  His  vir- 
tues rendered  him  dear,  and  his  abilities  useful,  to  his  country.  The 
wicked  measures  of  Administration  have  at  length  brought  matters  to 
a  crisis.  I  think  it  probable  that  the  rage  of  the  people,  excited  by 
the  most  clear  view  of  the  cursed  designs  of  Administration  and  the 
barbarous  effusion  of  the  blood  of  their  countrymen,  will  lead  them  to 
attack  General  Gage,  and  burn  the  ships  in  the  harbor.  Lord  Chat- 
ham and  our  friends  must  make  up  the  breach  immediately  or  never. 
If  any  thing  terrible  takes  place,  it  will  not  now  do  to  talk  of  calling 
the  colonies  to  account  for  it,  but  must  be  attributed  to  the  true  cause, 
—  the  unheard-of  provocations  given  to  this  people.  They  never  will 
talk  of  accommodation  until  the  present  ministry  are  entirely  removed. 
You  may  depend,  the  colonies  will  sooner  suffer  depopulation  than  come 
into  any  measures  with  them. 

The  next  news  from  England  must  be  conciliatory,  or  the  connection 
between  us  ends,  however  fatal  the  consequences  may  be.  Prudence 
may  yet  alleviate  the  misfortunes  and  calm  the  convulsions  into  which 
the  empire  is  thrown  by  the  madness  of  the  present  Administration. 
May  Almighty  God  direct  you.  If  any  thing  is  proposed  that  may  be 
for  the  honor  and  safety  of  Great  Britain  and  these  colonies,  my 
utmost  efforts  shall  not  be  wanting. 

I  am  in  the  utmost  haste,  surrounded  by  fifteen  or  twenty  thousand 
men.  Your  most  obedient  servant,  Jos.  Warren. 

p.S.  —  The  narrative  sent  to  Dr.  Franklin  contains  a  true  state  of 
facts  ;  but  it  was  difficult  to  make  the  people  willing  that  any  notice 
should  be  taken  of  the  matter,  by  way  of  narrative,  until  the  army  and 
navy  were  taken,  or  driven  away.  J*  w. 

On  the  28th,  Warren  was  appointed  by  the  com- 
mittee of  safety  to  express  its  sentiments  relative  to 
Lord  Dartmouth's  circular  letter  to  the  governors 
of  the  colonies.     This  circular,  with  other  declara- 

1  This  letter  is  copied  from  the  original  in  the  archives  in  Harvard-College 
Library.'  It  will  not  agree  with  the  copy  in  "  Life  of  Arthur  Lee,"  267.  The 
last  sentence  of  the  second  paragraph  there  reads,  "  If  any  thing  is  proposed 
which  may  be  for  the  honor  and  safety  of  Great  Britain  and  these  colonies,  my 
utmost  efforts  shall  not  be  wanting  to  effect  a  reconciliation ; "  the  four  last  words 
being  an  interpolation. 


472  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WAKREN. 

tions,  says  that  His  Majesty  was  determined  to  resist 
every  attempt  to  encourage,  in  the  colonies,  ideas  of 
independence.  Warren's  letter  shows  that  he  was 
of  opinion,  that  the  next  news  from  England  must  be 
conciliatory,  or  the  connection  between  the  two  coun- 
tries would  end.  On  this  day,  he  was  placed  on  a 
committee  to  consider  the  condition  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Boston;  and  he  was  the  chairman  of  a  committee 
appointed  by  the  Provincial  Congress  to  confer  with 
a  delegation  from  New  Hampshire.  In  a  letter 
addressed  to  the  patriots  of  that  colony,  congress 
said,  that  the  conviction  was  general  in  Massachu- 
setts and  the  other  colonies,  that,  by  their  imme- 
diate and  most  vigorous  exertions,  there  was  the 
greatest  prospect  of  establishing  these  liberties  and 
saving  the  country. 

On  the  29th,  the  Provincial  Congress,  and  the  com- 
mittee of  safety,  were  in  session.  I  select  from  the 
varied  business  of  that  day  the  following  report, 
which  has  Warren's  autograph :  — 

In  Committee  of  Safety,  Cambridge,  April  29,  1775. 

Agreeably  to  the  order  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  this  committee 
have  inquired  into  the  state  and  situation  of  the  cannon  and  ord- 
nance stores,  with  the  provision  made  for  the  companies  of  artillery 
and  beg  leave  to  report  as  follows  ;  viz., 

In  Cambridge,  six  three-pounders  complete,  with  ammunition,  and 
one  six-pounder. 

In  Watertown,  sixteen  pieces  of  artillery  of  different  sizes.  The  said 
six-pounder  and  sixteen  pieces  will  be  taken  out  of  the  way,  and  the 
first-mentioned  six  pieces  will  be  used  in  the  proper  way  of  defence. 

Captain  Forster  is  appointed  to  command  one  of  the  companies 
of  artillery,  and  ordered  to  enlist  said  company. 

Captain  William  Lee,  of  Marblehead,  [is]  sent  for  to  take  the  com- 
mand of  another;  and  several  other  persons  [are]  sent  for  to  take 
command  for  other  companies. 

Jos.  Warren,   Chairman. 


SIXTY   DAYS   OF    SERVICE.  473 

On  the  30th,  Sunday,  Warren  kept  mostly  with 
the  committee  of  safety,  which  met  in  Cambridge; 
and  he  passed  an  uncommonly  anxious  and  busy  day. 
The  Tories  in  Boston  were  alarmed  at  the  exodus  of 
the  inhabitants,  and  were  desirous  to  retain  them  as 
hostages  for  the  safety  of  the  town.  On  their  remon- 
strance against  the  departure  of  so  many,  General 
Gage,  on  various  pretexts,  forbade  their  going  out. 
Warren  received  a  letter  on  this  subject  from  the 
selectmen;  and  the  committee  on  this  day  were  occu- 
pied in  considering  it.  Meantime  the  Provincial  Con- 
gress, which  was  also  in  session  at  Watertown, 
directed  a  letter  to  be  sent  in  the  afternoon  to  War- 
ren, in  which,  after  expressing  the  anxiety  of  the 
members  on  account  of  the  distress  of  the  people  of 
Boston,  it  said  this  body  "sat  in  almost  impatient 
expectation,  by  several  adjournments,  since  seven 
o'clock  this  morning."  The  committee  of  safety 
reported  to  Congress,  probably  through  Warren,  a 
resolve  providing  for  a  system  of  permits  to  facili- 
tate ingress  and  egress  from  the  town,  which  was 
printed  with  his  name  attached  to  it.  This  subject 
occasioned  the  following  letter  to  the  selectmen, 
which  I  copy  from  the  original  in  his  handwriting, 
which  expresses  his  feeling  for  his  w  ever-dear  town 
of  Boston:"  — 

Joseph  Warren  to  the  Selectmen  of  Boston. 

Cambridge,  April  30,  1775. 
Gentlemen,  —  Enclosed  you  have  a  resolve  of  congress,  which 
we  hope  will  remove  every  obstacle  to  [the]  removal  of  our  friends 
from  Boston.  The  necessity  of  going  from  this  town  to  Watertown, 
in  order  to  lay  the  proposals  of  this  committee  before  the  Provincial 
Congress,  we  hope  will  suggest  to  you  an  apology  for  any  supposed 

60 


474  LIFE    OF  JOSEPH   WARREN. 

delay.  But  be  assured,  that  no  person  now  in  Boston  is  more  deeply 
sensible  of  the  distress,  nor  more  desirous  of  relieving  our  brethren 
there,  than  the  members  of  this  committee.  Encouragement  will  be 
given  to-morrow  to  the  wagoners  in  the  country  to  repair  to  Boston,  to 
give  all  possible  assistance  to  our  friends  in  the  removal  of  their  effects. 
I  wrote  yesterday  to  General  Gage  upon  the  subject,  and  requested  him 
to  take  into  consideration  the  expediency  of  restraining  the  country 
from  sending  in  more  than  thirty  wagons  at  one  time ;  but  I  have 
received  no  answer.  If  I  should  receive  any,  the  contents,  so  far  as 
they  respect  my  ever-dear  town  of  Boston,  shall  be  communicated  to 
you. 

I  am,  gentlemen,  with  the  sincerest  respect  and  warmest  affection, 
your  most  obedient  servant. 

Colonel  Benedict  Arnold  had  just  arrived  in  the 
camp  from  Connecticut,  and  he  proposed  to  lead  an 
expedition  to  capture  Ticonderoga.  Warren  was 
appointed  on  a  committee  on  this  subject,  and  took 
great  interest  in  it.  I  have  space,  however,  for  only 
the  following  letter,  in  which  he  expresses  considera- 
tion of  the  rights  of  a  sister  colony :  — 

Cambridge,  April  30,  1775. 
It  has  been  proposed  to  us  to  take  possession  of  the  Fortress  of 
Ticonderoga.  We  have  a  just  sense  of  the  importance  of  that  fortifi- 
cation, and  the  usefulness  of  those  fine  cannon,  mortars,  and  field-pieces 
which  are  there  ;  but  we  would  not,  even  up»n  this  emergency,  infringe 
upon  the  rights  of  our  sister  colony,  New  York.  But  we  have  desired 
the  gentleman  who  carries  this  letter  to  represent  the  matter  to  you, 
that  you  may  give  such  orders  as  are  agreeable  to  you.  We  are, 
with  the  greatest  respect,  your  most  obedient  servants, 

Joseph  Warren,   Chairman. 
To  Alexander  McDougal. 

On  the  1st  of  May,  Warren  received  a  reply  to  his 
letter  of  the  preceding  day,  signed  by  five  of  the 
selectmen,  who  said  that  General  Gage  thought  he 
could  not  officially  correspond  with  Warren,  but 
desired   them   to   reply  to  his  letter.     The  plan  of 


SIXTY    DAYS   OF    SERVICE.  475 

granting  permits  was  substantially  satisfactory;  but 
on  various  pretexts  the  people  continued  to  be  re- 
tained in  the  town.1 

On  the  2d,  the  Provincial  Congress  appointed  a 
committee  to  wait  on  Warren,  to  know  whether  he 
could  serve  them  as  their  president,  when  he  replied 
by  the  following  note,  written  on  the  blank  leaf  of  the 
letter  of  the  selectmen  of  Boston:  "Doct.  Warren 
presents  his  respects  to  the  honorable  Provincial  Con- 
gress ;  informs  them  that  he  will  obey  their  order,  and 
attend  his  duty  in  congress  in  the  afternoon."  He 
was  a  good  deal  disturbed  at  the  action  of  Connecti- 
cut, which  had  sent  an  embassy  to  General  Gage;  and 
he  addressed  the  following  remarkable  letter  to  the 
Government  of  that  colony,  which  I  copy  from  the 
original  in  Warren's  handwriting:  — 

Cambridge,  May  2,  1775. 
We  yesterday  had  a  conference  with  Dr.  Johnson  and  Colonel  Wol- 
cott,  who  were  appointed  by  your  assembly  to  deliver  a  letter  to,  and 
hold  a  conference  with,  General  Gage.  We  feel  the  warmest  gratitude 
to  you  for  those  generous  and  affectionate  sentiments  which  you  enter- 
tain towards  us.  But  you  will  allow  us  to  express  our  uneasiness  on 
account  of  one  paragraph  in  your  letter,  in  which  a  cessation  of  hos- 
tilities is  proposed.  We  fear  that  our  brethren  in  Connecticut  are  not 
even  yet  convinced  of  the  cruel  designs  of  Administration  against 
America,  nor  thoroughly  ^sensible  of  the  miseries  to  which  General 
Gage's  army  have  reduced  this  wretched  colony.  We  have  lost  the 
town,  and,  we  greatly  fear,  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  as  we  find 
the  general  is  perpetually  making  new  conditions,  and  forming  the 
most  unreasonable  pretences  for  retarding  their  removal  from  that 
gartison.  Our  seaports  on  the  eastern  coasts  are  mostly  deserted. 
Our  people  have  been  barbarously  murdered  by  an  insidious  enemy, 
who,  under  cover  of  the  night,  have  marched  into  the  heart  of  the 

1  The  following  selectmen  signed  this  letter :  John  Scollay,  Thomas  Mar- 
shall, Timothy  Newell,  Samuel  Austin,  John  Pitts. 


476  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARKEN. 

country,  spreading  destruction  with  fire  and  sword.  No  business  but 
that  of  war  is  either  done  or  thought  of  in  this  colony.  No  agreement 
or  compact  with  General  Gage  will  in  the  least  alleviate  our  distress, 
as  no  confidence  can  possibly  be  placed  in  any  assurances  he  can  give 
to  a  people  whom  he  has  first  deceived  in  the  matter,  taking  possession 
of  and  fortifying  the  town  of  Boston,  and  whom  he  has  suffered  his 
army  to  attack  in  the  most  inhuman  and  treacherous  manner.  Our 
relief  now  must  arise  from  driving  General  Gage,  with  his  troops,  out 
of  the  country,  which,  by  the  blessing  of  God,  we  are  determined  to 
accomplish,  or  perish  in  the  attempt ;  as  we  think  an  honorable  death 
[far  better  to  meet]  1  in  the  field,  whilst  fighting  for  the  liberties  of  all 
America,  [far  to  be  preferable]  2  to  being  butchered  in  our  own  houses, 
or  to  being  reduced  to  an  ignominious  slavery.  We  must  entreat,  that 
our  sister  colony,  Connecticut,  will  afford  immediately  all  possible  aid, 
as  at  this  time  delay  will  be  att[ended]  with  all  that  fatal  train  of 
events  which  would  follow  from  an  absolute  desertion  of  the  cause 
of  American  liberty.     Excuse  our  earnestness  upon  this  subject,  as  we 

know  that  upon  the  success  of  our  present depend  the  lives  and 

liberties  of  our  country  and  of  succeeding  generations. 

We  are,  &c. 

"Warren  attended  the  session  of  congress  in  the 
afternoon;  for  his  name  occurs  on  two  committees, 
—  one*  relating  to  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  and  the 
other  on  the  subject  of  making  a  communication  to 
the  Continental  Congress. 

On  the  3d,  Warren  was  appointed  by  the  Provin- 
cial Congress  one  of  three  persons  to  procure  a  cop- 
perplate on  which  to  print  the  coltay  notes  which  had 
been  authorized,  and  to  countersign  them.  On  this 
day,  the  congress  sent  to  the  Continental  Congress  a 
brief  summary  of  what  the  colony  had  done;  and, 
w  with  the  most  respectful  submission,  whilst  acting 
in  support  of  the  cause  of  America,"  requested  its 
direction  and  assistance.     It  terms  the  British  troops 

1  These  words  are  interlined. 

2  There  is  much  blotting  in  the  manuscript  at  this  place. 


SIXTY   DAYS   OF   SERVICE.  477 

"the  ministerial  army."  Having  stated  the  steps 
taken  to  raise  an  army,  and  the  application  that  had 
been  made  to  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  and  New 
Hampshire,  congress  said  that  the  sudden  exigency 
precluded  the  possibility  of  waiting  for  the  direc- 
tion of  the  Continental  Congress.  It  expressed  the 
greatest  confidence  in  the  wisdom  and  ability  of 
the  continent,  and  their  determination  to  sustain 
Massachusetts,  so  far  as  it  should  appear  to  be  ne- 
cessary for  supporting  the  common  cause  of  the 
American   colonies. 

On  the  4th,  Governor  Trumbull  wrote  a  reply  to  the 
letter  of  Warren,  which  is  superscribed,  w  Hon.  Joseph 
Warren,  Esq.,  chairman  of  the  committee  of  safety," 
that  dispelled  all  uneasiness  relative  to  the  course 
of  Connecticut.  On  this  day,  the  committee  of  safety, 
in  view  of  the  extreme  exigency  of  public  affairs, 
w  Resolved,  as  the  opinion  of  this  committee,  that  the 
public  good  of  this  colony  requires,  that  government 
in  full  form  ought  to  be  taken  up  immediately;  and 
that  a  copy  of  this  resolution  be  transmitted  to  the 
congress  now  sitting  at  Watertown."  On  this  day, 
Warren  was  appointed  chairman  of  a  committee  to 
hold  a  conference  with  the  embassy  from  Connecticut, 
who  had  come  out  of  Boston  after  an  interview  with 
General  Gage;  and  he  was  appointed  the  chairman 
of  a  committee,  the  other  members  being  Gerry  and 
Colonel  James  Warren,  to  prepare  a  letter  to  the 
assembly  of  Connecticut  on  the  subject  of  its  appli- 
cation. 

On  the  5th,  on  the  complaint  that  one  of  General 
Ward's  officers,  by  insolent  behavior,  had  obstructed 
the  removal  of  the  Bostonians,  the  Provincial  Con- 


478  LITE    OF   JOSEPH    WAREE^. 

gress  ordered  a  sharp  letter  to  be  sent  by  one  of 
its  members  to  the  general.  The  first  draft  of  this 
letter,  as  reported  in  Congress,  contained  the  name 
of  the  individual,  and  related  to  the  single  case.  This 
was  stricken  out,  and  the  following  inserted,  which 
appear  in  Warren's  handwriting:  "Therefore,  sir, 
you  are  directed  to  examine  into  the  matter,  and  give 
such  orders  as  shall  be  effectual  for  the  future,  strictly 
to  execute,  &c.  .  .  .  And  also  that  you  give  directions 
to  your  officers  carefully  to  execute  the  resolves  of 
congress,  in  all  matters  in  which  they  are  to  act,  with- 
out any  levity  or  indecency  of  expression  or  behavior." 
On  this  day,  congress  resolved  that  General  Gage 
had  "  utterly  disqualified  himself  to  serve  this  colony 
as  governor,  and  in  every  other  capacity;"  and  it 
issued  a  precept  for  a  new  Provincial  Congress. 

On  the  6th,  "Warren  was  appointed  by  the  Provin- 
cial Congress  the  chairman  of  a  committee  to  consider 
a  letter  which  had  been  received  from  the  speaker  of 
the  Connecticut  assembly.  Reports  were  current  in 
the  camp  now,  that  the  regulars  were  about  to  make 
an  attack  somewhere.  About  six  o'clock,  p.m.,  the 
army  paraded,  and  portions  were  ordered  to  lie  on 
their  arms  all  night. 

On  Sunday,  the  7th,  the  Provincial  Congress  held 
three  sessions,  meeting  first  at  eight  o'clock,  then  at 
twelve,  and  at  four;  and  the  urgency  of  the  hour  is 
indicated  in  the  resolve  it  passed,  directing  the  com- 
mittee on  supplies  to  procure  arms  and  bayonets  of 
any  colony  on  the  continent. 

On  the  8th,  Warren,  as  president  of  the  Provincial 
Congress  in  Watertown,  signed  a  letter  addressed 
to  M  The  Hon.  Artemas  Ward,  Esq.,  general  of  the 


SIXTY   DAYS   OF   SERVICE.  479 

Massachusetts  forces,"  Cambridge,  directing  him  to 
apprehend  certain  persons,  giving  their  names,  who, 
on  the  pretext  of  searching  for  fire-arms,  were  charged 
with  committing  robbery;  and  to  hand  them  6ver  to 
the  committee  of  safety,  in  order  that,  if  guilty,  they 
might  meet  with  condign  punishment.  Warren  was 
this  day  appointed  tne  chairman  of  a  committee  to 
examine  such  persons  as  were  recommended  for  sur- 
geons in  the  army. 

On  the  9th,  Warren  was  appointed  on  a  committee 
"to  prepare  a  spirited  application  to  General  Gage 
respecting  his  treatment  of  the  inhabitants  of  Bos- 
ton;" also  on  a  committee  to  see  what  provision 
could  be  made  to  supply  enlisted  soldiers  with  effec- 
tive fire-arms. 

On  the  10th,  the  session  of  the  congress  was  long, 
and  the  business  that  was  transacted  was  important. 
So  direct  was  the  intelligence  from  Boston,  that 
the  regulars  would  soon  take  the  field,  that  a  com- 
mittee considered  the  expediency  of  removing  the 
cannon  and  stores  at  Cambridge  farther  back  into 
the  country.  On  this  day,  the  committee  on  remon- 
strating with  Gage,  of  which  Warren  was  a  member, 
reported  a  letter,  which  averred  that  Congress  had 
endeavored  to  carry  into  effect  the  treaty  which  he 
made  with  the  selectmen  on  the  removal  of  the  peo- 
ple, and  closed  with  expressing  the  hope  that  His 
Excellency  would  no  longer  permit  a  treaty  with  a 
distressed  people  to  be  violated. 

On  the  11th,  the  congress  held  three  sessions.  At 
this  time,  the  official  papers  addressed  to  Warren, 
or  having  his  autograph,  are  numerous.  The  com- 
mittee of  safety  passed  the  following  vote:  "That 


480  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAKREN. 

Mr.  William  Cooper,  jun.,1  be,  and  he  hereby  is,  ap- 
pointed a  clerk  to  Dr.  Warren,  president  of  the 
congress." 

1  William  Cooper,  senior,  the  town-clerk,  lived  to  a  venerable  age.  The 
"  Independent  Chronicle  "  of  Nov.  29,  1809,  has  the  following  notice  :  — 

"  Last  evening  departed  this  life,  after  a  short  illness,  the  venerable  William 
Cooper,  Esq.,  aged  eighty-eight  years,  lamented  by  his  numerous  connections 
and  friends  and  by  the  citizens  of  his  native  town  generally.  As  the  first  testi- 
mony of  respect,  his  death  was  announced  by  the  tolling  of  all  the  bells  in  the 
town.  His  character  will  hereafter  be  delineated  by  some  person  fully  acquainted 
with  its  merits  :  at  present,  it  becomes  us  only  to  state,  that  he  has  been  honored 
with  the  suffrages  of  his  fellow-citizens  as  town-clerk  forty-nine  years  succes- 
sively ;  and  it  is  worthy  of  remark,  that,  during  the  whole  of  that  time,  he  was 
never  absent  from  his  duty  at  a  town-meeting." 

The  same  paper  of  Dec.  7  has  the  following,  communication  :  — 

"  To  record  the  death  of  a  man  eminent  for  his  public  and  private  virtues  is 
a  painful  duty.  The  subject  of  the  following  lines  was  truly  worthy  of  the 
universal  admiration  and  esteem  which  was  manifested  towards  him.  His  merits 
will  long  be  cherished  with  veneration  and  respect,  and  oft  will  the  genuine  spirit 
of  patriotism  bedew  his  remembrance  with  a  pearly  tear :  — 

MONODY 
ON  THE  DEATH  OF  WILLIAM  COOPER,  ESQ. 

Spirits  of  drooping  woe ! 

Bid  the  sad  numbers  flow, 
And  touch  with  sympathy  the  weeping  lyre; 

Let  silent  grief  pervade  the  breast, 

Each  ruder  passion  sink  to  rest, 
And  quench  the  flame  of  glowing,  fond  desire. 

Oh  for  a  Shakespeare's  or  a  Milton's  pen, 
Thy  virtues,  Cooper  !  faithful  to  portray ; 
Then  would  I  raise  a  deathless  song, 
In  mournful  notes  to  glide  along ; 
And  whilst  I  struck  each  trembling  string, 
Soft  Melancholy,  wild,  should  sing, 
And  musing  tell,  in  sweet  and  pensive  lay, 
The  bright  perfections  of  the  best  of  men. 

Though  ne'er  ambitious  for  the  "  wreath  of  fame," 
His  was  the  pride  of  an  unsullied  name .' 
A  feeling  soul,  with  sentiment  refined, 
A  clear  perception,  and  a  noble  mind  : 
In  his  kind  heart  did  nature  sweetly  blend 
The  tender  father  and  the  faithful  friend  ; 
Whilst  on  his  words  persuasion  ever  hung, 
And  sage  instruction  issued  from  his  tongue ; 
Fair  Virtue's  mandates  he  with  joy  obeyed, 
And  e'er  by  Honor  were  his  actions  weighed ; 
In  Duty's  path  his  steady  course  he  ran, 
True  to  his  God,  benevolent  to  man  ; 


SIXTY  DAYS   OE    SERVICE.  481 

On  the  12th,  congress  was  occupied  with  the  vital 
subject  of  assuming  a  civil  government  for  Massa- 
chusetts; "Warren  being  in  the  chair,  and  this  ques- 
tion being  the  order  of  the  day.  After  the  absent 
members  had  been  called  in,  it  was  moved,  M  That  the 
sense  of  the  congress  be  taken  on  this  question;  viz., 
Whether  there  is  now  existing  in  this  colony  a  neces- 
sity of  taking  up  and  exercising  civil  government  in 
all  its  parts."  Congress  resolved  itself  into  a  com- 
mittee of  the  whole  for  the  consideration  of  this 
question,  which  placed  the  president  on  the  floor.  It 
is  only  said  in  the  journals,  that  the  committee  consid- 
ered the  question.  It  is  not  said  that  Warren  spoke, 
so  provokingly  barren  are  the  official  details;  but 
there  is  the  following  record:  "The  president,  on  a 
motion  made,  resumed  the  chair.  The  committee 
then,  by  the  Hon.  Joseph  Warren,  Esq.,  their  chair- 
man, reported  that  a  committee  be  raised  for  the  pur- 
pose of  reporting  to  the  congress .  an  application  to 
the  Continental  Congress,  for  obtaining  their  recom- 
mendation for  this  colony  to  take  up  and  exercise 
civil  government  as  soon  as  may  be;  and  that  the 
committee  be  directed  to  ground  the  application  on 

Till,  verging  peaceful  to  his  journey's  close, 
He  calmly  left  the  scene  of  human  woes  ; 
His  long  probation  in  contentment  passed, 
Sunk  gently  down,  and,  sighing,  breathed  his  last. 

If  e'er  superior  and  exalted  worth 

Claimed  the  sad  tribute  of  a  parting  tear; 
If  virtue  yet  can  homage  claim  on  earth,  — 

Come,  shed  one  drop  o'er  our  loved  Cooper's  bier. 

0 !  gentle  youth, 
Whilst  veneration  fills  thy  breast, 
And  fond  remembrance  on  his  merit  dwells, 

Go,  imitate  his  truth ; 
And,  whilst  with  hope  thy  throbbing  bosom  swells, 
Like  him  be  virtuous,  and  like  him  be  blest. 

Theodore. 
61 


482  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

the  necessity  of  the  case."  The  report  was  accepted 
by  a  large  majority,  and  "Warren  was  appointed  the 
chairman  of  this  committee.  Thus,  great  as  the  emer- 
gency was,  the  patriots  were  not  prepared  to  take  so 
important  a  step  as  creating  a  new  government,  with- 
out the  sanction  of  the  Continental  Congress  or  of 
the  American  Union.  On  this  day,  Warren  wrote 
the  following  note,  here  copied  from  the  original  in 
his  handwriting :  — 

Watertown,  May  12,  1775. 
To  the  Honorable  the  Committee  of  Safety. 

Gentlemen,  —  Mr.  Pigeon  is  now  sick.  His  business  must  be 
attended  to.  He  requests  that  Mr.  Charles  Miller,  the  bearer  hereof, 
may  be  appointed  his  assistant,  and  immediately  directed  to  go  upon 
business.  Pray  desire  the  young  gentleman  you  were  pleased  to  ap- 
point to  be  my  clerk  to  attend  here,  as  I  have  much  writing  to  do,  and 
want  a  number  of  papers  copied  for  the  use  of  the  congress. 

I  am,  gentlemen,  your  most  obedient  servant,  J.  Warren. 

On  the  14th,  Sunday,  Warren  signed  his  name 
as  chairman  of  the  committee  of  safety.  The  meet- 
ing of  this  body,  on  this  day,  was  uncommonly 
important.  It  resolved,  that  all  the  live  stock  be  taken 
from  Noddle's  Island,  Hog  Island,  Snake  Island,  and 
that  part  of  Chelsea  near  the  sea-coast.  Warren  sent 
the  following  note  to  Mr.  Gill,  of  the  committee  of 
supplies :  — 

Cambridge,  14th  May,  1775. 
Mr.  Moses  Gill. 

Sir,  —  The  committee  of  safety  are  informed  that  the  iron  pots 
provided  for  the  army  are  immediately  under  your  care,  and  by  your 
letter  are  advised  that  1,500  were  prepared  and  500  making.  By 
the  account  from  the  commissary,  there  has  been  but  800  received. 
We  would  inform  you,  the  operations  of  the  army  are,  on  this  account, 
obstructed,  and  [this]  occasions  considerable  uneasiness.  You'll  criti- 
cally examine  into  this  matter,  and  forthwith  order  said  pots  into  the 


SIXTY    DAYS    OF    SERVICE.  483 

camp   at   Cambridge,  in   such   quantities   as  to   complete   the  above 
number.  Jos.  Warren,   Chairman. 

p.S. Should  be  glad  to  be  informed  if  the  pots  are  disposed 

of  agreeable  to  the  enclosed  vote  of  18th  of  April. 

On  this  day,  "Warren  was  communing  with  Samuel 
Adams,  on  the  great  subject  of  taking  up  govern- 
ment, in  the  following  letter:  — 

Cambridge,  May  14,  1775. 

Dear  Sir,  —  We  are  here  waiting  for  advice  from  the  Continental 
Congress  respecting  our  taking  up  government.  We  cannot  think, 
after  what  we  have  suffered  for  a  number  of  years,  that  you  will  advise 
us  to  take  up  that  form  established  by  the  last  charter,  as  it  contains  in 
it  the  seeds  of  despotism,  and  would,  in  a  few  years,  bring  us  again 
into  the  same  unhappy  situation  in  which  we  now  are.  For  my  part, 
after  the  termination  of  the  present  struggle,  I  hope  never  more  to  be 
obliged  to  enter  into  a  political  war.  I  would,  therefore,  wish  that  the 
Government  here  might  be  so  happily  moulded,  that  the  only  road  to 
promotion  may  be  through  the  affection  of  the  people.  This  being  the 
case,  the  interest  of  the  governor  and  the  governed  will  be  the  same ; 
and  we  shall  no  longer  be  plagued  by  a  group  of  unprincipled  villains, 
who  have  acted  as  though  they  thought  they  had  a  right  to  plunder  and 
destroy  their  countrymen,  as  soon  as  they  could  obtain  permission  from 
Great  Britain  for  doing  it. 

We  have  some  very  striking  instances  of  the  perfidy  of  one  man, 
who  has  been  raised  by  the  people  to  power  and  trust,  in  the  letters  of 
Hutchinson,  many  of  which  I  have  now  in  my  possession.  When  he 
had  obtained  all  the  people  could  bestow,  it  is  probable  he  would  have 
remained  firm  in  their  interest  (because  it  would  have  been  for  his  advan- 
tage to  have  remained  so),  had  there  not  been  a  higher  station  to  which 
his  ambitious  mind  aspired,  which  was  not  in  the  gift  of  the  people ;  in 
order  to  obtain  this,  he  judged  it  necessary  to  sacrifice  the  people, 
which  he  has  endeavored  to  do  in  the  most  vile  and  treacherous  man- 
ner. I  send  some  extracts  from  his  letters,  and  intend  speedily  to  have 
many  of  them  published. 

General  Gage,  I  fear,  has  trepanned  the  inhabitants  of  Boston.  He 
has  persuaded  them  to  lay  down  their  arms,  promising  to  let  them 
remove  with  their  effects ;  but  he  suffers  them  to  come  out  but  very 
slowly,  contriving  every  day  new  excuses  for  delay.     It  appears  to 


484:  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAKKEN. 

me,  that  a  spirited  remonstrance  from  your  congress,  and  a  recom- 
mendation forthwith  to  seize  all  crown  officers  on  the  continent, 
would  be  the  most  effectual  method  of  liberating  our  friends  in  Boston. 
I  pray  you  would  first  consult  our  delegates  upon  this  subject,  and 
then,  if  you  think  proper,  mention  it  to  others.  Not  a  moment  of  time 
is  to  be  lost.  The  distress  of  that  town  is  not  to  be  expressed  by  words. 
I  have  hitherto  kept  a  surgeon's  place  in  the  army  for  your  son  ;  but 
(  fear  it  cannot  be  kept  any  longer,  as  the  regiment  has  a  number 
dck,  and  must  have  one  appointed ;  and  I  have  no  reason  to  expect 
four  son  out  at  present,  as  he  has  tried  every  way  to  obtain  a  pass,  but 
to  no  purpose,  and  is,  as  I  am  informed,  entered  upon  the  list  with  those 
whom  they  are  determined  to  detain.  He  has  attempted  to  come  out 
under  a  factitious  name,  but  hitherto  without  success.  However,  I 
hear  the  people  are  all  treated  with  much  more  decency  than  they  used 
to  be ;  and  I  doubt  not  but  the  spirited  measure  I  have  proposed  to 
you,  together  with  what  we  are  doing  here,  will  procure  .the  enlarge- 
ment of  our  distressed  brethren.  We  have  an  army  of  about  seven 
thousand  strong  already.  If  the  proposed  army  of  thirty  thousand 
men  can  be  quickly  got  together,  I  believe  this  summer  will  bring  our 
disputes  with  Great  Britain  to  a  happy  issue. 

It  has  been  suggested  to  me,  that  an  application  from  your  congress 
to  the  Six  Nations,  accompanied  with  some  presents,  might  have  a 
very  good  effect.  It  appears  to  me  to  be  worthy  of  your  attention,  as 
they  may  be  of  very  great  use  to  us  in  case  of  any  disturbances  in  the 
back  settlements.  We  must  now  prepare  for  every  thing,  as  we  are 
certain  that  nothing  but  success  in  our  warlike  enterprises  can  possibly 
save  us  from  destruction.  If  a  number  of  large  battery-cannon,  with 
proper  ammunition,  could  be  procured,  I  believe  we  should  soon  settle 
the  business  with  Mr.  Gage ;  but  it  was  too  long  before  we  could  be 
convinced  that  the  madness  of  our  invaders  would  compel  us  to  make 
use  of  such  things.  If  powder  could  be  sent  from  the  other  colonies  to 
us,  it  might  be  of  eminent  service  now,  if  it  be  possible  to  subdue  the 
army  here.  I  believe  we  may  make  our  own  terms ;  for  we  shall 
have  much  to  offer  for  the  benefit  of  Great  Britain,  even  after  she  has 
lost  the  power  of  providing  for  a  set  of  pimps  and  traitors  amongst  us, 
which  is  the  most  she  could  reasonably  have  expected,  had  the  ministers 
succeeded  in  their  plan  of  enslaving  the  colonies. 

I  send  you  a  number  of  printed  papers,  which  contain  our  public 
proceedings.  I  shall  keep  this  letter  open  until  an  opportunity  of  send- 
ing it  presents. 


SIXTY   DAYS    OF    SERVICE.  4S5' 

Mat  17. 

Yesterday  Dr.  Church  was  appointed  to  wait  on  the  Continental 
Congress  with  the  address  from  this  congress,  which  renders  it  unneces- 
sary for  me  to  write  so  particularly  to  you  as  I  intended,  as  you  will 
have  from  him  an  exact  state  of  affairs,  viva  voce.  I  would  just  observe, 
that  the  application  made  to  you  respecting  the  taking  the  regulation  of 
this  army  into  your  hands,  by  appointing  a  committee  of  war,  or  taking 
the  command  of  it  by  appointing  a  generalissimo,  is  a  matter,  I  think, 
must  be  managed  with  much  delicacy.  I  am  a  little  suspicious,  unless 
great  care  is  taken,  some  dissentions  may  arise  in  the  army,  as  our 
soldiers,  I  find,  will  not  yet  be  brought  to  obey  any  person  of  whom 
they  do  not  themselves  entertain  a  high  opinion.  Subordination  is 
absolutely  necessary  in  an  army ;  but .  the  strings  must  not  be  drawn 
too  tight  at  first.  The  bands  of  love  and  esteem  must  be  principally 
relied  on  amongst  men  who  know  not  of  any  distinction  but  what 
arises  from  some  superior  merit.  I  know  your  prudence  and  thorough 
knowledge  of  our  countrymen,  their  many  virtues  and  their  few 
faults. 

The  matter  of  taking  up  government,  I  think,  cannot  occasion  much 
debate.  If  the  southern  colonies  have  any  apprehensions  from  the 
northern  colonies,  they  surely  must  now  be  for  an  establishment  of 
civil  government  here ;  for,  as  an  army  is  now  necessary,  or  is  taking 
the  field,  it  is  obvious  to  every  one,  if  they  are  without  control,  a  mili- 
tary government  must  certainly  take  place ;  and  I  think  I  cannot  see  a 
question  with  them  to  determine  which  is  most  to  be  feared,  a  military 
or  a  civil  government. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  with  great  esteem,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

Jos.  Warren.1 

On  the  15th,  the  congress  instructed  the  committee 
who  were  preparing  the  application  to  the  Conti- 
nental Congress  on  the  subject  of  the  formation  of  a 
local  government,  to  insert  in  it  a  clause  desiring 
that  body  "  to  take  some  measures  for  directing  and 
regulating  the  American  forces."  On  this  day,  War- 
ren,  in  the  name   of  the   committee   of  donations, 

1  The  original  manuscript  of  this  letter  is  not  in  Warren's  handwriting.     The 
signature  is  in  the  large  bold  hand  in  which  he  was  accustomd  to  write. 


486  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WAKREX. 

addressed  the  following  letter  to   Joseph  Reed,  of 
Philadelphia :  — 

Joseph  Warren  to  Joseph  Reed. 

Cambridge,  May  15,  1775. 
Dear  Sir,  —  I  received  your  very  kind  letter,  enclosing  a  bill  of 
exchange  of  four  hundred  and  twenty  dollars,  in  favor  of  the  distressed 
poor  of  Boston,  upon  Mr.  Rotch,  which  I  shall  take  the  first  oppor- 
tunity of  sending  to  him,  not  doubting  but  it  will  be  duly  honored. 
The  sympathy  which  you  discover  to  have,  both  in  our  sufferings  and 
successes  in  opposing  the  enemies  to  the  country,  is  a  fresh  proof  of 
that  benevolence  and  public  spirit  which  I  ever  found  in  you.  I  rejoice 
that  our  friends  in  Philadelphia  are  united,  and  that  all  are  at  last 
brought  to  see  the  barbarous  scheme  of  oppression  which  Administra- 
tion has  formed.  We  are  all  embarked  in  one  bottom :  if  one  colony 
is  enslaved,  she  will  be  immediately  improved  as  an  engine  to  subdue 
the  others.  This  our  enemies  know,  and  for  this  cause  they  have  used 
every  art  to  divide  us  one  from  the  other,  to  encourage  every  ground- 
less prejudice,  which  they  could  hope  to  separate  us.  Our  arch-traitor, 
Hutchinson,  has  labored  hard  in  this  service.  He  seems  to  have  fully 
adopted  old  Juno's  maxim,  — 

"  Flectere  si  nequeo  superos,  Acheronta  movebo." 

I  send  you  a  few  extracts  from  some  of  his  letters,  which  have 
fortunately  fallen  in  my  hands.  I  likewise  send  you  a  pamphlet  con- 
taining the  regulations  for  the  army.  You  are  kind  enough  to  say,  that 
our  friends  in  Philadelphia  will  assist  with  whatever  they  can,  when 
they  know  our  wants,  which  fills  us  with  a  lively  sense  of  the  gener- 
osity of  your  colony.  To  say  the  truth,  we  are  in  want  of  almost 
every  thing,  but  of  nothing  so  much  as  arms  and  ammunition ;  for, 
although  much  time  has  been  spent  in  procuring  these  articles,  yet  the 
people  never  seemed  in  earnest  about  the  matter  until  after  the  engage- 
ment of  the  19th  ult. :  and  I  verily  believe,  that  the  night  preceding 
the  barbarous  outrages  committed  by  the  soldiery  at  Lexington,  Con- 
cord, &c,  there  were  not  fifty  people  in  the  whole  colony  that  ever 
expected  any  blood  would  be  shed  in  the  contest  between  us  and  Great 
Britain. 

The  repeated  intelligence  I  received  from  the  best  authority,  of  the 
sanguinary,  malicious  temper  of  the  present  Administration,  together 
with  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  inhumanity  and  wickedness  of  the 


SIXTY   DAYS    OF    SERVICE.  487 

villains  at  Boston  who  had  the  ear  of  General  Gage,  compelled  me  to 
believe  that  matters  would  be  urged  to  the  last  extremity. 

Any  assistance,  of  what  kind  soever,  that  can  be  afforded  us  by  our 
sister  colony,  in  this  all-important  struggle  for  the  Freedom  of 
America,1  will  be  received  with  the  warmest  gratitude. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  with  much  regard  and  esteem,  your  most  humble 
servant,  Joseph  Warren.2 

On  the  16th,  Warren,  as  president  of  the  Provin- 
cial Congress,  was  directed  to  send  by  one  of  the 
members,  Dr.  Church,  an  application  to  the  Continen- 
tal Congress  on  the  questions  of  a  civil  government, 
and  the  disposition  of  the  army.  The  original  of  this 
document  is  in  a  fair,  round  handwriting;  but  its 
main  thought  is  the  same  that  Warren  urged  in  his 
private  letters.  On  the  question  of  local  government, 
it  said  that  the  colony,  though  urged  by  the  most 
pressing  necessity,  had  declined  to  assume  the  reins 
of  civil  government  without  the  advice  and  con- 
sent of  the  Continental  Congress ;  and  it  now  asked 
the  favor  of  the  "  most  explicit  advice  respecting  the 
taking  up  and  exercising  the  power  of  civil  govern- 
ment," which  was  thought  to  be  absolutely  neces- 
sary for  the  salvation  of  the  country.  It  pledged 
Massachusetts  to  a  ready  submission  "  to  such  a  gen- 
eral plan  as  it  (the  Continental  Congress)  might 
direct  for  the  colonies ; "  and  promised  to  make  it  a 
duty  to  establish  such  a  form  of  local  government  as 
should  not  only  most  promote  the  advantage  of  the 
colony,  w  but  the  union  and  interest  of  all  America." 
This  admirable  and  statesman-like  paper  closed  by 
suggesting  that  the  Continental  Congress  should 
take  the  regulation  and  general  direction  of  the  army. 

1  Underscored  in  the  original  by  the  writer. 

2  This  letter  is  printed  in  Reed's  "  Life  of  Joseph  Reed,"  i.  104. 


488  LIFE  OF  JOSEPH  W  ARREST. 

It  is  simple  justice  to  say,  that  this  paper  dealt 
with  the  vast  question  of  local  and  general  govern- 
ment in  the  national  spirit  that  characterized  the 
whole  course  of  the  Massachusetts  patriots.  On  this 
day,  Warren  a'ddressed  the  following  letter  to  Arthur 
Lee:  — 

Cambridge,  May  16,  1775. 

My  Dear  Sir,  —  Every  thing  here  continues  as  at  the  period  of 
my  writing  to  you  a  short  time  ago.  Our  military  operations  go  on  in 
a  very  spirited  manner.  General  Gage  had  a  re-enforcement  of  about 
six  hundred  marines  the  day  before  yesterday ;  but  this  gives  very 
little  concern  here.  It  is  not  expected  that  he  will  sally  out  of  Boston 
at  present ;  and,  if  he  does,  he  will  but  gratify  thousands  who  impa- 
tiently wait  to  avenge  the  blood  of  their  murdered  countrymen.  The 
attempt  he  has  made  to  throw  the  odium  of  the  first  commencement 
of  hostilities  on  the  people  here  has  operated  very  much  to  his  dis- 
advantage, as  so  many  credible  people  were  eye-witnesses  of  the  whole 
affair,  whose  testimonies  are  justly  supposed  of  infinitely  greater  weight 
than  any  thing  he  has  or  can  bring  in  support  of  his  assertion.  My 
private  opinion  is,  that  he  is  really  deceived  in  this  matter,  and  is  led 
(by  his  officers,  and  some  other  of  the  most  abandoned  villains  on 
earth,  who  are  natives  of  this  country,  and  who  are  now  shut  up  with 
him  in  Boston)  to  believe  that  our  people  actually  begun  the  firing ; 
but  my  opinion  is  only  for  myself:  most  people  are  satisfied,  not  only 
that  he  knows  that  the  regulars  began  the  fire,  but  also  that  he  gave 
his  orders  to  the  commanding  officer  to  do  it.  Thus,  by  attempting  to 
clear  the  troops  from  what  every  one  is  sure  they  were  guilty  of,  he 
has  brought  on  strong  suspicion  that  he  himself  is  guilty  of  having 
preconcerted  the  mischief  done  by  them.  Indeed,  his  very  unmanly 
conduct  relative  to  the  people  of  Boston,  in  detaining  many  of  them, 
and  contriving  new  excuses  for  delaying  their  removal  after  they  had 
given  up  their  fire-arms,  upon  a  promise  of  being  suffered  to  leave 
town,  and  carry  with  them  their  effects,  has  much  lessened  his  char- 
acter and  confirmed  former  suspicions. 

The  Continental  Congress  is  now  sitting.  I  suppose,  before  I  hear 
from  you  again,  a  new  form  of  government  will  be  established  in  this 
colony.  Great  Britain  must  now  make  the  best  she  can  of  America. 
The  folly  of  her  ministers  have  brought  her  into  this  situation.  If  she 
has  strength  sufficient  even  to  depopulate   the  colonies,  she  has  not 


SIXTY   DAYS    OP    SERVICE.  489 

strength  sufficient  to  subjugate  them.  However,  we  can  yet,  without 
injuring  ourselves,  offer  much  to  her.  The  great  national  advantages 
derived  from  the  colonies  may,  I  hope,  yet  be  reaped  by  her  from  us. 
The  plan  for  enslaving  us,  if  it  had  succeeded,  would  only  have  put  it 
in  the  power  of  Administration  to  have  provided  for  a  number  of  their 
worthless  dependants,  whilst  the  nation  was  deprived  of  the  most  essen- 
tial benefits  which  might  have  arisen  from  us  by  commerce ;  and  the 
taxes  raised  in  America  would,  instead  of  easing  the  mother-country 
of  her  burdens,  only  would  have  been  employed  to  bring  her  into 
bondage. 

I  cannot  precisely  tell  you  what  will  become  of  General  Gage :  I 
imagine  he  will  at  least  be  kept  closely  shut  up  in  Boston ;  perhaps 
you  will  very  soon  hear  something  further.  One  thing,  I  can  assure  you, 
has  very  great  weight  with  us :  we  fear,  if  we  push  this  matter  as  far 
as  we  think  we  are  able,  —  to  the  destruction  of  the  troops  and  ships 
of  war,  —  we  shall  expose  Great  Britain  to  those  invasions  from  for- 
eign powers  which  we  suppose  it  will  be  difficult  for  her  to  repel.  In 
fact,  you  must  have  a  change  of  men  and  measures,  or  be  ruined.  The 
truly  noble  Richmond,  Rockingham,  Chatham,  Shelburne,  with  other 
lords,  and  the  virtuous  and  sensible  minority  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, must  take  the  lead.  The  confidence  we  have  in  them  will  go 
a  great  way ;  but  I  must  tell  you,  that  those  terms  which  would 
readily  have  been  accepted  before  our  countrymen  were  murdered,  and 
we  in  consequence  thereof  compelled  to  take  arms,  will  not  now  do. 

Every  thing  in  my  power  to  serve  the  united  interest  of  Great 
Britain  and  her  colonies  shall  be  done  :  and  I  pray  that  you,  your 
brother,  and  Mr.  Sayre  (to  whom  I  beg  you  would  make  my  most 
respectful  compliments)  would  write  fully,  freely,  and  speedily  to  me ; 
and  let  me  know,  likewise,  what  our  great  and  good  friends  in  the 
House  of  Lords  and  Commons  think  expedient'  and  practicable  to  be 
done. 

God  forbid  that  the  nation  should  be  so  infatuated  as  to  do  any 
thing  further  to  irritate  the  colonies !  If  they  should,  the  colonies  will 
sooner  throw  themselves  into  the  arms  of  any  other  power  on  earth 
than  ever  consent  to  an  accommodation  with  Great  Britain.  That 
patience  which  I  have  frequently  told  you  would  at  last  be  exhausted 
is  no  longer  to  be  expected  from  us.  Danger  and  war  are  become 
pleasing ;    and  injured  virtue  is  now  armed  to  avenge  herself. 

I  am,  my  dear  sir,  your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

Jos.  Warren. 
62 


490  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

P.S.  —  Please  to  let  Mr.  Sayre  and  Sheriff  Lee  know  that  I  shall 
write  to  them  by  the  first  opportunity.  This  will  be  handed  to  you  by 
my  good  friend  Mr.  Barrell,  who  will  give  you  a  more  particular 
account  of  the  situation  of  our  public  affairs.1 

On  the  17th,  Warren  drafted  a  congratulatory 
letter,  in  behalf  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  to  the 
Connecticut  colony,  on  the  capture  of  Ticonderoga, 
which  I  copy  from  the  original  in  his  handwriting :  — 

Watertown,  May  17,  1775. 
Gentlemen,  —  We  have  the  happiness  of  presenting  our  congratu- 
lations to  you  on  the  reduction  of  that  important  Fortress  Ticonderoga. 
We  applaud  the  conduct  of  both  the  officers  and  soldiers ;  and  are  of 
opinion  that  the  advantageous  situation  of  that  fortress  makes  it  highly 
expedient  that  it  should  be  repaired  and  properly  garrisoned.  In  the 
mean  time,  as  we  suppose,  that,  as  there  is  no  scruple  for  keeping  all 
the  cannon  there,  we  should  be  extremely  glad  if  all  the  battering 
cannon,  especially  brass  cannon,  which  can  be  spared  from  that  place  or 
procured  from  Crown  Point  (which  we  hope  is  by  this  time  in  the  hands 
of  our  friends),  may  be  forwarded  this  way  with  all  possible  expedi- 
tion, as  we  have  here  to  contend  with  an  army  furnished  with  as  fine  a 
train  of  artillery  as  ever  was  seen  in  America ;  and  we  are  in  extreme 
want  of  a  sufficient  number  of  cannon  to  fortify  those  important  passes 
without  which  we  can  neither  annoy  General  Gage,  if  it  should  become 
necessary,  nor  defend  ourselves  against  him.  We,  therefore,  must  most 
earnestly  recommend  this  very  important  matter  to  your  immediate 
consideration  ;  and  we  would  suggest  it  as  our  opinion,  that  the  appoint- 
ing Colonel  Arnold  to  take  charge  of  them,  and  bring  them  down  in 
all  possible  haste,  may  be  a  means  of  settling  any  dispute  which  may 
have  arisen  between  him  and  some  other  officers,  which  we  are  always 
desirous  to  avoid,  and  more  especially  at  a  time  when  our  common 
danger  ought  to  unite  us  in  the  strongest  bonds  of  amity  and  affection. 

We  are,  gentlemen,  &c. 

On  the  18th,  Warren  was  again  chosen  a  member 
of  the  committee  of  safety,  his  name  standing  next 

1  This  letter  is  copied  from  the  original  in  Harvard-College  Library.     The 
copy  in  "  Lite  of  Arthur  Lee,"  ii.  268-70,  is  mangled. 


SIXTY   DAYS   OF    SERVICE.  491 

to  Hancock's.  He  had  this  day  an  unusual  duty  put 
upon  him,  occasioned  by  the  arrest  and  detention, 
by  an  armed  party,  of  Lady  Frankland,  who  had 
received  a  permit  to  go  into  Boston,  as  authorized 
by  congress;  and  one  of  the  party  was  called  to 
account  before  this  body.  On  retiring,  it  was  re- 
solved, that  the  president  should  gently  admonish 
him,  and  assure  him  w  that  the  congress  were  deter- 
mined to  preserve  their  dignity  and  power  over  the 
military;"  when  the  offender  was  called  in,  and  "the 
president  politely  admonished  him." 

On  the  19th,  congress  renewed  the  powers  of  the 
committee  of  safety  in  a  series  of  resolves  that  would 
occupy  several  of  these  pages,  confirmed  its  acts 
thus  far,  and  put  the  substantial  executive  power  of 
the  colony  into  their  hands.  It  gave  this  body  full 
power  to  call  out  the  militia,  to  station  the  army,  and 
directed  the  general  and  other  officers  to  render  strict 
obedience  to  its  orders. 

On  the  20th,  Warren,  in  the  morning,  was  ap- 
pointed by  congress  the  head  of  an  important  com- 
mittee to  consider  how  the  Massachusetts  army  could 
be  organized  in  the  most  ready  and  effectual  manner; 
and,  in  the  afternoon,  as  president,  he  delivered  to 
General  Ward  his  commission  "  as  general  and  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  Massachusetts  forces."  The 
oath  was  administered  to  him  by  Hon.  Samuel  Dexter. 
It  is  not  mentioned  that  Warren  made  an  address  on 
this  occasion;  but  he  was  in  the  habit  of  doing  it 
on  the  delivery  of  military  commissions,  as  I  have 
already  stated.  In  1782  John  Adams  related  this 
incident  at  a  dinner  party  at  the  Hague.  He  says, 
KDr.  Warren   made    a   harangue   in  the  form  of  a 


492  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

charge,  in  the  presence  of  the  assembly,  to  every 
officer,  upon  the  delivery  of  his  commission;  and  he 
never  failed  to  make  the  officer,  as  well  as  all  the 
assembly,  shudder  upon  those  occasions.  Count  Sars- 
field  appeared  struck  and  affected  by  this  anecdote." 

On  the  21st,  Sunday,  the  following  is  the  whole 
of  the  record  of  the  doings  of  congress :  K  Met  at 
four  o'clock,  p.m.,  and  adjourned  to  to-morrow  morn- 
ing, eight  o'clock."  Warren  communicated  "  to  Hall's 
paper,"  the  "Essex  Gazette,"  the  following  account 
of  what  occurred  this  day :  — 

"  Last  Sabbath,  about  ten  o'clock,  a.m.,  an  express  arrived  at  General 
Thomas's  quarters,  at  Roxbury,  informing  him  that  four  sloops  (two  of 
them  armed)  were  sailed  from  Boston  to  the  south  shore  of  the  bay, 
and  that  a  number  of  soldiers  were  landing  at  Weymouth.  General 
Thomas  ordered  three  companies  to  march  to  the  support  of  the  inhab- 
itants. When  arrived,  they  found  the  soldiers  had  not  attempted  to 
land  at  Weymouth,  but  had  landed  on  Grape  Island,  from  whence  they 
were  carrying  off  hay  on  board  the  sloops.  The  people  of  Weymouth 
assembled  on  a  point  of  land  next  to  Grape  Island.  The  distance 
from  Weymouth  shore  to  the  said  island  was  too  great  for  small  arms 
to  do  execution ;  nevertheless,  our  people  frequently  fired.  The  fire 
was  returned  from  one  of  the  vessels,  with  swivel-guns ;  but  the  shot 
passed  over  our  heads,  and  did  no  mischief.  Matters  continued  in  this 
state  for  several  hours,  the  soldiers  pulling  the  hay  down  to  the  water- 
side, our  people  firing  at  the  vessel,  and  they  now  and  then  discharging 
swivel-guns.  The  tide  had  now  come  in,  and  several  lighters  which 
were  aground,  were  got  afloat ;  upon  which  our  people,  who  were  ardent 
for  battle,  got  on  board,  hoisted  sail,  and  bore  directly  down  upon  the 
nearest  point  of  the  island.  The  soldiers  and  sailors  immediately  left 
the  barn,  and  made  for  their  boats,  and  put  off  -from  one  end  of  the 
island  whilst  our  people  landed  on  the  other.  The  sloops  hoisted  sail 
with  all  possible  expedition,  whilst  our  people  set  fire  to  the  barn,  and 
burnt  seventy  or  eighty  tons  of  hay ;  then  fired  several  tons  which  had 
been  pulled  down  to  the  water-side,  and  brought  off  the  cattle.  As  the 
vessels  passed  Horse  Neck,  a  sort  of  promontory  which  extends  from 
Germantown,  they  fired  their  swivels  and  small  arms  at  our  people 


SIXTY   DAYS    OF    SERVICE.  493 

pretty  briskly,  but  without  effect,  though  one  of  the  bullets  from  their 
small  arms,  which  passed  over  our  people,  struck  against  a  stone  with 
such  force  as  to  take  off  a  large  part  of  the  bullet.  Whether  any  of 
the  enemy  were  wounded  is  uncertain,  though  it  it  is  reported  three 
of  them  were.  It  is  thought  they  did  not  carry  off  more  than  one  or 
two  tons  of  hay."1 

There  is  an  omission  in  this  relation.  Bancroft 
remarks,  that  "Warren,  ever  bravest  among  the  brave, 
ever  present  where  there  was  danger,"  was  in  this 
affair. 

On  the  22d,  the  Provincial  Congress  sent  to  Col- 
onel Arnold  a  letter  on  the  capture  of  Ticonderoga, 
similar  in  sentiment  to  Warren's  letter  written  to 
Connecticut  on  the  17th,  and  enclosing  a  copy  of  it, 
saying  that,  as  the  expedition  began  in  that  colony, 
it  ought  to  take  the  whole  matter  under  its  care  and 
direction  *  until  the  advice  of  the  Continental  Con- 
gress "  could  be  received. 

On  the  23d,  the  committee  on  the  organization  of 

i  The  relation  in  the  text,  and  the  attention  that  Warren  gave  to  the  publica- 
tion of  the  letters  of  Hutchinson  in  the  newspapers,  were  the  close  of  his  connec- 
tion with  the  press.  His  friends,  Benjamin  Edes  and  John  Gill,  of  the  "  Boston 
Gazette,"  lived  to  see  the  independence  of  their  country.  The  following  notice 
is  in  the  "  Exchange  Advertiser  "  of  Sept.  1,  1785 :  "  Died  on  Friday  last,  much 
respected,  in  the  fifty-fourth  year  of  his  age,  Captain  John  Gill,  for  many  years  a 
printer  in  the  metropolis."  Benjamin  Edes  lived  until  1803.  An  obituary  notice 
of  him,  in  the  "  Independent  Chronicle  "  of  Dec.  19,  says,  "  On  Thursday  last, 
the  remains  of  the  aged  patriot,  Benjamin  Edes,  were  attended  to  the  grave  by 

a  numerous  and  respectable  procession  of  his  fellow-citizens The  services 

Mr.  Edes  rendered  his  country,  by  his  uniform  and  intrepid  conduct  during  the 
various  conflicts  of  America  against  the  arbitrary  measures  of  Britain,  endeared 
his  memory  to  all  those  who  estimate  the  blessings  of  our  independence.  In  that 
day  he  stepped  forward  as  a  printer,  and  devoted  his  press,  free  and  unshackled, 
to  sound  the  trumpet  in  our  political  Zion,  and  warn  the  inhabitants  of  the  dan- 
ger that  threatened  them.  In  the  pages  of  his  paper  may  be  found  the  eloquent 
language  of  an  Otis,  the  convincing  arguments  of  S.  Adams,  the  logical  reason- 
ing of  Warren,  the  animating  fire  of  Paine,  the  combined  patriots  of  those  days, 
whose  exertions  nipped  tyranny  in  the  bud,  and  paved  the  way  to  America's 
glory." 


494  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

the  army,  appointed  on  the  20th,  of  which  Warren 
was  the  chairman,  reported  through  "  Joseph  Hawley 
per  order; "  and,  among  other  recommendations,  that 
a  lieutenant-general  should  be  appointed  by  the  con- 
gress before  it  should  rise. 

On  the  24th,  the  Provincial  Congress  issued  an 
address  to  their  "Friends  and  fellow-countrymen," 
urging  that  they  should  continue  to  furnish  supplies 
to  support  the  army,  and  ought  to  crown  all  their 
exertions  by  subscribing  to  a  loan  of  one  hundred 
thousand,  lawful  money. 

On  the  25th,  Warren  had  the  pleasure  of  sending 
to  the  committee  of  safety  the  following  note,  which 
I  copy  from  the  original  in  his  handwriting :  — 

Watertown,  May  25,  1775. 

To  the  Honorable  Committee  of  Safety. 

Gentlemen,  —  Upon  my  arrival  here  just  this  minute,  I  had  the 
pleasure  of  being  informed,  that  our  worthy  friend  Colonel  Arnold,  not 
having  had  the  sole  honor  of  reducing  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point, 
determined  upon  an  expedition  against  St.  John's,  in  which  he  happily 
succeeded.  The  letters  were  directed  to  the  committee  of  safety,  but 
were  supposed  to  be  necessary  to  be  laid  before  the  congress.  I  have 
not  yet  seen  them ;  but  you  will  have  the  particulars  from  the  bearer. 

I  have  also  received  a  letter  from  the  congress  of  New  Hampshire, 
informing  me  of  a  resolve  to  raise  forthwith  two  thousand  men,  and 
more,  if  it  should  be  necessary.  The  troops,  at  least  one  company, 
with  a  train  of  artillery,  from  Providence,  are  in  the  upper  end  of 
Roxbury.  To  say  the  truth,  I  find  my  health  much  mended  since  the 
morning. 

I  am,  gentlemen,  your  most  obedient  servant,         J.  Warren. 

P.S.  —  You  will  be  kind  enough  to  communicate  the  contents  of 
this  letter  to  the  general's  room,  as  I  love  to  give  pleasure  to  good 
men. 

On  the  26th,  Warren  addressed  the  following  clear, 
well-considered,  and  statesman-like  letter  to  his  friend 


SIXTY   DAYS    OP    SERVICE.  495 

Samuel  Adams,  on  the  all-important  question  of  a 
civil  government  and  the  control  of  the  army :  — 

Joseph  Warren  to  Samuel  Adams. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  see  more  and  more  the  necessity  of  establishing  a 
civil  government  here,  and  such  a  government  as  shall  be  sufficient  to 
control  the  military  forces,  not  only  of  this  colony,  but  also  such  as 
shall  be  sent  to  us  from  the  other  colonies.  The  continent  must 
strengthen  and  support  with  all  its  weight  the  civil  authority  here ; 
otherwise  our  soldiery  will  lose  the  ideas  of  right  and  wrong,  and  will 
plunder,  instead  of  protecting,  the  inhabitants.  This  is  but  too  evident 
already ;  and  I  assure  you  inter  nos,  that,  unless  some  authority  sufficient 
to  restrain  the  irregularities  of  this  army  is  established,  we  shall  very 
soon  find  ourselves  involved  in  greater  difficulties  than  you  can  well 
imagine.  The  least  hint  from  the  most  unprincipled  fellow,  who  has 
perhaps  been  reproved  for  some  criminal  behavior,  is  quite  sufficient  to 
expose  the  fairest  character  to  insult  and  abuse  among  many ;  and  it  is 
with  our  countrymen  as  with  all  other  men,  when  they  are  in  arms, 
they  think  the  military  should  be  uppermost.  I  know  very  well,  that, 
in  the  course  of  time,  people  will  see  the  error  of  such  proceedings ; 
but  I  am  not  sure  it  will  be  before  many  disagreeable  consequences 
may  take  place.  The  evil  may  now  be  easily  remedied.  I  know  the 
temper  of  our  people.  They  are  sensible,  brave,  and  virtuous ;  and  I 
wish  they  might  ever  continue  so.  Mild  and  gentle  regulations  will  be 
sufficient  for  them ;  but  the  penalties  annexed  to  the  breach  of  those 
rules  should  be  rigorously  inflicted.  I  would  have  such  a  government 
as  should  give  every  man  the  greatest  liberty  to  do  what  he  pleases  con- 
sistent with  restraining  him  from  doing  any  injury  to  another,  or  such  a 
government  as  would  most  contribute  to  the  good  of  the  whole,  with 
the  least  inconvenience  to  individuals.  However,  it  is  difficult  to  frame 
a  government  de  novo  which  will  stand  in  need  of  no  amendment. 
Experience  must  point  out  defects.  And,  if  the  people  should  not  lose 
their  morals,  it  will  be  easy  for  them  to  correct  the  errors  in  the  first 
formation  of  government.  If  they  should  lose  them,  what  was  not 
good  at  first  will  be  soon  insupportable.  My  great  wish  therefore  is, 
that  we  may  restrain  every  thing  which  tends  to  weaken  the  principles 
of  right  and  wrong,  more  especially  with  regard  to  property.  You 
may  possibly  think  I  am  a  little  angry  with  my  countrymen,  or  have 
not  so  good  an  opinion  of  them  as  I  formerly  had ;  but  that  is  not  the 


496  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

case.  I  love,  —  I  admire  them.  The  errors  they  have  fallen  into  are 
natural  and  easily  accounted  for.  A  sudden  alarm  brought  them 
together,  animated  with  the  noblest  spirit.  They  left  their  houses, 
their  families,  with  nothing  but  the  clothes  on  their  backs,  without  a 
day's  provision,  and  many  without  a  farthing  in  their  pockets.  Their 
country  was  in  danger ;  their  brethren  were  slaughtered  ;  their  arms 
alone  engrossed  their  attention.  As  they  passed  through  the  country, 
the  inhabitants  gladly  opened  their  hospitable  doors,  and  all  things 
were  in  common.  The  enemies  of  their  country  alone  refused  to  aid 
and  comfort  the  hungry  soldier.  Prudence  seemed  to  dictate  that  the 
force  made  use  of  to  obtain  what  ought  voluntarily  to  have  been  given, 
should  be  winked  at.  And  it  is  not  easy  for  men,  especially  when 
interest  and  the  gratification  of  appetite  are  considered,  to  know  how 
far  they  may  continue  to  tread  in  the  path  where  there  are  no  land- 
marks to  direct  them.  I  hope  care  will  be  taken  by  the  Continental 
Congress  to  apply  an  immediate  remedy,  as  the  infection  is  caught  by 
every  new  corps  that  arrives. 

With  regard  to  the  skirmish  which  happened  at  Grape  Island,  you 
will  find  a  particular  account  thereof  in  Hall's  paper,  which  was  given 
him  by  myself,  who  was  in  the  action. 

Yesterday  arrived  the  three  famous  generals,  Howe,  Burgoyne,  and 
Clinton,  with  twenty  of  the-  light-horse :  two  were  lost  on  the  voyage. 
Pray  present  my  best  respects  to  all  friends,  particularly  our  colony 
members,  and,  without  letting  the  matter  be  public,  take  their  opinions 
upon  the  former  part  of  this  letter.  For  the  honor  of  my  country,  I 
wish  the  disease  may  be  cured  before  it  is  known  to  exist. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  your  most  obedient  servant  and  sincere  friend, 

Jos.  Warren. 
Mr.  Samuel  Adams. 

Cambridge,  May  26,  1775. 

On  the  27th,  Warren,  as  the  president  of  con- 
gress, sent  to  the  Continental  Congress  a  letter 
relative  to  the  action  of  Massachusetts  in  relation  to 
the  capture  of  Ticonderoga,  which  contains  more 
elaborately  the  views  he  had  expressed  in  his  letters 
to  Mr.  McDougal  of  New  York,  and  to  Connecticut. 
w  We  beg  leave,"  this  letter  says,  "  on  this  occasion 
most  solemnly  to  assure  your  honors,  that  nothing 


SIXTY   DAYS    OF    SERVICE.  497 

can  be  more  abhorrent  to  the  temper  and  spirit  of  this 
congress  and  the  people  of  this  colony,  than  any 
attempt  to  usurp  on  the  jurisdiction  of  any  of  our 
sister  colonies,  which,  upon  the  superficial  considera- 
tion of  this  step,  there  may  seem  to  be  some  appear- 
ance of.  But  we  assure  ourselves,  that  such  are  the 
candor  and  generous  sentiments  of  our  brethren  of 
the  colony  of  New  York,  .  .  .  that  they  will  readily 
overlook  this  mistake,  if  it  is  one,  committed  in  the 
haste  of  war.  ...  If  any  of  those  cannon  should 
arrive  within  the  limits  of  this  colony,  we  shall  hold 
ourselves  accountable  for  them  to  your  honors,  or  any 
succeeding  representatives  of  the  continent."  So 
careful  were  the  patriots  not  to  infringe  on  the  local 
jurisdiction  of  their  brethren,  and  so  true  were  they 
to  the  union.  On  this  day,  Warren  served  under 
General  Putnam  in  the  spirited  skirmish  on  Noddle's 
Island,  when  the  provincials  drove  off  the  live  stock. 
In  the  "  London  Chronicle  "  of  this  date,  appended  to 
an  address  by  the  Provincial  Congress,  "  To  the  in- 
habitants of  Great  Britain,"  Warren's  name  occurs, 
for  the  first  time,  appended  to  an  official  document 
printed  in  England. 

On  the  28th,  Warren  received  a  letter  from  J. 
Henshaw,  who  was  selected  for  a  mission  to  Hartford 
and  Crown  Point,  asking  for  certain  papers  and  a 
horse  and  sulky,  which  Mr.  Gill  promised  to  supply. 
Henshaw  asked  Warren's  direction  in  the  matter. 
Many  letters  of  this  nature  were  addressed  to  War- 
ren, which  shows  the  detail  that  fell  to  his  lot. 

On  the  29th,  Warren,  as  president,  addressed  a 
letter  to  the  New-Hampshire  Congress,  urging  the 
importance  of  maintaining  the  forts  of  Ticonderoga 

63 


498  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WARREN. 

and  Crown  Point.     On  this  day,  the  second  Provin- 
cial Congress  dissolved. 

On  the  30th,  there  was  a  meeting  of  the  committee 
of  safety,  when  directions  were  given  to  carry  to 
Cambridge  the  cannon  and  stores  saved  from  a 
schooner  that  had  been  burned  in  Chelsea. 

The  31st  was  the  day  named  in  the  colony  charter 
for  the  annual  election  of  councillors,  and  the  third 
Provincial  Congress  convened  in  the  meeting-house 
at  "Watertown.  The  first  entry  on  its  journal  states 
that  "  Hon.  Joseph  "Warren,  Esq.,"  was  unanimously 
chosen  the  president.  The  committee  of  safety  met 
in  this  town,  and  there  was  held  here  a  convention  of 
congregational  ministers.  The  president  of  Harvard 
College,  Rev.  Samuel  Langdon,  D.D.,  preached  the 
election  sermon  from  the  text,  "  And  I  will  restore 
thy  judges  as  at  the  first,  and  thy  counsellors  as  at 
the  beginning:  afterwards  thou  shalt  be  called  the 
city  of  righteousness,  the  faithful  city."  The  dis- 
course began  with  the  following  words :  w  Shall  we 
rejoice,  my  fathers  and  brethren,  or  shall  we  weep 
together,  on  the  return  of  this  anniversary?"  In  Dr. 
Langdon's  view,  the  controversy  threatened  w  a  final 
separation  of  the  colonies  from  Great  Britain."  He 
announced  the  vital  principle,  that "  every  nation,  when 
able  and  agreed,  has  a  right  to  set  up  over  them- 
selves any  form  of  government  which  to  them  might 
appear  most  conducive  to  their  common  welfare;" 
he  uttered  the  following  timely  republican  injunc- 
tion :  w  Let  those  who  cry  up  the  divine  right  of  kings 
consider,  that  the  only  form  of  government  which 
had  a  proper  claim  to  a  divine  establishment  was  so 
far  from  including  the  idea  of  a  king,  that  it  was  a 


SIXTY   DAYS    OF    SERVICE.  499 

high  crime  in  Israel  to  be  in  this  respect  like  other 
nations;"  and  he  regarded  the  general  agreement 
"  through  so  many  provinces  of  so  large  a  country," 
in  the  adoption  of  "  one  mode  of  self-preservation/'  of 
corresponding  committees  and  congresses,  as  caused 
by  "  some  supernatural  influence  on  the  minds  of  the 
main  body  of  the  people."  There  has  been  a  dispo- 
sition to  take  a  semi-Tory  view  of  the  conduct  of  the 
people,  by  giving  undue  importance  to  the  instances 
of  mob  action,  and  to  overlook  the  remarkable  ad- 
herence to  social  order  that  is  seen  through  ten 
years  of  exciting  controversy.  The  words  of  Dr. 
Langdon,  on  this  point,  are  valuable.  He  said, 
"Universal  tumults,  and  all  the  irregularities  and 
violence  of  mobbish  factions,  naturally  arise  when 
legal  authority  ceases.  But  how  little  of  this  has 
appeared  in  the  midst  of  the  late  obstructions  of  civil 
government!  Nothing  more  than  what  has  often 
happened  in  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  in  the  face  of 
the  civil  powers  in  all  their  strength;  nothing  more 
than  what  is  frequently  seen  in  the  midst  of  the  per- 
fect regulations  of  the  great  city  of  London."  And 
he  bore  the  following  testimony  to  the  general  obedi- 
ence paid,  at  that  time,  to  the  local  authorities 
and  the  inchoate  nationality:  "The  judgment  and 
advice  of  the  continental  assembly  of  delegates  have 
been  as  readily  obeyed  as  if  they  were  the  authentic 
acts  of  a  long-established  parliament.  And  in  every 
colony  the  votes  of  a  congress  have  had  equal  effect 
with  the  laws  of  great  and  general  courts."  This  fact 
is  a  part  of  American  history,  —  a  history  not  made 
by  the  few,  but  by  the  many,  —  a  history  which  illus- 
trates at  every  step  the  power  of  an  enlightened  pub- 
lic opinion. 


500  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH   WARREN. 

On  the  1st  of  June,  the  Provincial  Congress 
ordered  letters  to  be  sent  to  Colonel  Arnold,  to  the 
assembly  of  Connecticut,  and  the  Provincial  Con- 
gress of  ~New  Hampshire,  on  the  subject  of  retaining 
Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point. 

On  the  2d,  congress  was  occupied  with  the  de- 
tails connected  with  the  organization  of  the  army. 
Among  the  papers  addressed  to  Warren  as  president 
were  memorials  relative  to  the  exposed  position  of 
the  seaport  towns;  and  a  large  committee  was  ap- 
pointed to  consider  the  subject  of  their  protection. 

On  the  3d,  a  committee,  with  Gerry  as  the  chair- 
man, was  appointed  to  hold  a  conference  at  Cam- 
bridge, with  the  committee  of  safety,  on  the  subject 
of  re-enforcing  the  army,  and  the  general  officers 
were  invited  to  join  in  it. 

On  the  4th,  Sunday,  there  were  three  sessions  of 
the  Provincial  Congress.  Elbridge  Gerry,  addressed 
a  letter  on  this  day  to  the  Massachusetts  dele- 
gates, in  which  he  urged  strongly  the  necessity  of 
a  local  government  and  M  of  a  regular  general."  In 
relation  to  the  latter,  Gerry  says,  "  I  should  heartily 
rejoice  to  see  this  way  the  beloved  Colonel  Wash- 
ington, and  do  not  doubt  the  ]S"ew-England  generals 
would  acquiesce  in  showing  to  our  sister  colony, 
Virginia,  the  respect  she  has  before  experienced 
from  the  continent  in  making  him  generalissimo. 
This  is  a  matter  in  which  Dr.  Warren  agrees  with 
me;  and  we  had  intended  to  write  you  jointly  on 
the  affair."1  Warren,  on  this  day,  as  "chairman  of  the 
committee  of  safety,"  united  with  General  Ward, 
"general  of  the  Massachusetts  forces,"  and  Moses 

i  Life  of  Elbridge  Gerry,  i.  79. 


SIXTY   DAYS    OF    SERVICE. 


501 


Gill,  *  chairman  of  the  committee  of  supplies,"  in  a 
strong  representation  to  the  Continental  Congress  of 
the  distresses  of  the  colony,  in  the  assurance,  they 
said,  that  congress,  as  the  wise  guardians  of  the 
lives,  liberties,  and  properties  of  the  whole  of  this 
extensive  continent,  would  attend  to  the  circum- 
stances of  all  who,  under  God,  looked  up  to  them 
for  protection  and  deliverance. 

On  the  5th,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  examine 
certain  mineral  earth  that  had  been  submitted  to 
congress,  "  and,  in  such  inquiry,  to  consult  the  Hon. 
Joseph  Warren,  Esq.,  and  Professor  Sewall." 

On  the  6th,  Warren  accompanied  General  Put- 
nam to  Charlestown,  in  order  to  effect  an  exchange 
of  prisoners.  Captain  Chester  and  the  Wethers- 
field  company  formed  the  escort.  Warren  and  Put- 
nam rode  in  a  phaeton;  two  of  the  prisoners,  who 
were  officers,  were  on  horseback;  a  lieutenant  was 
in  a  chaise ;  and  four  wounded  marines  were  in  two 
carts.  Warren  and  Putnam  met  Major  Moncrief 
and  other  British  officers  at  the  house  of  Dr.  Foster, 
in  Charlestown,  where  an  entertainment  was  pro- 
vided. The  affair  *  was  conducted  with  the  utmost 
decency  and  good  humor."  On  this  day,  Warren 
was  appointed  on  a  committee  to  consider  the  expe- 
diency of  authorizing  armed  vessels  to  cruise  on  the 
American  coasts,  protect  its  trade,  and  annoy  its 
enemies.  The  members  were  enjoined  to  observe 
secrecy. 

On  the  7th,  the  business  transacted  by  the  Pro- 
vincial Congress  was  uncommonly  important.  El- 
bridge  Gerry,  from  a  committee,  reported  that  it  was 
unnecessary  for  the  colony  to  augment  its  forces.     A 


502  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

time  was  assigned  for  the  choice  of  two  major- 
generals.  The  president  was  directed  to  admonish 
Mr.  Edwards  on  account  of  his  speech  on  the  com- 
mittee of  safety. 

On  the  8th,  there  was  an  important  debate  in  the 
Provincial  Congress  on  a  report,  signed  by  Gerry 
as  chairman,  to  the  effect  that  it  was  unnecessary  to 
increase  the  force  raised  for  this  and  other  American 
colonies ;  when  the  committees  of  safety  and  supplies, 
and  the  several  committees  of  the  congress,  were 
desired  to  be  present.  After  debating  the  subject 
in  the  morning  and  the  afternoon  in  committee  of  the 
whole,  the  report  was  accepted. 

On  the  9th,  the  Provincial  Congress  adopted  a 
stringent  order,  directing  the  committee  of  safety  to 
certify  the  claims  or  pretensions  that  any  gentleman 
might  have  to  a  commission  in  the  service,  with  a 
view  to  reducing  the  army  to  order. 

On  the  10th,  the  committee  of  safety  presented  an 
elaborate  and  valuable  report,  showing  the  confused 
state  of  the  army  from  the  date  of  the  19th  of  April, 
in  consequence  of  more  enlisting  orders  having  been 
delivered  than  were  sufficient  to  enlist  the  number  of 
men  required.  K  At  that  time,"  the  committee  say, 
"but  few  men  enlisted;  and  there  was  an  apprehen- 
sion that  the  province  was  in  the  utmost  danger  from 
the  want  of  men."  Hutchinson *  predicted  to  Gibbon, 
that  "  unless  fanaticism  got  the  better  of  self-preser- 
vation, they  (the  people)   must  soon  disperse,  as  it 

1  Hutchinson  was  tendered  a  baronetcy,  which  he  declined.  He  died  in 
England,  on  the  3d  of  June,  1780,  suddenly,  as  he  was  stepping  into  his  car- 
riage, and  was  buried  at  Croyden.    He  was  sixty-nine  years  of  age. 

Francis  Bernard  died  June  16,  1779.  A  brief  obituary  of  him,  in  the  "  Gen- 
tleman's Magazine,"  says  he  was  of  Nettleham,  Lincolnshire. 


SIXTY   DAYS    OF    SERVICE.  503 

was  the  season  for  sowing  their  Indian  corn,  the  chief 
subsistence  of  New  England."  This  was  the  time 
when  Warren  w  did  wonders "  in  keeping  the  army 
together. 

On  the  11th,  the  Provincial  Congress  authorized 
Joseph  Hawley  to  sign  an  address  to  the  Continental 
Congress,  which  strongly  reiterated  the  necessity 
"of  a  settled  civil  polity  or  government,"  making 
reference  to  the  former  application  of  the  16th  of 
May.  This  address  says,  "  The  pressing  weight  of 
our  distresses  has  necessitated  the  sending  a  special 
post  to  obtain  your  immediate  advice  upon  this  sub- 
ject; and  we  do  most  earnestly  entreat  that  you 
would,  as  soon  as  possible,  despatch  the  messenger 
with  such  advice."  This  address  repeats  the  consid- 
erations which  Warren  had  urged  in  official  and 
private  letters. 

On  the  12th,  there  was  a  session  of  the  Provincial 
Congress  ;  but  the  absorbing  topic  of  the  day  was 
the  celebrated  proclamation  of  General  Gage,  declar- 
ing w  the  infatuated  multitudes  "  who  were  in  arms, 
and  their  abettors,  to  be  rebels,  and  offering  pardon 
to  all  excepting  Samuel  Adams  and  John  Hancock. 

On  the  13th,  there  was  a  long  session  of  congress. 
Warren  was  appointed  the  chairman  of  w  a  committee 
to  consider  the  subject-matter  of  a  late  extraordi- 
nary proclamation  of  General  Gage;"  and  this  com- 
mittee prepared  a  counter-proclamation,  which,  though 
not  issued  at  the  time,  was  printed  subsequently  in 
the  journals  of  the  Provincial  Congress. 

On  the  14th,  the  Provincial  Congress  chose  War- 
ren, by  ballot,  a  major-general.  The  records  say  a 
committee  was  directed  "  to  wait  on  the  Hon.  Joseph 


504  LTFE    OF    JOSEPH    WARREN. 

Warren,  Esq.,  and  inform  him  that  this  congress  have 
made  choice  of  him  for  second  major-general  of  the 
Massachusetts  army,  and  desire  his  answer  to  this 
congress  of  his  acceptance  of  this  trust."  It  is  stated, 
that  "he  was  proposed  as  a  physician-general;  but, 
preferring  a  more  active  and  hazardous  employment, 
he  accepted  a  major-general's  commission." 1 

On  the  15th,  the  committee  of  safety  recommended 
to  the  council  of  war,  that,  as  the  possession  of 
Bunker  Hill  appeared  of  importance  to  the  safety 
of  the  colony,  it  be  maintained  by  a  sufficient  force 
being  posted  there;  and,  as  the  situation  of  Dor- 
chester Hill  was  unknown  to  the  committee,  it  recom- 
mended to  the  council  of  war  to  take  such  steps 
relative  to  it  as  w  to  them  should  appear  to  be  for  the 
security  of  the  colony."  It  had  been  reported  for 
several  weeks,  that  General  Gage,  when  his  re- 
enforcements  arrived,  designed  to  commence  offensive 
operations;  and  it  was  expected  in  England  that  his 
finely  appointed  army,  commanded  by  generals  of 
experience,  would  easily  disperse  the  Provincials. 
So  scanty  was  the  supply  of  powder  and  of  arms,  and 
so  great  the  confusion  of  the  army,  there  were  appre- 
hensions that  General  Gage  might  succeed,  at  least 
so  far  as  to  capture  Cambridge ;  and  congress  took 
steps  to  secure  the  records  and  stores.  On  the  12th 
of  May,  this  body  was  formally  advised,  that,  in  order 
to  render  the  country  w  safe  from  all  sallies  of  the 
enemy "  in  this  quarter,  it  would  be  necessary  to 
fortify  Prospect  Hill,  the  first  hill  in  Charlestown 
(now  in  Somerville),  nearest  to  head-quarters;  Winter 
Hill,  which  is  nearest  to  the  peninsula  of  Charles- 

1  Mass.  Hist.  Society's  Collections,  i.  110. 


SIXTY   DAYS    OF    SERVICE.  505 

town;  and  Bunker  Hill,  just  within  the  peninsula.    It 
is  said,  that  Warren  was  not  in  favor  of  occupying  so 
exposed  a  post  as  Bunker  Hill,  which  would  be  in 
accordance  with  his  usual  good  judgment.     The  fol- 
lowing incidents  are  related:    On  the  evening  after 
the  affair  at  Noddle's  Island,  after  General  Putnam 
had  warmly  urged  this  measure,  but  General  Ward 
had  enjoined  caution,  "Warren  remarked  to  Putnam, 
w  I  admire  your  spirit,  and  respect  General  "Ward's 
prudence.     We  shall  need  them  both,  and  one  must 
temper  the  other."     After  the  march  of  the  army  into 
Charlestown,  Ward   and   Warren,  against  an  occu- 
pancy of  the  heights  of  this  town,  said  that,  "  as  they 
had  no  powder  to  spare,  and  no  battering  cannon,  it 
would  be  idle  to  make  approaches  on  to  the  town." 
One  day,  after  conversing  with  Putnam  on  this  sub- 
ject, Warren  rose,  and  walked  two  or  three   times 
across  the  room,  leaned  a  few  minutes  over  the  back 
of  a  chair,  in  a  thoughtful  attitude,  and  said,  "  Almost 
thou   persuadest  me,  General  Putnam;    but  I  must 
still  think  the  project  a  rash  one.     Nevertheless,  if 
the  project  be  adopted,  and  the  strife  becomes  hard, 
you  must  not  be  surprised  to  find  me  near  you  in  the 
midst  of  it." x    There  is  nothing  unreasonable  in  these 
relations,  so  far  as  they  relate  to  Warren.     In  fact, 
they  harmonize  with  much  under  his  own  hand  bear- 
ing on  military  operations.      His  letters  show  how 
earnest  he  was  to  drive  Gage  out  of  Boston;  but  his 
pleading  for  powder,  artillery,  discipline,  and  adequate 
government  shows  a  wise  appreciation  of  the  obsta- 
cles that  were  in  the  path  of  success.      The  great 

1  These  relations  are  contained  in  a  memoir  prepared  by  Daniel  Putnam,  in 
1818. 

64 


506  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    W  ARBEIT. 

object,  however,  was  self-defence.  The  commanders 
of  the  army  received  authentic  intelligence,  that  Gen- 
eral Gage  had  fixed  on  the  night  of  the  18th  of  June 
on  which  to  commence  offensive  operations  ;  and 
hence  the  action  of  the  committee  of  safety.  On  this 
day,  Warren,  as  president  of  the  congress,  signed 
letters  addressed  to  Connecticut,  JSTew  Hampshire, 
and  the  Continental  Congress.  An  elaborate  report 
showed  the  disorganized  state  of  the  army,  the  posi- 
tion of  the.  colonels  relative  to  commissions,  and  stated 
that  the  Massachusetts  forces  fell  considerably  short  of 
the  13,600  men  which  had  been  ordered  to  be  enlisted. 
On  the  16th,  "Warren  presided  at  the  session  of  the 
Provincial  Congress  at  Watertown.  Several  colonels 
and  captains  were  sworn  in  and  commissioned;  and 
the  committee  on  Gage's  proclamation,  of  which  War- 
ren was  the  chairman,  reported  a  spirited  rejoinder. 
The  committee  of  safety  met  at  Cambridge,  and  the 
business  on  its  hands  must  have  been  uncommonly 
urgent.  It  was  reported  this  day  in  the  camp,  w  that 
Warren  was  chosen  a  major-general,  and  that  Heath 
was  not  chosen  to  any  office;  but  it  was  supposed 
that  no  difficulty  would  arise  from  it."  The  following 
note,  which  I  copy  from  the  original  in  his  hand- 
writing, superscribed  w  General  Heath,  camp  at  Rox- 
bury,  to  be  delivered  immediately,"  shows  that  War- 
ren was  in  Cambridge,  and  on  the  most  kindly 
relations  with  Heath.  It  is  the  last  word  from  Jo- 
seph Warren  under  his  own  hand :  — 

Cambridge,  June  16. 
My  good  Friend,  —  Every  thing  is  now  going  agreeable  to  our 
wishes.     General  Ward  has  recommended  to  the  congress  to  take  the 
]  we  determined  upon  yesterday.     Nothing  is  wanting  but  for 


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SIXTY   DAYS    OF    SERVICE. 


507 


you  to  make  a  return  of  your  regiment,  which  I  wish  may  be  done 
without  a  moment's  delay,  as  there  is  an  absolute  order  of  congress, 
that  the  brigadiers  shall  be  chosen  out  of  the  colonels. 

I  am  your  most  obedient,  humble  servant,  Jos.  Warren.1 

In  the  evening,  he  was  applied  to  on  public  busi- 
ness, and  promised  that  it  should  be  attended  to. 
About  nine  o'clock,  Colonel  Prescott,  at  the  head  of 
a  detachment  of  about  one  thousand  men,  marched 
from  Cambridge  to  Charlestown,  passed  over  Bunker 
Hill,  which  had  been  recommended  to  be  held,  and 
threw  up  a  redoubt  on  the  heights  near  Boston,  which 
have  since  obtained  the  name  of  Breed's  Hill.  The 
committee  of  safety  say  that  this  hill  was  chosen  "  by 
mistake."  It  is  stated  that  Warren  passed  the  night 
in  the  transaction  of  public  business.2 

i  The  original  of  this  note  is  in  the  Heath  Papers,  in  the  archives  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 
2  Everett's  Warren,  158. 


508  LITE    OF 


JOSEPH   WARREN. 


CHAPTEE  XVI. 


THE     CLOSING     SCENE. 


Warren  and  the  Seventeenth  of  June.  —  The  Committee  of 
Safety.  —  The  Continental  Congress.  —  Warren  in  the  Bunker- 
Hill  Battle.  —  His  Fall. — The  General  Grief. — The  Remains. 
—  Monument.  —  Conclusion. 

1775.     The  Seventeenth  of  June. 

The  Seventeenth  of  June  was  a  marked  anniversary 
in  Warren's  career.  Seven  years  before,  on  this  day, 
in  a  town-meeting,  he  recommended  the  people  to 
vindicate  their  rights  at  the  hazard  of  fortune  and 
life.1  On  the  last  anniversary,  acting  still  more  prom- 
inently as  a  popular  leader,  his  morning  hours  were 
full  of  anxiety,  because,  for  the  first  time,  he  had  to 
meet  an  exigency  without  the  guidance  of  Samuel 
Adams ;  but,  in  the  evening,  he  was  full  of  joy 
because  of  the  success  of  a  town-meeting,  the  choice 
of  delegates  to  a  Continental  Congress,  and  the  signs 
that  heralded  American  Union.2 

Warren  may  be  said  to  have  lived  an  age  during 
the  twelve  months  upon  which  he  then  entered. 
There  soon  happened  those  exigencies  that  occur  in 
the  progress  of  great  events,  in  meeting  which  medi- 
ocrity too  often  fails,  but  genuine  ability  rises  to  the 
mark  of  rendering  large  public  service.  Warren, 
growing  steadily  in  self-reliance,  discharged  the  du- 

1  See  page  67.  2  See  pages  319-326. 


THE    CLOSING   SCENE.  509 

ties  which  fell  to  his  lot  in  such  a  manner  that  his 
contemporaries  said  *  he  filled  each  of  the  numerous 
departments  of  life  that  were  assigned  to  him  so  well, 
that  he  seemed  born  for  no  other;"1  and  that  "his 
name  would  live,  and  fill  the  world  with  wonder."2 
His  words,  as  he  thus  acted,  show  how  his  spirit 
linked  itself  with  the  heroic  and  memorable  past  of 
the  ages;  and  yet  how  simply  and  tersely3  he  could 
urge  the  practical  duties  of  the  hour.  Though  he 
was  an  enthusiast  for  liberty,  he  appreciated  the 
necessity  of  joining  to  it  that  respect  which  power 
only  can  command.  His  ideal  was  liberty  without 
licentiousness.  He  urged  for  its  full  enjoyment  the 
formation  of  a  just  government,  based  on  the  will, 
and  sustained  by  the  power,  of  the  people,  and  clothed 
with  adequate  authority  to  cover  the  rights  of  person 
and  property  with  the  aegis  of  law.  His  last  utter- 
ances, private  and  official,  plead  for  such  a  crowning 
to  the  patriot  cause.  He  urged  that  the  Continental 
Congress  should  authorize  the  formation  of  a  local 
government,  and  transform,  by  adoption,  the  raw 
militia  around  him  into  a  national  army.  On  this 
last  morning  of  his  life,  he  did  not  know  that  con- 
gress had  given  its  advice  to  Massachusetts,  and 
appointed  a  commander-in-chief. 

He  passed  the  night  of  the  16th  of  June  at  Water- 
town,  where  the  Provincial  Congress  held  its  sessions : 
but  the  journal  of  the  proceedings  of  this  day  shows 
that  he  was  not  present  at  the  meeting  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  17th ;  for  it  is  recorded  of  the  first  item  of 

1  Eulogy  in  the  Pennsylvania  Magazine,  June,  1775. 

2  Epitaph  in  Boston  Gazette,  June  29,  1775. 
8  See  his  Letter  of  the  26th  of  May. 


510  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAKREN. 

business,  "  The  report  was  ordered  to  lie  on  the  table 
till  the  president  came  into  congress."1  He  had 
declared  his  intention  to  share  the  peril  of  the  day 
with  his  countrymen.  When  an  intimate  friend, 
Elbridge  Gerry,  who  had  been  his  room-mate,  en- 
treated him  not  to  expose  a  life  so  valuable,  with 
something  like  a  presentiment  he  replied,  Dulce  et 
decorum  est  pro  jpatria  mori?  "It  is  sweet  and 
becoming  to  die  for  the  country;"  and  hence  a 
patriot  wrote,  "The  ardor  of  dear  Doctor  Warren 
could  not  be  restrained  by  the  entreaty  of  his  brethren 
of  the  congress."3 

It  may  be  sufficient  as  to  motive  to  say,  that  the 
same  ardor  which,  for  the  sake  of  the  cause,  had 
moved  him  to  go  where  duty  was  to  be  performed; 
which  had  carried  him  to  Lexington,  Grape  Island, 
and  Noddle's  Island,  —  prompted  his  course  on  this 
memorable  day.  But  it  was  also  a  mark  of  sound 
judgment.  He  had  fully  resolved  that  his  future 
service  should  be  in  the  military  line.  Confidence 
by  an  army  in  a  commander  is  a  vital  element  of 
success;  and  this  can  be  acquired  only  on  the  field. 
Acting,  doubtless,  with  the  fixedness  of  aim  which 
characterized  his  whole  life,  he  left  Watertown  early 
in  the  morning,  with  a  view  of  making  himself  useful, 
and  went  to  Cambridge. 

The  committee  of  safety  held  its  sessions  in  the 
Hastings  House,  on  Cambridge  Common,  in  which 
General  Ward  had  his  head-quarters;4  and  Warren 

1  Journals  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  348. 

2  Life  of  Elbridge  Gerry,  i.  84. 

1  Letter  of  William  Williams,  June  20,  1775. 

4  This  house  is  still  standing.  It  passed  into  the  hands  of  Judge  Oliver 
Wendell,  and  is  owned  now  by  the  poet,  Oliver  Wendell  Holmes. 


THE    CLOSING   SCENE.  511 

met  with  them.  The  calls  on  this  body  for  cannon, 
horses,  powder,  re-enforcements,  the  pressing  orders 
in  its  journal  for  the  towns  to  act,  and  short  and 
hurried  notes,1  attest  the  thrilling  interest  of  the  hour. 
The  intelligence  from  Colonel  Prescott  was  so  de- 
cisive, that  the  British  were  preparing  to  move  out 
of  Boston  and  assault  his  works,  that  the  committee 
urged  General  Ward  to  send  forward  additional  force 
to  Charlestown;  and,  about  eleven  o'clock,  before 
General  Howe  landed  in  this  town,  Ward  issued 
orders  for  more  troops  to  march  to  the  support  of 
Colonel  Prescott. 

As  the  armies  were  making  preparations  for  a 
battle,  letters  arrived  from  Philadelphia,  "brought 
express  by  Mr.  Fessenden,"2  signed  by  John  Han- 
cock, the  president,  and  Charles  Thomson,  the  secre- 
tary, of  the  Continental  Congress.  They  contained 
the  great  news,  which  was  ordered  to  be  kept  secret, 
that  the  congress  had  ordered  purchases  of  saltpetre, 
sulphur,  powder,  and  "  five  thousand  barrels  of  flour 
for  the  use  of  the  continental  army,"  which  were  to 
be  paid  for  w  out  of  the  continental  funds ;  "  and  also 
that  it  had  recommended  the  people  of  Massachusetts 
to  form  a  local  government.3  It  was  another  advance 
towards  nationality.  Warren  probably  opened  these 
letters,  and  forwarded  them  to  the  Provincial  Con- 
gress. They  were  read  in  the  afternoon  session.4 
Would  that  Warren  could  also  have  known,  that  a 
commander-in-chief  had  been  appointed,  and  that,  as 
he  desired,  the  choice  had  fallen  on  Washington! 5 

1  The  manuscripts  are  in  the  Massachusetts  archives. 

2  Journals  of  Provincial  Congress,  352.  8  lb.,  354.  4  lb.,  352. 

6  The  two  letters  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  signed  by  Warren,  were  received 
in  the  Continental  Congress  on  the  11th  of  May  and  the  2d  of  June ;  and,  after 


512  LIFE    OP    JOSEPH    WAKEEN. 

Between  twelve  and  one  o'clock,  a  horseman  rode 
furiously  into  Cambridge  with  the  report,  that  "the 
regulars  had  landed  at  Charlestown," l  when  the  bells 
were  rung,  the  drums  beat  to  arms,  and  there  were 
the  confusion  and  hurry  incident  to  an  ill-disciplined 
soldiery;  for  the  camp,  "except  where  Putnam's 
and  Warren's   influence   had  their  effects,"2  was  in 

long  debates,  congress,  on  the  9th  of  June,  came  to  the  following  result,  which 
was  a  full  indorsement  of  the  course  that  was  pursued  by  Massachusetts  :  — 

Resolved,  That  no  obedience  being  due  to  the  Act  of  Parliament  for  altering 
the  charter  of  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  nor  to  a  governor  or  a  lieuten- 
ant-governor who  will  not  observe  the  directions  of,  but  endeavor  to  subvert 
that  charter,  the  governor  and  lieutenant-governor  of  that  colony  are  to  be  con- 
sidered as  absent,  and  these  offices  vacant ;  and  as  there  is  no  council  there,  and 
the  inconveniences  arising  from  the  suspension  of  the  powers  of  government  are 
intolerable,  especially  at  a  time  when  General  Gage  hath  actually  levied  war, 
and  is  carrying  on  hostilities  against  His  Majesty's  peaceable  and  loyal  subjects 
of  that  colony,  that,  in  order  to  conform  as  near  as  may  be  to  the  spirit  and 
substance  of  the  charter,  it  be  recommended  to  the  Provincial  Convention  to 
write  letters  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  several  places  which  are  entitled  to  repre- 
sentation in  assembly,  requesting  them  to  choose  such  representatives ;  and  that 
the  assembly,  when  chosen,  do  elect  councillors,  which  assembly  and  council 
should  exercise  the  powers  of  government  until  a  governor  of  His  Majesty's 
appointment  will  consent  to  govern  the  colony  according  to  its  charter. 

This  action  was  not  what  the  popular  leaders  desired.  James  Warren  wrote 
(June  21,  1775)  to  John  Adams,  "  I  am  well  pleased  with  most  of  your  resolves. 
I  can't,  however,  say  that  I  admire  the  form  of  government  presented ;  but  we 
are  all  submission,  and  are  sending  out  our  letters  for  calling  an  assembly.  I 
hope  we  shall  have  as  good  an  opportunity  for  a  good  government  in  some  future 
time."  The  same  patriot  wrote  to  Samuel  Adams  (June  20,  1775),  "  We  could 
only  have  wished  you  had  suffered  us  to  have  embraced  so  good  an  opportunity 
to  form  for  ourselves  a  constitution  worthy  of  freemen." 

1  Captain  Chester's  Letter,  July  22,  1775. 

2  James  Warren,  June  27,  1775.  He  succeeded  General  Warren  as  president 
of  congress,  and  wrote,  on  the  20th  of  June,  1775,  to  John  Adams  as  fol- 
lows :  "  Had  our  brave  men,  posted  on  ground  injudiciously  at  first  taken,  had 
a  Lee  or  a  Washington,  instead  of  a  general  destitute  of  all  military  ability  and 
spirit,  to  command  them,  it  is  my  opinion  the  day  would  have  terminated  with 
as  much  glory  to  America  as  the  19th  of  April.  This  is  our  great  misfortune, 
and  it  is  remediless  from  any  other  quarter  than  yours.  We  dare  not  supersede 
him  here.  It  will  come  well  from  you,  and  really  merits  your  attention.  That, 
and  a  necessary  article  which  makes  me  tremble  to  name  or  think  of,  is  all  we 
want."  On  the  next  day,  in  a  letter  to  Samuel  Adams,  he  urged  the  necessity 
of  a  general ;  and  says  that  General  Ward  did  not  leave  his  house  all  day  on 
the  17th. 


THE    CLOSING    SCENE. 


513 


a  confused  condition.  General  Putnam  had  come 
from  Bunker  Hill,  and  he  promptly  ordered  the  re- 
mainder of  his  regiment  to  Charlestown;  but  the 
course  of  General  Ward  was  regarded  as  hesitating 
and  inefficient,  and  elicited  severe  contemporary  com- 
ment. He  did  not  leave  his  house  the  whole  day. 
It  is  not  necessary,  however,  to  relate  the  details  of 
the  events  of  the  battle-scene  that  ensued,  but  only 
to  glance  at  a  few  points,  in  order  to  show  the  cir- 
cumstances under  which  "Warren  acted. 

It  was  a  very  hot  summer's  day,  with  a  burning 
sun.  Warren  was  suffering  from  a  nervous  headache, 
and  threw  himself  on  a  bed;  but,  after  the  alarm  was 
given,  he  rose,  and,  saying  that  his  headache  was 
gone,  started  for  the  scene  of  action.  It  is  said  that 
one  of  his  students,  Dr.  Townsend,  accompanied  him 
a  part  of  the  way  on  foot,  but  that,  a  short  distance 
from  the  College,  Warren  was  on  horseback.  He 
overtook  two  friends1  who  were  walking  to  the 
battle-field,  and,  exchanging  with  them  the  usual 
salutations,  he  passed  along  towards  Charlestown. 
He  came  within  range  of  the  British  batteries  at  the 
low,  flat  ground  which  marks  the  entrance  to  that 
portion  of  the  town  nearest  to  Boston,  which  is  a 
peninsula;  and  the  firing,  at  the  time  he  passed, 
between  two  and  three  o'clock,  must  have  been 
severe.  He  went  up  Bunker  Hill,  where  another  of 
his  students,  William  Eustis,  served  on  this  day  as  a 
surgeon.  Here  Warren  had  a  view  of  the  whole  situ- 
ation. On  his  left  was  Mystic  River,  where  there 
were  no  floating-batteries.  The  line  of  fire  from  the 
British  began  on  a  point  a  little  inclined  to  the  left, 


1  James  Swan  and  James  Winthrop. 

65 


514  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

where  the  ships-of-war  «  Lively  "  and  the  w  Falcon  " 
lay;  and  it  continued  round  by  Charles  River,  from 
Copp's  Hill,  — the  "Somerset,"  the  "Cerberus,"  the 
K  Glasgow,"  the  "  Symmetry"  transport,  and  two  float- 
ing-batteries, quite  to  his  right.  He  could  see,  on  the 
side  of  Bunker  Hill  towards  Boston,  the  protection 
which  Captain  Knowlton  began  to  construct  of  the 
rail-fences,  when  Colonel  Prescott  ordered  him  from 
the  redoubt  to  oppose  the  enemy's  right  wing,1  and 
which  the  New-Hampshire  forces,  under  Colonels 
Stark  and  Reed,  were  extending.  Directly  in  front 
of  the  rail-fence,  on  a  small  hill  at  Moulton's  Point, 
he  could  see  the  same  British  regiments  which  he 
had  beheld  so  long  in  Boston,  —  among  them,  doubt- 
less, the  officers  before  whom  he  delivered  his  Fifth- 
of-March  oration,  —  now  awaiting  the  order  for  an 
assault.  A  furious  cannonade,  about  this  time,  was 
directed  upon  Roxbury,  to  occupy  the  attention  of 
the  Provincials  in  that  quarter,  while  the  fire  of  three 
ships,  three  batteries,  several  field-pieces,  and  a  bat- 
tery on  Copp's  Hill,  from  six  different  directions, 
centred  on  the  intrenchments.2 

Warren  went  to  the  rail- fence:  here  he  was  on 
foot.  He  met  General  Putnam,  who,  it  is  said, 
offered  to  receive  orders  from  Warren,  who  replied, 
w  I  am  here  only  as  a  volunteer.  I  know  nothing  of 
your  dispositions;  nor  will  I  interfere  with  them. 
Tell  me  where  I  can  be  most  useful."  Putnam 
directed  him  to  the  redoubt,  with  the  remark,  w  There 
you  will  be  covered ; "  when  Warren  said,  w  Don't 
think  I  came  to  seek  a  place  of  safety,  but  tell  me 
where  the   onset  will   be  most  furious?"      General 

1  Colonel  Prescott's  Letter,  Aug.  25,  1775.  2  Fenno's  Orderly  Book. 


THE    CLOSING   SCENE.  515 

Putnam  again  named  the  redoubt.1  Warren  then 
went  forward  to  Breed's  Hill,  and  into  the  redoubt. 
There  was  a  feeling  at  this  time,  in  the  ranks  at  this 
post,  so  manifest  was  the  peril,  that,  through  the 
oversight,  presumption,  or  treachery  of  the  officers, 
the  men  would  be  all  slain.2  They  needed  encour- 
agement. "Warren  was  enthusiastically  received ;  "all 
the  men  huzzaed."  He  said  that  he  came  to  encour- 
age a  good  cause,  and  that  a  re-enforcement  of  two 
thousand  men  was  on  its  way  to  their  support.3  Col- 
onel Prescott  asked  the  general  if  he  had  any  orders 
to  give.  Warren  replied  that  he  had  none,  and  exer- 
cised no  command,  saying,  "  The  command  is  yours." 
This  is  the  relation  by  General  Heath.4  Judge  Pres- 
cott, who  heard  the  fact  from  his  father,  the  colonel, 
is  more  circumstantial  in  relating  the  incident.  "  Gen- 
eral Warren,"  Judge  Prescott  says,  "came  to  the 
redoubt,  a  short  time  before  the  action  commenced, 
with  a  musket  in  his  hand.  Colonel  Prescott  went 
to  him,  and  proposed  that  he  should  take  the  com- 
mand; observing  that  he  (Prescott)  understood  he 
(Warren)  had  been  appointed  a  major-general,  a  day 
or  two  before,  by  the  Provincial  Congress.  General 
Warren  replied,  w  I  shall  take  no  command  here.  I 
have  not  yet  received  my  commission.  I  came  as  a 
volunteer,  with  my  musket,  to  serve  under  you,  and 
shall  be  happy  to  learn  from  a  soldier  of  your  expe- 
rience."5 

Warren  undoubtedly  served  as  a  volunteer  in  the 

1  This  conversation  is  given  by  Daniel  Putnam  from  recollection,  and  is  a 
portion  of  the  1818  authorities  on  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill. 

2  Peter  Brown,  who  was  in  the  redoubt,  to  his  mother,  June  25,  1775. 
»  Statement  of  Joseph  Pearce.  4  Heath's  Memoirs. 

e  Manuscript  by  Judge  Prescott. 


516  LITE    OF    JOSEPH    WARREN. 

battle  that  began  soon  after  he  arrived.  It  continued, 
including  the  two  intermissions,  about  an  hour  and  a 
half.  The  town  of  Charlestown  was  set  on  fire  in 
several  places  by  order  of  the  British  general,  and  it 
was  "one  great  blaze;"1  the  roofs  of  Boston,  and  the 
hills  round  the  country,  were  covered  with  spectators ; 
and  these  features,  with  the  work  of  the  battle, 
"made  the  whole  a  picture  and  a  complication  of 
horror  and  importance."2  On  such  a  field,  Warren 
fought  a  good  fight.  He  was  applied  to  for  orders, 
and  gave  them.3  "Regardless  of  himself,  his  whole 
soul  seemed  to  be  filled  with  the  greatness  of  the 
cause  he  was  engaged  in;  and,  while  his  friends  were 
dropping  away  all  around  him,  he  gave  his  orders 
with  a  surprising  coolness.4  His  character  and  con- 
duct and  presence  greatly  animated  and  encouraged 
his  countrymen.  His  heroic  soul  elicited  a  kindred 
fire  from  the  troops.  His  lofty  spirit  gave  them  con- 
fidence.5 He  performed  many  feats  of  bravery,  and 
exhibited  a  coolness  and  conduct  which  did  honor  to 
the  judgment  of  his  country  in  appointing  him  a 
major-general." 6 

The  British  general  was  baffled  in  his  flanking 
design  of  forcing  the  rail-fence,  and  of  surrounding 
the  redoubt.      His  troops  met  gallantly  the  line  of 

1  General  Burgoyne's  Letter.  2  lb. 

3  Captain  John  Leland,  in  a  petition,  April  4,  1776,  says,  that  he  "  received 
orders  from  General  Warren."  It  was  stated  by  American  and  British  contem- 
poraries, that  he  was  the  commander.  Thus,  in  a  narrative  of  the  battle  in 
"  George's  Almanac,"  printed  at  Cambridge  in  1776,  it  was  said  that  Warren  was 
the  commander-in-chief.  I  heard  the  statement,  made  on  the  ground,  of  Hon. 
Horace  Maynard,  in  1843,  who  was  in  the  redoubt,  who  regarded  Warren  as 
the  commander.  A  report  of  his  relation  was  printed  in  the  "  Boston  Daily 
Advertiser  "  of  that  year. 

4  John  Williams  Austin,  July  7,  1775.  5  Samuel  Adams  Wells. 
0  James  Warren's  Letter,  June  2,  1775. 


THE    CLOSING    SCENE.  517 

fire  poured  upon  them;  but  they  were  twice  com- 
pelled to  fall  back.  On  the  third  advance,  they 
stormed  the  redoubt,  and  the  breastwork  connected 
with  it,  when  the  ammunition  of  their  defenders  had 
failed.  As  the  regulars,  showing  "  a  forest  of  bay- 
onets," came  over  one  side  of  the  redoubt,  the  militia 
fell  back  to  the  other  side,  and  there  was  a  brief  but 
fierce  hand-to-hand  struggle,  when  the  butts  of  the 
muskets  were  used;  and  Warren  was  now  seen  for 
the  last  time  by  Colonel  Prescott,  who  was  not  among 
those  who  ran  out  of  the  redoubt,  "  but  stepped  long, 
with  his  sword  up,"  as  he  parried  the  thrusts  that 
were  made  at  his  person.  So  great  was  the  dust 
arising  now  from  the  dry,  loose  soil,  that  the  outlet 
was  hardly  visible.  Warren  was  among  the  last  to 
go  out.  Just  outside  of  it,  there  was  much  mingling 
of  the  British  and  Provincials,  and  great  confusion, 
when  the  firing  for  a  few  moments  was  checked.  At 
this  time,  Warren  endeavored  to  rally  the  militia,  a 
contemporary  account  says, w  sword  in  hand."  He  was 
recognized  by  a  British  officer,  who  wrested  a  musket 
out  of  a  soldier's  hand,  and  shot  him.1  He  fell  about 
sixty  yards  from  the  redoubt,2  being  struck  by  a 
bullet  in  the  back  part  of  his  head,  on  the  right  side. 
Having  mechanically  clapped  his  hand  to  the  wound, 
he   dropped   down   dead.3      The   retreating  and  the 

1  S.  A.  Wells's  Manuscript,  ii.  296.  2  Winslow's  Statement. 

3  This  account  by  Gordon  (ii.  46)  is  most  likely  to  be  authentic.  I  have 
heard  several  who  were  in  the  redoubt,  standing  on  the  ground,  describe  the 
scene  when  the  British  stormed  the  lines ;  but  their  descriptions  were  confused. 
Peter  Brown,  on  the  25th  of  June,  1775,  wrote  to  his  mother,  "  I  was  in  the  fort 
when  the  enemy  came  in,  and  jumped  over  the  walls,  and  ran  half  a  mile,  where 
balls  flew  like  hailstones,  and  cannon  roared  like  thunder ;  "  and  others  made  a 
like  swift  retreat. 

This  is  the  precise  time  that  is  fixed  for  the  last  portion  of  certain  romantic 


518  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WARREN. 

pursuing  throng  passed  on  by  his  body.  The  rail- 
fence  had  not  been  forced,  and  its  brave  defenders 
protected  their  brethren  of  the  redoubt  as  they  re- 
treated from  the  peninsula.  The  victors  did  not 
continue  their  pursuit  beyond  Bunker  Hill.1 

On  the  following  Sunday  morning,  Dr.  John  "War- 
ren, who  was  in  Salem  on  the  day  previous,  went  to 
Cambridge,  and  received  the  distressing  intelligence 

action  connected  with  the  British  Colonel  Small.  It  is  said,  that,  on  the  first 
attack,  General  Putnam,  seeing  Colonel  Small,  struck  up  the  muzzles  of  the 
muskets  to  save  the  life  of  his  friend ;  and  that,  on  the  retreat,  Colonel  Small, 
out  of  gratitude,  endeavored  to  save  Warren's  life.  This  incident  makes  a 
prominent  feature  in  Colonel  Trumbull's  picture  of  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill. 
This  relation  appeared  in  print  in  1818.  On  seeing  it,  Major  Alexander  Gar- 
den, in  a  letter  dated  June  2,  1818,  says  that  he  met  Small  in  London,  when 
Colonel  Trumbull  was  painting  Major  Pinckney's  portrait.  Garden  states  that 
Small  said,  "  He  (Trumbull)  has  paid  me  the  compliment  of  trying  to  save  the 
life  of  Warren ;  but  the  fact  is,  that  life  had  fled  before  I  saw  his  remains." 

In  the  "  Eulogium  on  Warren,"  printed  in  1781,  there  is  a  passage  in  which 
Warren  is  represented  as  addressing  words  to  Captain  Chester,  who  behaved 
gallantly  in  the  battle  :  — 

a  Ah,  fatal  ball !     Great  Warren  feels  the  wound, 
Spouts  the  black  gore  !  the  shade  his  eyes  surround  ; 
Then  instant  calls,  and  thus  bespeaks  with  pain 
The  mightiest  captain  of  his  warring  train,  — 
'  Chester,  'tis  past !    All  earthly  prospects  fly, 
Death  smiles !  and  points  me  to  yon  radiant  sky. 
My  friends,  my  country,  force  a  tender  tear,  — 
Rush  to  my  thoughts,  and  claim  my  parting  care. 
When  countries  groan  by  rising  woes  oppressed, 
Their  sons  by  bold  exploits  attempt  relief. 
Already,  long,  unaided  we've  withstood 
Albion's  whole  force,  and  bathed  the  fields  with  blood. 
No  more,  my  friends,  our  country  asks  no  more ; 
Wisdom  forbids  to  urge  the  unequal  war. 
No  longer  trust  your  unavailing  might, 
Haste,  —  lead  our  troops  from  the  unequal  fight ! 

Farewell ! 
Senates  shall  hail  you  with  their  glad  acclaim, 
And  nations  learn  to  dread  Columbia's  name.' 
He  could  no  more !  " 

1  Gage  was  recalled  after  this  battle.  He  died  in  England,  April  2,  1787. 
But  few  words  are  devoted  to  him  in  the  "  Gentleman's  Magazine  "  of  this  year, 
where  it  is  said,  that  "  he  commanded  at  Boston  in  the  beginning  of  the  late 
unfortunate  war." 


THE   CLOSING   SCENE.  519 

that  his  brother  was  missing.  He  inquired  of  almost 
every  person  he  saw  for  information  of  the  general. 
Some  said  that  he  was  alive  and  well;  others,  that  he 
was  wounded;  and  others,  that  he  fell  on  the  field. 
In  this  manner  several  days  were  passed,  each  day's 
information  diminishing  the  probability  of  his  safety.1 
On  Monday,  the  Provincial  Congress  elected  a  presi- 
dent "in  the  room  of  the  "Hon.  Joseph  "Warren,  Esq., 
supposed  to  be  killed  in  the  late  battle."  Meantime, 
on  Sunday  morning,  John  Winslow,  of  Boston,  sub- 
sequently General  Winslow,  went  over  the  battle- 
field, and  recognized  the  body  of  Warren  among  the 
dead.  His  hand  was  bloody,  and  was  under  his  head. 
Dr.  Jeifries  also  is  said  to  have  recognized  it.  He 
was  buried  on  the  field.  It  was  reported  in  the 
American  camp,  that  his  body  was  stripped;  that  it 
was  dug  up  several  times  to  gratify  the  curiosity  of 
those  who  came  to  see  it;  and  that  his  coat  was  sold 
by  a  soldier  in  Boston.1 

There  are  several  other  relations,  American  and 
British,  of  the  death  of  Warren.  I  select  a  few  of 
them.  Amos  Foster  says,  "  I  saw  General  Warren. 
His  clothes  were  bloody  when  he  cried  out  to  us,  *  I 
am  a  dead  man:  fight  on,  my  brave  fellows,  for  the 
salvation  of  your  country.' "  Samuel  Lawrence  says, 
w  I  saw  General  Warren  shot.  I  saw  him  when  the 
ball  struck  him,  and  from  that  time  until  he  expired." 
The  following  are  British  accounts:  "The  celebrated 
Dr.  Warren,  who  commanded  in  the  Provincial 
trenches  at  Charlestown,  while  he  was  bravely  de- 
fending himself  against  several  opposing  regulars, 
was  killed  in  a  cowardly  manner  by  an  officer's  ser- 

1  Belknap's  Memoirs,  93. 


520  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WAKREST. 

vant;  but  the  fellow  was  instantly  cut  to  pieces.  Six 
letters  were  found  in  the  doctor's  pocket,  written 
from  some  gentlemen  in  Boston,  who  were  imme- 
diately taken  into  custody."1  —  "At  this  time,  "War- 
ren, their  (the  Provincials')  commander,  fell:  he  was 
a  physician,  little  more  than  thirty  years  of  age;  he 
died  in  his  best  clothes;  everybody  remembered  his 
fine,  silk-fringed  waistcoat."2 — "The  unhappy  leader 
in  the  fatal  action  of  Charlestown  (who  from  ambi- 
tion only  had  raised  himself  from  a  bare-legged  milk- 
boy  to  a  major-general  of  the  army),  although  the 
fatal  ball  gave  him  not  a  moment  for  reflection,  yet 
had  said  in  his  lifetime,  that  he  was  determined  to 
mount  over  the  heads  of  his  co-adjutors,  and  get 
to  the  last  round  of  the  ladder,  or  die  in  the  attempt. 
Unhappy  man!  His  fate  arrested  him  in  his  career, 
and  he  can  now  tell  whether  pride  and  ambition  are 
pillars  strong  enough  to  support  the  tottering  fabric 
of  rebellion." 3 

Warren's  death  cast  a  gloom  over  the  land. 
"Whether  friend  or  foe,  the  generous,  the  elegant, 
and  the  humane,  —  all,  all  mingled  the  sympathetic 
tear."4  The  general  grief  attests  the  hold  which  he 
had  on  the  affection  of  his  countrymen.  I  select  a 
few  independent  contemporary  expressions.  "Here 
fell  our  worthy  and  much-lamented  friend,  Dr.  War- 
ren, with  as  much  glory  as  Wolfe  on  the  Plains  of 
Abraham,  at  once  admired  and  lamented,  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  make  it  difficult  to  determine  whether 
regret  or  envy  predominates.5     The  loss  of  Dr.  War- 

1  British  Letter,  July  5,  1775.  2  Letter  in  Howe's  Miscellanies. 

8  Boston  News  Letter,  Jan.,  11, 1776.     4  Christopher  Gore,  June  24, 1783. 
6  James  Warren,  June  20,  1775. 


THE    CLOSING    SCESTE.  521 

ren  is  irreparable:  his  death  is  generally  and  greatly 
lamented;  but  — 

Dulce  et  decorum  est  pro  patria  mori. 

This  is  a  day  of  heroes.  The  fall  of  one  will  inspire 
the  surviving  glorious  band  to  emulate  his  virtues, 
and  revenge  his  death  on  the  foes  of  liberty  and  our 
country.1  We  have  yet  about  sixty  or  seventy  killed 
or  missing;  but — among  these  is  — what  shall  I  say? 
how  shall  I  write  the  name  of  our  worthy  friend,  the 
great  and  good  Dr.  Warren.2  The  tears  of  multi- 
tudes pay  tribute  to  his  memory.3  Not  all  the  havoc 
and  devastation  they  (the  British)  have  made  has 
wounded  me  like  the  death  of  Warren.  We  want 
him  in  the  senate;  we  want  him  in  his  profession;  we 
want  him  in  the  field.  We  mourn  for  the  citizen,  the 
senator,  the  physician,  and  the  warrior.4  When  he 
fell,  liberty  wept.  He  closed  a  life  of  glory  in  a  glori- 
ous death;  and  heaven  never  received  the  spirit  of  a 
purer  patriot. " 5  *  The  death  "—  Samuel  Adams  wrote 
to  his  wife  —  "  of  our  truly  amiable  and  worthy  friend, 
Dr.  Warren,  is  greatly  afflicting.  The  language  of 
friendship  is,  how  shall  we  resign  him!  But  it  is  our 
duty  to  submit  to  the  dispensations  of  Heaven, 
1  whose  ways  are  ever  gracious,  ever  just.'  He  fell 
in  the  glorious  struggle  for  public  liberty."6  And 
Arthur  Lee,  while  abroad,  in  anticipating  the  meeting 
of  friends,  wrote,  *  Would  to  God  we  could  number 
Warren  among  them,  and  that  it  had  been  permitted 
him  to  see  the  beauties  of  that  fabric  which  he  labored 

i  William  Tudor,  June  25,  1775.  2  J.  Palmer,  June  19,  1775. 

«  Abigail  Adams,  June  18,  1775.  4  Abigail  Adams,  July  5,  1775. 

*  S.  A.  Wells's  MS.  6  Samuel  Adams,  June  27,  1775. 

66 


522  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

with  so  much  zeal  and  ability  to  rear!  His  saltern 
accumulem  donis,  etfungar  inani  munere.1 

In  just  nine  months  after  the  Battle  of  Bunker 
Hill,  the  victors  were  compelled  to  yield  the  posses- 
sion of  it  to  Washington.  Four  days  later,  on  the 
21st  of  March,  1776,  Dr.  John  Warren  went  over 
the  field  on  which  his  brother  slept  in  a  soldier's 
grave.  "  The  hill,"  he  wrote,  w  commands  the  most 
affecting  view  I  ever  saw.  .  .  .  The  walls  of  magnifi- 
cent buildings  tottering  to  the  earth  below;  above  a 
great  number  of  rude  hillocks,  under  which  were 
deposited  the  remains,  in  clusters,  of  those  deathless 
heroes  who  fell  in  the  field  of  battle.  The  scene  was 
inexpressibly  solemn,  when  I  considered  that  perhaps, 
whilst  I  was  musing  on  the  objects  around  me,  I 
might  be  standing  over  the  remains  of  a  dear  brother, 
whose  blood  had  stained  these  hallowed  walks."2 

Several  days  passed  before  the  body  of  Warren 
was  found.  w  The  rosemary  and  cassia,"  Governor 
Gore  says,  "adorned  and  discovered  his  hallowed 
grave."3  It  was  identified  on  the  4th  of  April,  cov- 
ered with  about  three  feet  of  ground,  much  disfig- 
ured ;  "  yet  it  was  sufficiently  known  by  two  artificial 
teeth,  which  were  set  for  him  a  short  time  before  his 
glorious  exit."4  On  the  same  day,  Hon.  James  Sul- 
livan, by  order  of  a  committee  of  the  Massachusetts 
House  of  Representatives,  who  had  been  appointed  to 
erect  a  monument  to  his  memory,  reported  that  the 

1  Arthur  Lee's  Letter,  Oct.  30,  1777.  This  quotation  from  Virgil  is  thus 
rendered  by  Dryden  :  — 

Let  me  with  funeral  flowers  his  body  strow : 
This  gift  which  parents  to  their  children  owe,  — 
This  unavailing  gift,  at  least,  I  may  bestow. 

2  Warren's  Journal.  8  Oration,  1783. 
4  New-England  Chronicle,  April,  1776. 


THE    CLOSING   SCENE.  523 

Lodge  of  Freemasons  of  which  he  was  late  Grand 
Master  were  desirous  of  taking  up  his  remains, 
and  burying  them  with  the  customary  solemnities  of 
the  craft,  and  that  Warren's  friends  consented  to  the 
proposition.  The  committee  recommended  that  the 
lodge  have  leave  to  carry  out  their  intention  "  in  such 
manner  as  that  the  government  of  the  colony  might 
hereafter  have  an  opportunity  to  erect  a  monument 
to  the  memory  of  that  worthy,  valiant,  and  patriotic 
American." 1 

The  remains,  placed  in  an  elegant  coffin,  were 
removed  from  the  hill  to  the  State  or  Town  House, 
at  the  head  of  State  Street.  On  Monday,  the  8th 
of  April,  they  were  "  re-interred  with  as  great  re- 
spect, honor,  and  solemnity  as  the  state  of  the  town 
would  permit,"  the  "  New-England  Chronicle  "  says. 
w  The  procession  began  from  the  State  House,  and 
consisted  of  a  detachment  of  the  continental  forces; 
a  numerous  body  of  the  Honorable  Society  of  Free 
and  Accepted  Masons  (of  which  fraternity  the  general 
was  Grand  Master  throughout  North  America)  ;2  the 
mourners ;  a  number  of  the  members  of  the  two 
houses  of  the  Honorable  General  Assembly;  the 
selectmen  and  inhabitants  of  the  town.     The  pall  was 

1  Journals  of  Massachusetts  House  of  Representatives. 

2  The  following  appeared  in  the  "  Boston  Gazette"  of  April  8,  1776  :  — 

Boston,  April  8, 1776. 

Notice  is  hereby  given  to  all  the  brethren  of  the  Ancient  and  Honorable 
Society  of  Free  and  Accepted  Masons,  that  this  day  will  be  re-interred  the 
remains  of  the  late  Most  Worshipful  Joseph  Warren,  Esq.,  Grand  Master  of 
Ancient  Masonry  for  North  America,  who  was  slain  in  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill, 
June  17,  1775.  The  procession  will  be  from  the  State  House  in  Boston,  at  four 
o'clock,  p.m.,  at  which  time  the  brethren  are  requested  to  attend  with  their 
clothing  and  jewels. 

By  order  of  the  Right  Worshipful  Joseph  Webb,  Esq.,  Deputy  Grand  Master. 

William  Hoskins. 


524  LIFE    OP   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

supported  by  the  Hon.  General  "Ward,  Brigadier- 
General  Frye,  Dr.  Morgan,  Colonel  Gridley,  the  Hon. 
Mr.  Gill,  and  J.  Scollay,  Esq.  The  corpse  was  car- 
ried into  King's  Chapel,  where  the  Rev.  Dr.  Cooper 
made  a  very  pertinent  prayer  on  the  occasion;  after 
which  Perez  Morton,  Esq.,  pronounced  an  ingenious 
and  spirited  oration."  This  production  contains  a 
warm  panegyric  on  "Warren's  private  and  public  life. 
At  its  conclusion,  the  orator  advocated  independence. 
w  Shall  we,"  his  words  are,  w  still  contend  for  a  con- 
nection with  those  who  have  forfeited  not  only  every 
kindred  claim,  but  even  their  title  to  humanity!  for- 
bid it  the  spirit  of  the  brave  Montgomery!  forbid 
it  the  spirit  of  the  immortal  Warren!  forbid  it  the 
spirits  of  all  our  valiant  countrymen!  who  fought, 
bled,  and  died  for  far  different  purposes.  .  .  .  They 
contended  for  the  establishment  of  peace,  liberty,  and 
safety  to  their  country;  and  we  are  unworthy  to  be 
called  their  countrymen,  if  we  stop  at  any  acquisition 
short  of  this." 

The  remains  were  deposited  in  the  tomb  of  George 
Richards  Minot,  a  friend  of  the  family.  Nearly  half 
a  century  afterwards,  in  1825,  when  those  who  took 
part  in  these  ceremonies  had  died,  and  the  place  of 
deposit  had  become  unknown,  the  relics  were  discov- 
ered in  the  Minot  Tomb,  in  the  Granary  Burying- 
ground.  They  were  identified  by  the  nephew  of  the 
general,  Dr.  John  C.  Warren,  by  the  eye  tooth,  and 
the  mark  of  the  fatal  bullet  behind  the  left  ear. 
They  were  placed  in  a  box  of  hard  wood,  and  removed 
to  the  Warren  Tomb,  in  St.  Paul's  Church,  Boston. 
The  box  bears  a  silver  plate  with  the  following 
inscription:  "In  this  tomb  are   deposited  the  earthly 


THE    CLOSING   SCENE.  525 

remains  of  Major-General  Joseph  Warren,  who  was 
killed  in  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  on  June  17, 
1775."  *  They  are  now  in  the  Forest  Hills  Cemetery.2 
I  have  aimed  to  trace  faithfully  the  career  of 
Joseph  Warren.3  It  is  characterized  by  rare  single- 
ness of  aim.  He  grasped  as  by  intuition  ideas  that 
are  fundamental  and  vital;  and  he  sought  by  apply- 
ing them  to  promote  the  good  of  his  country.     He 

1  Warren  Genealogy,  47.  2  They  were  removed  Aug.  3,  1855. 

8  Most  of  the  circle  of  patriots  in  which  Warren  moved,  lived  to  see  the  inde- 
pendence of  their  country.  Otis,  though  but  the  wreck  of  himself,  died  in  May, 
and  Samuel  Cooper  in  December,  1783.  Gushing  died  in  1788,  Bowdoin  in 
1790,  Hancock  in  1793,  Phillips  in  1804,  Gerry  in  1814,  James  Warren  and 
Revere  in  1818,  and  John  Adams  in  1826. 

The  "  Chronicle  "  of  July  17,  1777,  has  a  notice  of  the  death  of  Dr.  Thomas 
Young,  one  of  the  senior  surgeons  of  the  military  hospital  at  Philadelphia ;  and 
this,  I  suppose,  was  the  intrepid  patriot  who  took  so  bold  a  part  in  the  action  of 
Boston.     He  removed  to  Newport  before  the  beginning  of  hostilities. 

Joshua  Henshaw,  of  the  Board  of  Selectmen,  died  in  Dedham,  on  the  5th 
of  August,  1777.  The  "Chronicle  "  of  the  21st  has  a  fine  tribute  to  his  services 
and  character,  in  which  it  is  said  :  "  He  was  a  gentleman  of  an  engaging  aspect 
and  deportment,  of  solid,  unaffected  piety,  of  sober  and  amiable  manners,  of 
untainted  integrity  and  honor,  of  sincere  and  steady  friendship,  of  great  compas- 
sion to  the  distressed,  and  benevolent  to  all."  As  selectman,  councillor,  and 
in  other  public  trusts,  he  evinced  ability  and  patriotism  ;  and,  so  long  as  he  was 
capable  of  attending  to  any  thing  on  earth,  he  preserved  an  unabated  attachment 
to  the  great  cause  of  America,  and  died  in  the  pleasing  hope  of  its  success." 

John  Scollay  died  on  the  15th  of  December,  1790,  aged  seventy-nine.  In  an 
obituary,  it  is  said,  that  from  early  life  he  was  distinguished  as  a  firm  supporter 
of  the  civil  and  religious  rights  of  this  country,  and  as  such  was  respected  and 
honored  by  his  fellow-townsmen.  He  was  chosen  a  fire-ward  in  1747 ;  and  he 
discharged  its  duties  until  within  a  few  years  of  his  death.  In  1754,  he  was 
chosen  a  selectman,  and  rendered  the  town  service  in  this  office  nearly  to  the 
end  of  his  life.  "  In  his  domestic  relations,  he  was  all  that  could  make  a  hus- 
band, a  parent,  or  a  friend  desirable."  He  took  a  deep  interest  in  ecclesiastical 
affairs,  was  a  devout  worshipper,  and  "  met  his  death  not  only  with  the 
calmness  and  fortitude  of  the  man,  but  with  the  humble  submission  and  animated 
hopes  of  the  Christian." 

Samuel  Adams  died  in  1803.  What  Forster  says  (in  his  "Arrest  of  the  Five 
Members")  of  Hampden  and  Pym  may  be  said  of  Adams  and  Warren: 
"  These  great  men  went  in  perfect  harmony  together.  They  shared  the  same 
beliefs  and  purposes,  the  same  hopes  and  resolves,  the  same  enemies  and  friends 
in  common,  to  the  end." 


526  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

was  a  type  of  American  nationality,  as  it  rose  to 
grasp  "  Liberty  and  Union."  He  loved  this  cause  more 
than  he  loved  his  life ;  and  was  ever  ready  to  peril 
his  all  in  its  behalf.  He  evinced  a  sound  judgment, 
had  clear  conceptions  of  political  questions,  and  was 
animated  by  patriotic  motives.  His  integrity,  capacity 
for  public  service,  talent  for  writing,  fervid  eloquence, 
cool  courage,  promptitude  of  action,  large  love  for  his 
countrymen,  and  commanding  genius,  endowed  him 
with  the  magic  spell  of  influence,  and  the  power  there 
is  in  a  noble  character.  His  utterances  and  his  work 
constitute  an  enduring  memorial  of  his  fame.  He 
was  not  permitted,  like  many  co-patriots,  to  live  long, 
and,  after  the  enjoyment  of  tokens  of  public  confi- 
dence, to  witness  in  coming  days  the  greatness  of 
the  structure  of  which  he  did  so  much  to  lay  the 
foundation :  but  he  was  destined  to  fall  K  ere  he  saw 
the  star  of  his  country  rise ; "  and  even  in  his  death 
to  benefit  the  cause  which  it  was  his  ruling  passion  to 
promote.  He  dwells  in  memory  as  the  young,  brave, 
blooming,  generous,  self-devoted  martyr,  awakening 
the  purifying  emotions  of  admiration,  tenderness,  and 
love  of  the  country.  The  influence  of  such  a  char- 
acter is  not  confined  to  contemporaries.  As  the 
friends  of  liberty  from  all  countries  and  throughout 
all  time  contemplate  it,  they  may  feel  their  better 
feelings  strengthened,  and  gather  from  it  a  kindred 
virtue.1 

1  The  friends  of  liberty,  from  all  countries  and  throughout  all  time,  as  they 
kneel  upon  the  spot  that  was  moistened  with  the  blood  of  Warren,  will  find  their 
better  feelings  strengthened  by  the  influence  of  the  place,  and  will  gather  from 
it  a  virtue  in  some  degree  allied  to  his  own.  — Everett's  Warren,  183. 


APPENDIX. 


APPENDIX. 


THE  SUFFOLK  RESOLVES. 

The  following  document  is  copied  from  "The  Essex  Gazette," 
of  the  20th  of  September,  1774  :  — 

At  a  meeting  of  the  delegates  of  every  town  and  district  in  the 
county  of  Suffolk,  on  Tuesday,  the  6th  of  September,  at  the  house 
of  Mr.  Richard  Woodward,  of  Dedham,  and,  by  adjournment,  at  the 
house  of  Mr.  Daniel  Vose,  of  Milton,  on  Friday,  the  9th  instant, - 
dole  h  Palmer,  Esq.,  being  chosen  moderator,  and  William  Thompson 
Esq.,  clerk,-a  committee  was  chosen  to  bring  ma  report  to  the 
convention;  and  the  following,  being  several  times  read,  and  put  para- 
graph by  paragraph,  was  unanimously  voted,  viz  :  — 
"    Whereas  the  power  but  not  the  justice,  the  vengeance  but  not    he 
wisdom,  of  Great  Britain,  which  of  old  persecuted,  scourged  and  exiled 
our  fugitive  parents  from  their  native  shores,  now  pursu es  us   th« 
guiltless  children,  with  unrelenting  seventy;   and  whereas    tins  then 
savage  and  uncultivated  desert  was  purchased  by  the  to,    and  treasure, 
or  acquired  by  the  valor  and  blood,  of  those  our  venerable  progenitors 
who  bequeathed  to  us  the   dear-bought   inheritance,  who   consigned 
it  to  our  care  and  protection,  -  the  most  sacred  obligations  are  upon  us 
to  transmit  the  glorious  purchase,  unfettered  by  power,  unclogged  with 
LSTto  our  "innocent  and  beloved  offspring.     On  the  fort.tude  on 
he  wisdom,  and  on  the  exertions  of  this  important  day  is  fended   ., 
fate  of  this  New  World,  and  of  unborn  millions.     If  a  bound  ess  extent 
of  continent,  swarming  with  millions,  will  tamely  snbm.t  to  live,  move 
and  have  their  being  at  the  arbitrary  will  of  a  hcent.ous  minister,  they 

67  L  °-y J 


530  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

basely  yield  to  voluntary  slavery ;  and  future  generations  shall  load 
their  memories  with  incessant  execrations.  On  the  other  hand,  if  we 
arrest  the  hand  which  would  ransack  our  pockets ;  if  we  disarm  the 
parricide  who  points  the  dagger  to  our  bosoms ;  if  we  nobly  defeat  that 
fatal  edict  which  proclaims  a  power  to  frame  laws  for  us  in  all  cases 
whatsoever,  thereby  entailing  the  endless  and  numberless  curses  of 
slavery  upon  us,  our  heirs  and  their  heirs  for  ever ;  if  we  successfully 
resist  that  unparelleled  usurpation  of  unconstitutional  power,  whereby 
our  capital  is  robbed  of  the  means  of  life  ;  whereby  the  streets  of  Boston 
are  thronged  with  military  executioners ;  whereby  our  coasts  are  lined, 
and  harbors  crowded  with  ships  of  war ;  whereby  the  charter  of  the 
colony,  that  sacred  barrier  against  the  encroachments  of  tyranny,  is 
mutilated,  and  in  effect  annihilated  ;  whereby  a  murderous  law  is  framed 
to  shelter  villains  from  the  hands  of  justice ;  whereby  that  unalienable 
and  inestimable  inheritance,  which  we  derived  from  nature,  the  consti- 
tution of  Britain,  which  was  covenanted  to  us  in  the  charter  of  the 
province,  is  totally  wrecked,  annulled  and  vacated,  —  posterity  will 
acknowledge  that  virtue  which  preserved  them  free  and  happy ;  and, 
while  we  enjoy  the  rewards  and  blessings  of  the  faithful,  the  torrent  of 
panegyric  will  roll  down  our  reputations  to  that  latest  period,  when 
the  streams  of  time  shall  be  absorbed  in  the  abyss  of  eternity. 
Therefore  we  have  resolved  and  do  resolve,  — 

1.  That,  whereas  His  Majesty  George  the  Third  is  the  rightful  suc- 
cessor to  the  throne  of  Great  Britain,  and  justly  entitled  to  the  allegi- 
ance of  the  British  realm,  and,  agreeable  to  compact,  of  the  English 
colonies  in  America,  —  therefore  we,  the  heirs  and  successors  of  the  first 
planters  of  this  colony,  do  cheerfully  acknowledge  the  said  George  the 
Third  to  be  our  rightful  sovereign,  and  that  said  covenant  is  the  tenure 
and  claim  on  which  are  founded  our  allegiance  and  submission. 

2.  That  it  is  an  indispensable  duty  which  we  owe  to  God,  our 
country,  ourselves,  and  posterity,  by  all  lawful  ways  and  means  in 
our  power,  to  maintain,  defend,  and  preserve  those  civil  and  religious 
rights  and  liberties  for  which  many  of  our  fathers  fought,  bled,  and 
died,  and  to  hand  them  down  entire  to  future  generations. 

3.  That  the  late  Acts  of  the  British  Parliament  for  blocking  up  the 
harbor  of  Boston,  and  for  altering  the  established  form  of  government 
in  this  colony,  and  for  screening  the  most  flagitious  violators  of  the 
laws  of  the  province  from  a  legal  trial,  are  gross  infractions  of  those 
rights  to  which  we  are  justly  entitled  by  the  laws  of  nature,  the  British 
Constitution,  and  the  charter  of  the  province. 


APPENDIX. 


531 


4.  That  no  obedience  is  due  from  this  province  to  either  or  any 
part  of  the  Acts  above  mentioned ;  but  that  they  be  rejected  as  the 
attempts  of  a  wicked  Administration  to  enslave  America. 

5.  That  so  long  as  the  justices  of  our  superior  courts  of  judicature, 
court  of  assize,  and  general  goal  delivery,  and  inferior  courts  of  common 
pleas  in  this  county,  are  appointed,  or  hold  their  places  by  any  other 
tenure  than  that  which  the  charter  and  the  laws  of  the  province  direct, 
they  must  be  considered  as  under  undue  influence,  and  are  therefore 
unconstitutional  officers,  and  as  such  no  regard  ought  to  be  paid  to  them 
by  the  people  of  this  county. 

6.  That  if  the  justices  of  the  superior  court  of  judicature,  court 
of  assize,  &c,  justices  of  the  court  of  common  pleas,  or  of  the  general 
sessions  of  the  peace,  shall  set  and  act  during  their  present  unqualified 
state,  this  county  will  support  and  bear  harmless  all  sheriffs  and  their 
deputies,  constables,  jurors,  and  other  officers,  who  shall  refuse  to  carry 
into  execution  the  orders  of  said  courts.  And,  as  far  as  is  possible 
to  prevent  the  inconveniencies  that  must  attend  the  suspension  of  the 
courts  of  justice,  we  do  earnestly  recommend  it  to  all  creditors  to 
exercise  all  reasonable  and  generous  forbearance  to  their  debtors,  and 
to  all  debtors  to  discharge  their  just  debts  with  all  possible  speed; 
and  if  any  disputes  concerning  debts  or  trespasses  should  arise,  which 
cannot  be  settled  by  the  parties,  we  recommend  it  to  them  to  submit 
all  such  causes  to  arbitration ;  and  if  the  parties,  or  either  of  them, 
shall  refuse  so  to  do,  they  ought  to  be  considered  as  co-operating  with 
the  enemies  of  this  country. 

7.  That  it  be  recommended  to  the  collectors  of  taxes,  constables  and 
all  other  officers  who  have  public  moneys  in  their  hands,  to  retain  the 
same,  and  not  to  make  any  payment  thereof  to  the  province  or  county 
treasurers,  until  the  civil  government  of  the  province  is  placed  upon  a 
constitutional  foundation,  or  until  it  shall  otherwise  be  ordered  by  the 
proposed  Provincial  Congress. 

8.  That  the  persons  who  have  accepted  seats  at  the  Council  Board 
by  virtue  of  a  mandamus  from  the  King,  in  conformity  to  the  late  Act 
of  the  British  Parliament,  entitled,  An  Act  for  regulating  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  have  acted  in  direct  violation  of  the 
duty  they  owe  to  their  country,  and  have  thereby  given  great  and  just 
offence  to  this  people.     Therefore,  — 

Resolved,  That  this  county  do  recommend  it  to  all  persons  who  have 
so  highly  offended  by  accepting  said  department,  and  have  not  already 
publicly  resigned  their  seats  at  the  Council  Board,  to  make  public 


82 


LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WAEEEX. 


resignations  of  their  places  at  said  Board,  on  or  before  the  twentieth 
day  of  this  instant  September ;  and  that  all  persons  neglecting  so  to  do 
shall,  from  and  after  that  day,  be  considered  by  this  county  as  obstinate 
and  incorrigible  enemies  to  this  colony. 

9.  That  the  fortifications  begun  and  now  carrying  on  upon  Boston 
Neck  are  justly  alarming  to  this  county,  and  give  us  reason  to  appre- 
hend some  hostile  intention  against  that  town,  more  especially  as  the 
commander-in-chief  has  in  a  very  extraordinary  manner  removed 
the  powder  from  the  magazine  at  Charlestown,  and  has  also  forbid- 
den the  keeper  of  the  magazine  at  Boston  to  deliver  out  to  the  owners 
the  powder  which  they  lodged  in  said  magazine. 

10.  That  the  late  Act  of  Parliament  for  establishing  the  Roman- 
Catholic  religion  and  the  French  laws,  in  that  extensive  country  now 
called  Canada,  is  dangerous  in  an  extreme  degree  to  the  Protestant 
religion,  and  to  the  civil  rights  and  liberties  of  all  America ;  and  there- 
fore, as  men  and  Protestant  Christians,  we  are  indispensably  obliged  to 
take  all  proper  measures  for  our  security. 

11.  That  whereas  our  enemies  have  flattered  themselves  that  they 
shall  make  an  easy  prey  of  this  numerous,  brave,  and  hardy  people, 
from  an  apprehension  that  they  are  unacquainted  with  military  disci- 
pline, we  therefore,  for  the  honor,  defence,  and  security  of  this  county 
and  province,  advise,  as  it  has  been  recommended  to  take  away  all 
commissions  from  the  officers  of  the  militia,  that  those  who  now  hold 
commissions,  or  such  other  persons,  be  elected  in  each  town  as  officers 
in  the  militia  as  shall  be  judged  of  sufficient  capacity  for  that  purpose, 
and  who  have  evidenced  themselves  the  inflexible  friends  to  the  rights 
of  the  people ;  and  that  the  inhabitants  of  those  towns  and  districts 
who  are  qualified,  do  use  their  utmost  diligence  to  acquaint  themselves 
with  the  art  of  war  as  soon  as  possible,  and  do  for  that  purpose  appear 
under  arms  at  least  once  every  week. 

12.  That  during  the  present  hostile  appearances  on  the  part  of 
Great  Britain,  notwithstanding  the  many  insults  and  oppressions  which 
we  must  sensibly  vresent,  yet,  nevertheless,  from  our  affection  to  His 
Majesty,  which  we  have  at  all  times  evidenced,  we  are  determined 
to  act  merely  upon  the  defensive,  so  long  as  such  conduct  may  be 
vindicated  by  reason  and  the  principles  of  self-preservation,  but  no 
longer. 

13.  That,  as  we  understand  it  has  been  in  contemplation  to  appre- 
hend sundry  persons  of  this  county  who  have  rendered  themselves 
couspicuous  in  contending  for  the  violated  rights  and  liberties  of  their 


APPENDIX. 


533 


countrymen,  we  do  recommend,  that,  should  such  an  audacious  measure 
be  put  in  practice,  to  seize  and  keep  in  safe  custody  every  servant  of 
the  present  tyrannical  and  unconstitutional  government  throughout  the 
county  and  province,  until  the  persons  so  apprehended  be  liberated 
from  the  hands  of  our  adversaries,  and  restored  safe  and  uninjured  to 
their  respective  friends  and  families. 

14.  That,  until  our  rights  are  fully  restored  to  us,  we  will  to  the 
utmost  of  our  power  (and  recommend  the  same  to  the  other  counties) 
withhold  all  commercial  intercourse  with  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  and 
the  West  Indies,  and  abstain  from  the  consumption  of  British  merchan- 
dise and  manufactures,  and  especially  of  East-India  teas  and  piece 
goods,  with  such  additions,  alterations,  and  exceptions  only  as  the 
Grand  Congress  of  the  colonies  may  agree  to. 

15.  That,  under  our  present  circumstances,  it  is  incumbent  on  us  to 
encourage  arts  and  manufactures  amongst  us  by  all  means  in  our  power : 
and  that  Joseph  Palmer,  Esq.,  of  Braintree ;  Mr.  Ebenezer  Dorr,  of 
Roxbury;  Mr.  James  Boyes,  and  Mr.  Edward  Preston,  of  Milton;  and 
Mr.  Nathaniel  Guild,  of  Walpole,— be  and  hereby  are  appointed  a  com- 
mittee to  consider  of  the  best  ways  and  means  to  promote  and  establish 
the  same,  and  report  to  this  convention  as  soon  as  may  be. 

16.  That  the  exigencies  of  our  public  affairs  demand  that  a  Provin- 
cial Congress  be  called,  to  concert  such  measures  as  may  be  adopted 
and  vigorously  executed  by  the  whole  people ;  and  we  do  recommend 
it  to  the  several  towns  in  this  county  to  choose  members  for  such  a 
Provincial  Congress,  to  be  holden  at  Concord,  on  the  second  Tuesday 
of  October  next  ensuing.1 

17.  That  this  county,  confiding  in  the  wisdom  and  integrity  of  the 
Continental  Congress  now  sitting  at  Philadelphia,  will  pay  all  due 
respect  and  submission  to  such  nteasures  as  may  be  recommended  by 
them  to  the  colonies,  for  the  restoration  and  establishment  of  our  just 
rights,  civil  and  religious,  and  for  renewing  that  harmony  and  union 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  colonies,  so  earnestly  wished  for  by  all 
good  men. 

i  This  resolve  does  not  in  the  least  militate  with  the  seventh  resolve  of  the 
County  of  Essex,  then  unknown  to  this  convention,  for  choosing  representatives 
to  meet  agreeable  to  the  Governor's  precept  at  Salem,  the  fifth  day  of  October, 
as  the  gentlemen  chosen  representatives  may  also  be  empowered  to  act  in  the 
Provincial  Congress,  after  having  despatched  their  business  as  members  of 
the  General  Court;  and  it  is  hoped  that  the  towns  in  this  county  will  choose  their 
Representatives,  and  empower  them  to  act  in  a  Provincial  Congress  in  the  same 
manner  as  is  proposed  by  the  County  of  Essex. 


534:  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

18.  Whereas  the  universal  uneasiness  which  prevails  among  all 
orders  of  men,  arising  from  the  wicked  and  oppressive  measures  of  the 
present  Administration,  may  influence  some  unthinking  persons  to  com- 
mit outrage  upon  private  property,  we  would  heartily  recommend  to 
all  persons  of  this  community,  not  to  engage  in  any  routs,  riots,  or 
licentious  attacks  upon  the  properties  of  any  person  whatsoever,  as  be- 
ing subversive  of  all  order  and  government,  but,  by  a  steady,  manly, 
uniform  and  persevering  opposition,  to  convince  our  enemies,  that,  in  a 
contest  so  important,  in  a  cause  so  solemn,  our  conduct  shall  be  such  as 
to  merit  the  approbation  of  the  wise,  and  the  admiration  of  the  brave 
and  free  of  every  age  and  of  every  country. 

19.  That  should  our  enemies,  by  any  sudden  manoeuvres,  render  it 
necessary  for  us  to  ask  the  aid  and  assistance  of  our  brethren  in  the 
country,  some  one  of  the  committee  of  correspondence,  or  a  selectman 
of  such  town,  or  the  town  adjoining,  where  such  hostilities  shall  com- 
mence, or  shall  be  expected  to  commence,  shall  despatch  couriers  with 
written  messages  to  the  selectmen  or  committees  of  correspondence  of 
the  several  towns  in  the  vicinity,  with  a  written  account  of  such  matter, 
who  shall  despatch  others  to  committees  or  selectmen  more  remote,  till 
proper  and  sufficient  assistance  be  obtained;  and  that  the  expense 
of  said  couriers  be  defrayed  by  the  county,  until  it  shall  be  otherwise 
ordered  by  the  Provincial  Congress. 

Voted,  That  Joseph  Warren,  Esq.,  and  Dr.  Benjamin  Church, 
of  Boston ;  Deacon  Joseph  Palmer,  and  Colonel  Ebenezer  Thayer,  of 
Braintree ;  Captain  Lemuel  Robinson,  William  Holden,  Esq.,  and 
Captain  John  Homans,  of  Dorchester ;  Captain  William  Heath,  of  Rox- 
bury ;  Colonel  William  Taylor,  and  Dr.  Samuel  Gardner,  of  Milton ; 
Isaac  Gardner,  Esq.,  Captain  Benjamin  White,  and  Captain  Thomas 
Aspinwall,  of  Brookline;  Nathaniel  ^Sumner,  Esq.,  and  Mr.  Richard 
Woodward,  of  Dedham,  —  be  a  committee  to  wait  on  His  Excellency 
the  governor,  to  inform  him  that  this  county  are  alarmed  at  the  forti- 
fications making  on  Boston  Neck,  and  to  remonstrate  against  the  same, 
and  the  repeated  insults  offered  by  the  soldiery  to  persons  passing  and 
repassing  into  that  town ;  and  to  confer  with  him  upon  those  subjects. 
Attest : 

William  Thompson,  Clerk. 


APPENDIX.  535 

II. 

EULOGIES    ON    WARREN. 

The  "New-England  Chronicle"  of  the  22d  of  June,  1775, 
contained  a  brief  account  of  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  but  did 
not  mention  the  death  of  Warren.  The  next  issue,  on  the 
29th,  contained  the  following  :  — 

On  Saturday,  the  17th  of  June,  1775, 

fell  in  battle, 

In  the  American  Army, 

Major-General  JOSEPH  WAKKEN, 

A  Gentleman  worthy  that  office^  to  which,  the  Day  before, 

by  the  free  votes  of  his  Countrymen, 

He  was  honorably  elected. 

Asa  Friend  to  Britain,  he  wished  the  mutual  happiness 

of  her  and  America ; 

And,  conscious  their  Interests  were  inseparable, 

He  strenuously  opposed  the  unjust  Claims 

of  a  venal  Parliament, 

Who  attempted  to  ruin  the  latter,  by  depriving  them  of  their  Rights 

sacred  by  Charter. 

Twice  to  crowded  Audiences, 

He  wail'd  the  fate  of  those  massacred  March  5,  1770 ; 

and  twice 
Received  the  Thanks  of  his  Fellow-Citizens  therefor. 
To  enumerate  his  Virtues 
would  be  a  Subject  worthy  of  an  abler  Pen. 
Sufficient  for  us,  we  add, 
He  by  them  has  laid  the  Foundation  of  a  Fame 
that  shall  not  be  impaired 
by  the  Tooth  of  Time. 
Over  his  Grave  his  mourning  Countrymen  may  justly  say, 
Here  lies  the  Body  of  a  worthy  Man, 
Whose  Name  shall  live,  and  fill  the  World  with  Wonder. 
Although  his  Ashes  scarcely  fill  an  Urn, 
His  Virtues  shall  remain  when  we  have  left  the  Stage  : 
His  praises  shall  be  spoke  for  many  an  Age  to  come. 

The  "Pennsylvania  Magazine"  for  June,  1775,  printed  in 
Philadelphia,  has  "an  Eulogium"  on  Warren,  which  is  said  to 
have  been  supplied  by  a  gentleman  of  that  city.  It  was  copied 
into  the  "  Boston  Gazette."     The  following  is  an  extract :  — 


536  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WAREEN". 

"  It  is  impossible  to  do  justice  to  his  full-orbed  character.  He  filled 
each  of  the  numerous  departments  of  life  that  were  assigned  to  him 
so  well,  that  he  seemed  born  for  no  other.  He  had  displayed,  in  the 
course  of  three  and  thirty  years,  all  the  talents  and  virtues  of  the  man, 
the  patriot,  the  senator,  and  the  hero.  He  was  unlike  the  Spartan 
general  only  in  not  expiring  in  the  arms  of  victory.  But  even  in  this 
unfortunate  event  he  has  served  his  country ;  for  he  has  taught  the 
sons  of  freedom  in  America,  that  the  laurel  may  be  engrafted  upon 
the  cypress,  and  that  true  glory  may  be  acquired  not  only  in  the  arms 
of  victory,  but  in  the  arms  of  death." 

The  "Pennsylvania  Packet"  of  July  3,  1775,  had  the  fol- 
lowing eulogium,  which  I  copy  from  the  "Massachusetts  Spy,  or 
American  Oracle  of  Liberty"  of  the  26th  of  July,  1775  :  — 

An  Elegy  to  the  Memory  of  Doctor  Warren.  —  Warren 
the  learned,  brave,  and  good,  —  amiable  and  esteemed  in  his  private 
character,  admired  and  applauded  in  his  more  public  sphere. .  He  was 
an  eminent  physician,  a  sincere  and  affectionate  friend,  and  a  faithful, 
undaunted  asserter  of  his  country's  rights ;  in  defence  of  which  he 
nobly  fell  with  a  true  magnanimity  and  heroism  of  soul  becoming  the 
great  cause  in  which  he  struggled,  and  which  did  honor  to  the  dignity 
of  the  station  in  which  his  country  had  a  few  days  before  placed  him. 

He's  gone,  —  great  Warren's  soul  from  earth  is  fled; 
Great  Warren's  name  is  numbered  with  the  dead. 
That  breast  where  every  patriot  virtue  glowed ; 
That  form  where  nature  every  grace  bestowed ; 
That  tongue  which  bade  in  freedom's  cause  combine 
Truth,  learning,  sense,  and  eloquence  divine  ; 
That  healing  hand  which  raised  the  drooping  head, 
Which  led  pale  sickness  from  her  languid  bed,  — 
Are  now  no  more  :  all,  wrapt  in  sacred  fire, 
On  Liberty's  exalted  shrine  expire  : 
While  the  great  spirit  which  the  whole  informed, 
Glowed  in  the  breast,  and  every  feature  warmed, 
Mounts  midst  the  flame  to  its  own  native  heaven, 
Where  angels'  plaudits  to  his  deeds  are  given. 
Methinks  I  see  the  solemn  pomp  ascend,  — 
See  every  patriot  shade  his  soul  attend : 
Immortal  Hampden  leads  the  awful  band, 
And  near  him  Raleigh,  Russell,  Sidney,  stand ; 
With  them  each  Roman,  every  Greek,  whose  name 
Glows  high  recorded  in  the  roll  of  fame, 


APPEXDIX. 

Round  Warren  press,  and  hail  with  glad  applause 
This  early  victim  in  fair  freedom's  cause  ; 
With  generous  hearts  the  laurel  crown  they  twine, 
And  round  his  brows  they  bind  the  wreath  divine. 
Oh  glorious  fate,  which  bids  the  gloomy  grave 
Throw  wide  the  gates  of  triumph  to  the  brave ! 
Sure,  godlike  Warren,  on  thy  natal  hour, 
Some  star  propitious  shed  its  brightest  power ; 
By  nature's  hand  with  taste,  with  genius  formed, 
Thy  generous  breast  with  every  virtue  warmed ; 
Thy  mind,  endowed  with  sense,  thy  form  with  grace, 
And  all  thy  virtues  printed  in  thy  face  ; 
Grave  Wisdom  marked  thee  as  his  favorite  child, 
And  on  thy  youth  indulgent  Science  smiled ; 
Well  pleased,  she  led  thee  to  her  sacred  bower, 
And  to  thy  hands  consigned  her  healing  power. 
Still  more  to  bless  thee,  soothing  Friendship  strove, 
And  bade  thee  share  in  Adams',  Hancock's  love ; 
With  them  united  in  great  freedom's  cause, 
Thou  stoodst  the  brave  asserter  of  her  laws ; 
While,  ever  watchful  for  thy  country's  weal, 
No  arts  could  warp,  no  dangers  damp  thy  zeal. 
Thy  grateful  country,  to  thy  virtues  just, 
To  thee  committed  each  important  trust ; 
Called  thee  o'er  all  her  councils  to  preside, 
And  midst  this  storm  the  helm  of  State  to  guide. 
Equal  to  all :  alike  in  all  thou  shined, 
The  patriot,  friend,  and  counsellor  combined. 
Heaven  saw  thy  virtues  to  perfection  soar, 
Till  nature  failed,  and  earth,  could  bear  no  more  ! 
Approving  saw,  and  burst  the  bonds  of  clay, 
Which  staged  thy  passage  to  the  realms  of  day ; 
And  that  e'en  death  might  to  thy  fame  conspire, 
Bade  thee  on  freedom's  glorious  field  expire  ; 
Allowed  thee  once  to  mingle  in  the  strife, 
That  thou  mightst  give  thy  country  e'en  thy  life ; 
Bade  liberty  and  honor  guard  thy  grave, 
And  countless  thousands  for  thy  mourners  gave. 
And  dare  we,  then,  thy  sacred  triumphs  mourn, 
Or  with  the  fear  of  grief  profane  thy  urn  ? 
Illustrious  shade  1  forgive  our  mingled  woes, 
Which  not  for  thee,  but  for  our  country  flows  : 
We  mourn  her  loss,  we  mourn  her  hero  —  gone ! 
We  mourn  thy  patriot  soul,  thy  godlike  virtue  flown. 
But,  oh  !  from  yon  bright  realms  vouchsafe  to  bend 
On  us  thy  looks,  and  to  our  fate  attend ; 
Thy  country's  guardian  angel  deign  to  prove, 
And  watch  around  us  with  thy  wonted  love  ; 
68 


537 


538  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

Still  o'er  our  councils  may  thy  soul  preside, 
Thy  light  direct  us,  and  thy  genius  guide  ; 
Let  thy  great  spirit  glow  in  every  breast, 
And  be  thy  virtue  on  each  heart  impressed  : 
So  shalt  thou  not  alone  in  glory  stand, 
And  other  Warrens  shall  adorn  our  land. 

The  following  lines   were  printed  on  a  broadside,  and  are 
copied  from  the  "Historical  Magazine"  for  April,  1861  :  — 

LINES 

Sacred  to  the  Memory  of  Joseph  Warren,  who  fell  in  the  Battle  at  Charlestown, 

fighting  gallantly  for  his  Country. 

Such  their  Care  for  all  the  Great, 
Whensoe'er  they  meet  their  fate ; 
Shades  heroic  throng  around, 
Pleas'd  to  tend  th'  expiring  Ground ; 
Pleas'd  to  mark  the  favour'd  Place 
Where  they  end  their  glorious  Race, 
Round  the  Turf,  or  grassy  Sod, 
Palms  with  Yews  they  learn  to  nod  ; 
There,  by  silent  Luna's  Rays, 
Oft  a  fun'ral  dirge  they  raise. 
So,  on  some  appointed  Hill, 
Heav'n's  last  Mandate  to  fulfill, 
When  with  Blood  they  seal  their  Cause, 
Die  to  save  their  Country's  Laws, 
Joy'd  at  such  a  nameless  Sight, 
Countless  Worthies  quick  alight; 
Rapt  in  soft,  celestial  Flames, 
Stepping  to  sublimest  strains, 
Thus  in  solemn  Pomp  they  rove, 
There  admire  a  Brother's  Love  : 
As  the  mystic  March  goes  round, 
All  the  neighb'ring  Vales  resound. 
Thus,  when  Warren  late  was  slain, 
Passing  Mourners  heard  them  plain. 

"  Catos,  Hampdens,  Sydneys,  come, 
Ye  of  Britain,  Greece,  or  Rome, 
Ye  for  Justice  who  did  plead, 
Ye  for  Freedom  who  did  bleed, 
Quit  a  While  th'  elysian  Land, 
Join  in  one  harmonic  Band, 
Come,  instal  a  Hero  New, 
Who  deserves  to  rank  with  you ; 
Bring  the  laurel  leaf  along, 
Swell  the  chorus  with  Conq'ror's  Song, 


APPENDIX. 

Fix  upon  his  Head  the  Crown, 
For  he's  worthy  of  Renown. 
He  for  Justice  boldly  plead, 
He  for  Freedom  nobly  bled. 

"  Take  him  to  our  Seats  above. 
There  proclaim  his  gen'rous  Love ; 
Tell  how  oft  Earth's  Senates  rung, 
Charm'd  by  his  mellifluous  Tongue ; 
Tell  how  oft  his  patriot  zeal 
Strove  to  save  the  British  Weal ; 
Midnight  Vigils  how  he  kept, 
All  his  Ease  and  Int'rest  left, 
Greatly  firm  in  Virtue's  cause, 
Sworn  t'  oppose  tyrannic  Laws. 

"  Tho'  his  Form  divinely  fair, 
Tho'  most  graceful  ev'ry  Air, 
Tho'  in  Healing  great  his  Skill, 
Tho'  most  kind  his  constant  Will, 
Tho'  his  social  virtues  great, 
Tho'  they  shone  from  early  Date, 
Not  with  these  the  patriot  Flame, 
Must  we  now  pretend  to  name  ; 
These  are  all  beneath  the  Strains 
Due  to  Heroes'  spouting  veins. 

"  Northern  Blasts  he  never  fear'd, 
Nor  e'en  princely  Guilt  rever'd ; 
Prostituted  Force  he  scorn 'd, 
Slav'ry's  Myrmedon's  he  spurn'd; 
Bravely  bent  to  meet  the  Foe, 
Dealing  Death  in  ev'ry  blow, 
Great  in  Ruin  when  he  fell, 
Proud  to  die,  he  cry'd  'tis  well. 
Dying  Patriots  now  we  sing, 
Jointly  touch  the  highest  String ; 
Jointly  all  your  pow'rs  devote, 
Blow  for  them  the  highest  Note. 
Earth  can  nothing  greater  boast, 
Dying  Patriot  is  her  most ; 
Heav'n  can  nothing  greater  know, 
E'en  where  Fires  seraphic  glow, 
Worthy  such  of  Angel's  Praise, 
Such  should  have  divinest  Lays. 

"  Fair  America  is  blest, 
Hence  arose  our  welcome  Guest ; 
She  such  Sons  shall  never  want, 
Nor  shall  Tyrants  such  e'er  daunt. 
Scorching  Flames,  and  Fields  of  Blood, 
All  shall  work  the  greatest  Good. 


539 


540  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WARREN. 

Slav'ry  clanks  her  Chains  in  vain, 
Despots  there  shall  never  reign  : 
Yet  fair  Liberty  shall  stand, 
Yet  shall  sway  that  happy  Land ; 
Yet  her  godlike  sons  shall  rest, 
Of  their  Birthrights  still  possest. 
They  the  World  throughout  shall  save, 
They  shall  make  the  Timid  brave. 
Tho'  their  present  peace  is  marr'd, 
Tho'  their  future  Struggle  hard, 
Britain's  Sons,  degen'rate  grown, 
For  their  Folly  yet  shall  mourn. 
Griev'd  their  ancient  Sires  look  down, 
Curse  their  Measures,  give  a  Frown, 
Swear  the  Glory  is  transferr'd, 
Young  America's  preferr'd  ; 
Heav'n  is  fixt  her  ardent  Friend, 
She  shall  see  a  glorious  End  ; 
Long  in  Bliss  her  Sons  shall  reign,  ^ 
Till  their  native  Skies  they  gain ;     > 
Join  Orchestras,  chant  Amen  !  "       J 

Quite  o'erwhelm'd  with  swooning  Joy  ■ 
(So  extatic  such  Employ) 
Passing  Mourners,  waking  found 
Neither  Shades  nor  faintest  Sound. 
Hear,  ye  Sons  of  Freedom,  hear, 
Banish  hence  your  ev'ry  Fear; 
Trust,  for  once,  a  Prophecy, 

Know,  the  Period  draweth  nigh.  B.  B. 

Providence,  July  27, 1775. 

Dr.  Solomon  Drowne  sent  the  following  lines,  in  a  letter 
addressed  to  his  brother,  William  Drowne,  and  dated  Provi- 
dence, R.I.,  Aug.  12,  1775,  which  are  copied  from  the  "His- 
torical Magazine"  for  March,  1861  :  — 

And  is  it  so  ? 
Is  Warren,  then,  no  more  1    Alas  !  too  true. 
"  He's  gone  !  my  Patriot  Warrior's  gone !  " 
New  Albion's  Genius  cried  ;  and  "  He  is  gone  !  " 
Remurmured  all  around.     Heart-rending  thought ! 
How  sunk  my  spirits,  when  the  baleful  sound 
First  shocked  mine  ear.     But  why  bewail  a  death 
So  glorious,  which  might  rather  in  our  breasts 
Excite  becoming  envy  f     Yes,  he  fell 
A  willing  sacrifice,  in  the  great  cause 
Of  human  kind,  his  Country's  cause,  which  he 


ATPENDIX. 


541 


Had  plead  so  well.     Heroic  fortitude, 

An  honest  zeal,  a  Scipio's  martial  flame, 

A  Cato's  firmness,  Tully's  eloquence, 

Were  all  his  own.     Thus  great  in  public  life ; 

Nor  less  the  milder  virtues  of  his  soul. 

Philanthropy  his  gen'rous  bosom  swayed,  — 

Beneficence  marked  well  the  steps  he  trod. 

View  him  in  the  sphere  of  his  profession ; 

See,  at  the  sick  bedside  his  anxious  care. 

With  countenance  benign,  see  him  stretch  forth 

His  healing  hand  to  yield  the  kind  relief: 

If  medicines  failed,  his  gentle  accents  and 

His  soothing  words  revived  the  fainting  heart. 

But  silent  now  that  tongue,  and  cold  that  hand 

So  oft  employed  in  heavenly  deeds  like  these,  — 

That  tongue,  that  moved  at  will  the  attentive  throng, 

That  hand,  to  dire  distress  a  cheerful  aid. 

Warren  x  the  great,  the  good,  is  now  no  more : 

He's  left  this  earth,  to  hail  those  blesesd  abodes 

Where  Norths  shall  vex  not,  and  the  virtuous  rest. 

Philatros. 


The  following  ode  has  been  ascribed  to  Arthur  Lee.     I  copy 
from  the  "American  Museum,"  vol.  v.  1790  :  — 

ODE 

To  the  memory  of  Dr.  Joseph  Warren,  the  celebrated  Orator,  who  was  slain  upon  the 
Heights  of  Charlestown,  fighting  for  the  Liberties  of  America,  on  the  seventeenth  da\j 
of  June,  1775. 

O  great  reverse  of  Tully's  coward  heart, 

Immortal  Warren !  you  suffice  to  teach, 
The  orator  may  fill  the  warrior's  part, 

And  active  souls  be  joined  with  fluent  speech. 

Shall  not  the  speaker,  who  alone  could  give 

Immortal  reviviscence  to  the  dead, 
Changed  to  a  hero  now,  for  ever  live, 

In  fame's  eternal  roll,  with  those  he  led  ? 

Let  North  and  Sandwich  take  the  meaner  shame 
Of  blustering  words,  unknown  to  hardy  deeds ! 

And  callous  G superior  merit  claim, 

In  grinning  laughter,  while  his  country  bleeds. 

1  In  him,  great  Liberty  has  lost  a  most  noble  and  worthy  son ;   the  community  where  he 
resided  a  useful  member,  and  free-born  Americans  a  brother,  —  a  strenuous  friend.        S.  D. 


542  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 


Boston's  first  sons  in  prostrate  numbers  lay, 

And  freedom  tottered  on  destruction's  brink ; 
Warren  stept  forth  to  solemnize  the  day, 

And  dared  to  speak  what  some  scarce  dared  to  think. 

Yet,  glorious  honor !  more  than  one  man's  share, 

He  in  his  latest,  as  his  earliest  breath, 
In  camp  or  forum,  equally  could  dare, 

And  seal  his  bold  philippic  with  his  death.  Lucius. 


III. 

CHILDREN   OF   WARREN. 

The  four  children  of  Warren,  on  the  death  of  their  mother 
(Everett's  Warren,  179),  were  committed  to  the  care  of  their 
maternal  grandmother.  Their  names  were  Elizabeth,  Joseph, 
Mary,  and  Richard.  A  name  made  illustrious  was  their  only 
inheritance  (Sparks's  Life  of  Arnold,  126).  Immediately  after 
their  father's  death,  the  masonic  fraternity  contributed  liber- 
ally to  their  necessities  (Moore's  Masonic  Memoir  of  War- 
ren, 118).  On  the  31st  of  January,  1777,  on  the  motion  of 
Samuel  Adams,  Congress  resolved  that  the  eldest  son  "should 
be  educated  at  the  expense  of  the  United  States."  He  says 
(Febuary  1,  1777),  in  a  letter  to  James  Warren,  "I  moved  in 
Congress,  that  the  eldest  son  of  our  deceased  friend,  General 
Warren,  might  be  adopted  by  the  continent,  and  educated  at 
the  public  expense.  The  motion  was  pleasing  to  all ;  and  a 
committee  was  appointed  to  prepare  a  resolve.  .  .  .  These  things 
I  would  not  have  yet  made  public." 

About  the  month  of  April,  1778,  General  Arnold  —  who 
made  the  acquaintance  of  Warren  in  Cambridge — was  informed 
that  the  children  "  had  been  entirely  neglected  by  the  State ; " 
when,  in  a  letter  dated  July  15,  1778,  addressed  to  Miss  Mercy 
Scollay,  —  the  greater  portion  of  which  is  printed  (Sparks's 
Arnold,  127),  —  he  contributed  five  hundred  dollars  for  their 


APPENDIX. 


543 


support,  and  expressed  generous  sentiments  for  their  welfare. 
Warren  was  betrothed  to  this  lady  for  a  second  wife  (Loring's 
Orators,  49).  In  another  letter,  addressed  to  Dr.  Townsend, 
dated  August  6,  1778  (printed  in  the  Life  of  John  C.  Warren, 
ii.  56),  Arnold  expresses  similar  sentiments.  In  the  next  year, 
there  was  additional  correspondence  on  the  care  of  the  children. 
A  letter  addressed  to  Samuel  Adams  and  John  Hancock,  on 
the  19th  of  November,  1779,  by  Elbridge  Gerry  and  James 
Lovell,  elicited  the  following  :  — 

Boston,  Dec.  20, 1779. 
Gentlemen,  —  Since  my  last  letter  to  you,  I  have  had  an  oppor- 
tunity of  conversing  with  Dr.  John  Warren,  brother  of  our  deceased 
friend,  concerning  the  situation  of  his  children.     He  tells  me,  that  the 
eldest  son  was,  as  early  as  it  could  be  done,  put  under  the  care  and 
tuition  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Payson,  of  Chelsea ;  a  gentleman  whose  qualifi- 
cations for  the  instructing  of  youth,  I  need  not  mention  to  you.     The 
lad  still  remains  with  him.     The  eldest  daughter,  a  miss   of  about 
thirteen,  is  with  the  doctor ;   and  he  assures  me,  that  no  gentleman's 
daughter  in  this  town  has  more  of  the  advantage  of  schools  than  she 
has  at  his  expense.     She  learns  music,  dancing,  writing  and  arithmetic, 
and  the  best  needle-work  that  is  taught  here.     The  doctor,  I  dare  say, 
takes  good  care  of  her  morals.     The  two  younger  children,  a  boy  of 
about  seven  years,  and  a  girl  somewhat  older,  are  in  the  family  of  John 
Scollay,  Esq.,  under  the  particular  care  of  his  daughter,  at  her  most 
earnest  request ;  otherwise,  I  suppose,  they  would  have  been  taken  sare 
of  by  their  relations  at  Roxbury,  and  educated  as  farmers'  children 
usually  are.     Miss  Scollay  deserves  the  greatest  praise  for  her  atten- 
tion to  them.     She  is  exceedingly  well  qualified  for  her  charge ;  and 
her  affection  for  their  deceased  father  prompts  her  to  exert  her  utmost 
to  inculcate  in  the  minds  of  these  children  those  principles  which  may 
conduce  "  to  render  them  worthy  of  the  relation  they  stood  in  "  to  him. 
General  Arnold  has  assisted,  by  generously  ordering  five  hundred 
dollars  towards  their  support.     This  I  was  informed  of  when  I  was  last 
in  Philadelphia.     I  called  on  him,  and  thanked  him  for  his  kindness  to 
them.    Whether  he  has  done  more  for  them  since,  I  cannot  say.    Prob- 
ably he  originated  the  subscription  you  have  mentioned  to  me.     I  have 
omitted  to  tell  you,  that,  two  years  ago,  I  was  in  this  town,  and  made 
a  visit  to  the  present  General  Warren,  at  Plymouth.     His  lady  was 
very  solicitous  that  the  eldest  daughter  should  spend  the  winter  with 


544  LIFE    OF    JOSEPH    WARREX. 

her,  and  desired  me  to  propose  it  to  miss.  I  did  so ;  but  I  could  not 
prevail  upon  her.  She  said  that  Mrs.  Miller  (Mr.  Charles  Miller's 
lady),  at  whose  house  she  then  was,  did  not  incline  to  part  with  her ; 
and  that  it  would  be  a  breach  of  good  manners,  and  ungrateful  for 
her,  to  leave  Mrs.  Miller  against  her  inclination.  She  very  prettily 
expressed  her  obligations  to  both  those  ladies,  and  thus  prevented  my 
saying  any  more.  I  am  very  certain  it  was  Mrs.  Warren's  intention 
to  give  her  board  and  education.  You  know  the  distinguished  accom- 
plishments of  that  lady.  I  think  it  does  not  appear  that  Betsey  has 
been  altogether  friendless  and  "  deserted,"  or  that  the  others  are  in 
danger  of  "  suffering  irreparably  on  account  of  their  education."  Yet, 
as  I  am  very  desirous  that  they  should  have  the  greatest  advantage  in 
their  growth  into  life,  I  shall,  among  other  friends,  think  myself  much 
obliged  to  any  gentleman  who,  from  pure  and  unmixed  motives,  shall 
add  to  those  which  they  now  enjoy. 

I  have  not  yet  had  the  honor  of  an  interview  with  Mr. since 

I  sent  him  the  letter  which  you  wrote  to  us  jointly,  and  requested  his 
sentiments  thereon.     Adieu,  my  dear  friends,  and  believe  me  to  be, 

Respectfully  yours, 
Hon.  Elbridge  Gerry  and  )  Samuel  Adams. 

James  Lovell,  Esqrs.  £ 

General  Arnold  applied  to  Congress  for  a  provision  to  sup- 
port the  children.  On  the  1st  of  July,  1780,  is  the  following 
record  :  — 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Livingston,  seconded  by  Mr.  Adams,  Congress 
came  to  the  following  resolutions  :  — 

Whereas  Congress  have  thought  proper  to  erect  a  monument  to  the 
memory  of  Major- General  Warren,  in  consideration  of  his  distinguished 
merit  and  bravery,  and  to  jnake  provision  for  the  education  of  his  eldest 
son ;  and  whereas  it  appears  no  adequate  provision  can  be  made  out  of 
his  private  fortune  for  the  education  and  maintenance  of  his  three 
younger  children  ;  therefore  — 

Resolved,  That  it  be  recommended  to  the  executive  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay  to  make  provision  for  the  maintenance  and  education  of 
the  said  three  children  of  the  late  Major-General  Warren. 

Resolved,  That  Congress  will  defray  the  expense  thereof,  to  the 
amount  of  the  half-pay  of  a  major-general,  to  commence  at  the  time 
of  his  death,  and  continue  until  the  youngest  of  the  said  children  shall 
be  of  age. 


APPENDIX. 


545 


"General  Warren,"  Sparks  says  (Life  of  Arnold,  128), 
"  had  been  dead  five  years,  and  the  annual  amount  of  half-pay 
was  somewhat  more  than  thirteen  hundred  dollars,  making  the 
sum  due  nearly  seven  thousand  dollars,  besides  the  future  sti- 
pend. In  the  congratulatory  letter  which  Arnold  wrote  to  Miss 
Scollay  on  this  event,  only  six  weeks  before  the  consummation 
of  his  treachery,  he  reiterated  his  ardent  concern  for  the  wel- 
fare of  the  children." 

Dr.  John  Warren,  the  general's  youngest  brother,  on  his 
marriage  took  the  children  to  his  home  (Everett's  Warren, 
179).  Both  the  daughters  were  distinguished  by  amiable  quali- 
ties and  personal  beauty,  and  were  highly  accomplished. 

Elizabeth,  born  in  1765,  became  in  1785  the  wife  of  Gen- 
eral Arnold  Welles;  died  without  issue  in  Boston,  July  26, 
1804,  at  thirty-nine  years  of  age,  and  was  buried  from  her 
residence  in  School  Street. 

Joseph  was  born  in  1768  ;  graduated  at  Harvard  College 
in  1786;  was  an  officer  at  the  Castle;  and  died  while  on  a 
visit  to  Foxboro',  at  the  house  of  his  uncle  Ebenezer.  The 
following  is  the  inscription  on  his  tombstone  :  "  Sacred  to  the 
memory  of  Joseph  Warren,  son  of  the  late  Major-General 
Joseph  Warren,  who  died  suddenly,  April  2,  1790,  JE.  22. 
Be  ye  also  ready." 

Mary  was  twice  married.  Her  first  husband  was  Mr. 
Lyman,  of  Northampton.  She  lost  all  her  children  by  this 
marriage  (Mrs.  Paine's  Letter).  Her  second  husband  was 
Judge  Richard  E.  Newcomb,  of  Greenfield,  Mass.,  who,  in 
a  letter  dated  April  14,  1843,  says,  "My  late  wife,  Mary,  was 
the  youngest  and  only  surviving  child  of  the  late  Gen.  J.  War- 
ren. She  died  on  February  7,  1826;  leaving  an  only  child, 
a  son,  who  bears  the  name  of  his  grandfather,  Joseph  Warren. 
He  is  an  attorney-at-law,  and  now  lives  at  Springfield,  in  this 
State.  He,  with  the  exception  of  his  two  children,  is  the  only 
descendant,  in  a  direct  line,  of  him  who  fell  on  Bunker  Hill." 
Both  of  these  children  are  (1865)  living.  One  is  the  wife  of 
Dr.  Buckminster  Brown,  and  resides  in  Boston. 

69 


546  LIFE    OF   JOSEPH    WARREN. 

Richard,  according  to  the  letter  of  S.  Adams,  born  about 
1772,  was  engaged  in  mercantile  business  in  Alexandria  (Mrs. 
Paine's  Letter  in  Life  of  J.  C.  Warren,  ii.  24)  ;  returned  to 
Boston ;  and  died  in  the  family  of  his  uncle,  Dr.  John  Warren, 
at  the  age  of  twenty-one. 


IV. 

RELICS   OF  WARREN. 

I  have  seen  several  interesting  relics  of  Warren,  which  were 
procured  and  preserved  by  the  late  Dr.  John  C.  Warren.  One 
is  the  manuscript  of  the  oration  which  he  delivered  on  the  6th 
of  March,  1775.  It  is  in  a  black  cover,  and  is  in  a  large, 
round  handwriting.  It  has  few  interlineations.  Another  relic 
is  a  small  Psalm  Book,  which  a  British  soldier  said  that  he  took 
out  of  Warren's  pocket,  and  as  such  sold  it  to  Dr.  Samuel 
Wilton  of  London,  who  sent  it  to  Dr.  William  Gordon  with 
the  request  that  it  should  be  delivered  to  Warren's  relatives. 
It  was  printed  at  Geneva,  in  1559.  On  the  inside  cover  is 
written,  "  North  America.  Taken  at  ye  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill, 
June  17,  1775,  out  of  Dr.  Warren's  pocket."  The  name, 
"  Thomas  Knight,"  is  written  at  the  end  of  the  volume.  These 
relics,  with  a  sword,  which  was  owned  by  Warren,  are  in  the 
possession  of  Dr.  J.  Mason  Warren,  who  has  also  Warren's 
day-book,  containing  entries  by  hkn  from  May  4,  1774,  to 
April  17,  1775.  I  have  mentioned  on  page  167,  that  there  are 
fragments  of  a  prior  day-book.  These  books  show  Warren's 
professional  connection  with  the  families  of  the  popular  leaders. 
At  the  celebration  of  June  17,  1836,  in  Charlestown,  Hon.  A. 
H.  Everett  exhibited  the  bullet  which  he  regarded  as  the  one 
that  killed  Warren.  (See  Loring's  "  Hundred  Boston  Orators," 
p.  67.)  The  "Historical  Magazine"  of  December,  1857,  has 
an  interesting  paper  by  Mr.  Loring,  on  the  relics  of  Warren. 


APPENDIX. 


547 


MONUMENTS   TO  WARREN. 

The  Massachusetts  House  of  Representatives  on  the  4th  of 
April,  1776,  in  giving  the  Lodge  of  Freemasons  leave  to  bury 
the  remains  of  Warren,  reserved  a  right  to  erect  a  monument 
to  his  memory;  and,  on  the  12th  of  February,  1818,  it  ordered 
a  committee  to  consider  the  expediency  of  building  a  monument 
of  American  marble  :   but  the  right  remains  unexercised. 

The  Continental  Congress,  on  the  31st  of  January,  1777, 
on  the  motion  of  Samuel  Adams,  appointed  Messrs.  Rush,  Hey- 
ward,  Page,  and  S.  Adams  a  committee  to  consider  what  honors 
are  due  to  the  memory  of  General  Warren  ;  who  submitted  their 
report  on  the  8th  of  April,  1777,  when  Congress  voted  :  — 

That  a  monument  be  erected  to  the  memory  of  General  Warren,  in 
the  town  of  Boston,  with  the  following  inscription :  — 

In  honor  of 

Joseph  Warren, 

Major-General  of  Massachusetts  Bay. 

He  devoted  his  life  to  the  liberties 

Of  his  country ; 

And,  in  bravely  defending  them,  fell 

An  early  victim, 

In  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill, 

June  17,  1775. 

The  Congress  of  the  United  States, 

As  an  acknowledgement  of  his  services 

And  distinguished  merit, 

Have  erected  this  monument 

To  his  memory. 

Though  it  stands  in  the  journals  of  Congress  that  w  a  monu- 
ment was  erected  "  (see  the  vote  on  page  544),  and  in  1850  a 
memorial  was  presented  in  the  Senate  for  an  appropriation  for 
a  statue,  the  vote  remains,  like  a  similar  one  in  relation  to 
Washington,  without  effect. 

The  honor  of  raising  a  memorial  to  Warren,  on  the  spot 
where  he  fell,  belongs  to  King  Solomon's  Lodge  of  Masons,  of 


548  LIFE    OP   JOSEPH   WARREN. 

Charlestown.  It  was  chartered  by  the  "Massachusetts  Grand 
Lodge,"  which  was  established  by  Warren.  The  charter  was 
not  granted  until  the  6th  of  September,  1783  (Moore's 
Memoir,  122).  This  Lodge  (Nov.  11,  1794)  appointed  a 
committee  "to  erect  such  a  monument  in  Mr.  Russell's  pas- 
ture" (which  was  on  what  is  now  called  Breed's  Hill),  as 
would  do  honor  to  the  Lodge,  in  memory  of  their  late  brother, 
M.W.  Joseph  Warren,  and  draw  upon  the  treasury  for  the 
expense.  Hon.  James  Russell  gave  the  land  for  this  pur- 
pose. This  committee  caused  to  be  erected  a  Tuscan  pillar 
eighteen  feet  in  height,  built  of  wood,  placed  on  a  brick  pedestal 
eight  feet  square  and  ten  feet  high.  On  the  top  was  a  gilt  urn, 
on  which,  with  masonic  emblems,  were  the  words  J.  W.  The 
south  side  of  the  pedestal  contained  this  inscription :  — 

Erected  A.D.  MDCCXCIV, 

By  King  Solomon's  Lodge  of  Freeemasons, 

constituted  in  Charlestown,  1783, 

IN  MEMORY  OF 

MAJOR-GENERAL    JOSEPH   WARREN, 

AND     HIS     ASSOCIATES, 

who  were  slain  on  this  memorable  spot,  June  17,  1775. 

"  None  but  they  who  set  a  just  value  upon  the  blessings  of  Liberty, 
are  worthy  to  enjoy  her.  In  vain  we  toiled;  in  vain  we  fought;  we 
bled  in  vain,  if  you  our  offspring  want  valor  to  repel  the  assaults  of 
her  invaders." 

Charlestown  Settled  1623. 

Burnt  1775.     Rebuilt  1776. 

The  enclosed  land  was  given  by  Hon.  James  Russell. 

This  monument  cost  about  one  thousand  dollars.  It  was 
dedicated  on  the  2d  of  December,  1794,  when  a  procession 
consisting  of  the  masonic  fraternity,  the  municipal  authorities, 
revolutionary  officers,  children  of  the  schools,  and  citizens,  was 
formed  at  M  Warren  Hall,"  and  "  walked  in  solemn  silence  to  the 
hill ; "  when  a  circle  was  formed  round  the  pillar,  and  John 
Soley  delivered  an  address,  in  which  he  termed  the  hill  "  Mount 
Warren."  The  procession  returned  to  Warren  Hall,  where  a 
eulogy  was  pronounced  by  Dr.  Josiah  Bartlett.  The  memorial 
reflected  great  credit  on  King  Solomon's  Lodge. 


APPENDIX. 


549 


This  monument  stood  on  the  ground  which  is  now  Concord 
Street,  a  few  rods  from  the  present  structure,  and  was  kept  in 
repair  by  King  Solomons  Lodge  until  1825,  when  it  was  pre- 
sented with  the  land  to  the  Bunker-Hill  Monument  Association. 
King  Solomon's  Lodge,  in  1845,  procured  an  exact  model  of 
the  pillar,  of  the  finest  Italian  marble,  which  was  executed  by 
one  of  the  best  American  artists,  and  was  placed  within  the 
obelisk.  This  was  dedicated  with  imposing  masonic  ceremonial. 
On  this  occasion  one  of  the  speakers  was  the  venerable  John 
Soley,  who  presented  the  working-tools  to  the  Grand  Master. 
The  model  bears  the  following  inscription  :  — 

"  This  is  an  exact  model  of  the  first  Monument  erected  on  Bunker 
Hill.  Which,  with  the  land  on  which  it  stood,  was  given,  A.D.  1825, 
by  King  Solomon's  Lodge,  of  this  town,  to  the  Bunker-Hill  Monument 
Association,  that  they  might  erect  upon  its  site  a  more  imposing  struc- 
ture. The  association,  in  fulfilment  of  a  pledge  at  that  time  given, 
have  allowed,  within  their  imperishable  obelisk,  this  Model  to  be 
inserted,  with  appropriate  ceremonies,  by  King  Solomon's  Lodge,  June 
24th,  AD.  1845." 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Bunker-Hill  Monument  Association  on 
1st  of  July,  1850,  Colonel  Thomas  Handasyd  Perkins  ten- 
dered one  thousand  dollars  towards  a  monument  in  honor  of 
Warren,  when  a  committee  decided  upon  a  statue,  which  it  was 
first  designed  to  place  in  Faneuil  Hall.  Other  subscriptions 
having  been  made,  a  statue  was  executed  by  Henry  Dexter,  a 
native  artist;  and,  on  its  completion,  it  was  determined  to 
place  it  on  the  battle-field.  The  heirs  of  John  C.  Warren  now 
contributed  the  splendid  pedestal  of  verd  antique,  on  which 
the  statue  stands  ;  and  a  building  was  built  for  its  reception. 
"The  statue  is  seven  feet  high,  of  the  best  Italian  marble,  and 
weighed  in  the  block  about  seven  tons.  It  is  draped  in  the 
costume  of  the  revolutionary  period.  The  right  hand  rests  upon 
a  sword,  the  left  being  raised  as  in  the  act  of  giving  emphasis 
to  his  utterance.  The  chest  is  thrown  out ;  the  head,  which  is 
uncovered,  is  elevated  ;  and,  upon  the  broad  brow,  and  the  firm, 
manly  features  of  the  face,  thought  and  soul  are  unmistakably 


550  LIFE    OP    JOSEPH    WARREX. 

stamped"  (Cambridge  Chronicle,  June  6,  1857).  This  statue 
was  dedicated  on  the  17th  of  June,  1857,  with  magnificent 
ceremonies ;  an  account  of  which  is  contained  in  a  volume  enti- 
tled "Inauguration  of  the  Statue  of  Warren,  by  the  Bunker- 
Hill  Monument  Association."  One  of  the  speakers,  Henry 
J.  Gardner,  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  said,  on  the  battle- 
ground, "This  mighty  multitude  has  assembled,  women  and 
men,  the  statesman,  the  soldier,  the  orator,  the  citizen,  those 
placed  in  authority,  these  various  benevolent  and  fraternal 
associations,  all,  the  old,  the  young,  of  every  calling  and  every 
station,  to  aid,  by  their  presence  and  their  sympathy,  in  doing 
honor  to  the  patriot  and  the  martyr,  by  dedicating  the  statue  of 
General  Joseph  Warren." 

This  occasion  was  emphatically  national  in  its  character. 
Warren  was  also  eulogized  on  the  great  day  (1825)  of  laying 
the  corner-stone  of  the  Bunker-Hill  monument,  when  Lafay- 
ette was  present,  and  sat  among  two  hundred  veterans  of  the 
Revolution,  of  whom  forty  were  survivors  of  the  battle.  Daniel 
Webster  then  uttered  before  them  the  following  apostrophe  :  — 

"  But  ah  !  Him !  the  first  great  martyr  in  this  great  cause.  Him ! 
the  premature  victim  of  his  own  self-devoting  heart!  Him!  the  head  of 
our  civil  councils,  and  the  destined  leader  of  our  military  bands,  whom 
nothing  brought  hither  but  the  unquenchable  fire  of  his  own  spirit  • 
Him !  cut  off  by  Providence  in  the  hour  of  overwhelming  anxiety  and 
thick  gloom ;  falling  ere  he  saw  the  star  of  his  country  rise ;  pouring 
out  his  generous  blood,  like  water,  before  he  knew  whether  it  would 
fertilize  a  land  of  freedom  or  of  bondage !  —  how  shall  I  struggle  with 
the  emotions  that  stifle  the  utterance  of  thy  name !  Our  poor  work 
may  perish ;  but  thine  shall  endure !  This  monument  may  moulder 
away !  the  solid  ground  it  rests  upon  may  sink  down  to  a  level  with  the 
sea ;  but  thy  memory  shall  not  fail !  Wheresoever  among  men  a  heart 
shall  be  found  that  beats  to  the  transports  of  patriotism  and  liberty,  its 
aspirations  shall  be  to  claim  kindred  with  thy  spirit ! " 


INDEX. 


Abbot,  Samuel,  244. 
*         Adams,  Abigail,  268,  521. 

Adams,  John,  10,  15,  19,  24,  51.    Frames 
instructions,  67.     Cited,  107,  143,  151, 
164,169.  On  the  massacre,  150.  Removes 
to  Braintree,  165,  187,  212.     On  S.  Ad- 
ams, 212.     On  the  answers  to  Hutchin- 
son, 223,  224.    On  the  ten,  279,  281,  284, 
295.     On  parties,  301.     Member  of  So- 
ciety for  the  Bill  of  Rights,  229,    313. 
In   town-meeting,  320.     Delegate,  324, 
338.      On   Suffolk  resolves,   366.      On 
forming  government,  386.     Cited,  200, 
425,  491.     Death  of,  525. 
Adams,  John  Quincy,  268. 
Adams,  Samuel,  thesis  of,   9.     Character 
of,  25.     On  Warren,  26,  202,  229,  427, 
526,  542,  544.    On  Board  of  Customs,  53. 
On  the  Liberty,  58.     Cited,  80, 94.     Au- 
thor  of    Boston    "  Appeal,"    114.       On 
troops,  117.     Speech  of,  137,  144.     De- 
scription of,   143.     An   incendiary,  159, 
233.      On    Hutchinson,    159,    160,   204. 
On  local   government,   160,   377.     The 
Father  of  America,  162.    On  opposition 
to,  181, 182.    On  parties,  183.    On  Hills- 
borough, 185.     On  union,  188,  190,  194, 
196,  292.     Moves  a  committee  of  cor- 
respondence, 200.    Letters  of,  cited,  196, 
205.      On  the   Boston  report,  206,  207. 
Faith  of,  212.     Mode  of  life  of,  212.     On 
Virginia  resolves,  221.    Author  of  reply 
to 'Hutchinson,  224.     On  the  tea  issue, 
247,  258,  261,  263,  265,  271,  276,  279. 
Jov  of,  281.     On  a  post-office,  297.     On 
political   prospects,  298.      Fame   of,  at 
fiftv-two,  302.     On  the  Port  Act,  303 
Action  of,  305,  307,  310.     On  a  prema- 
ture conflict,  312.     On  delegates  to  con- 
gress, 316,  322,  324,  325.     The  King  on, 
330.     Attachment  of  to  Great   Britain, 
332.     On  the  Regulating  Act,  333,  334. 
Goes  to  congress,  338.     Testimonials  to, 
338.     On  the  people,  388.     On  hostili- 
ties, 411.     On  the  Tories,  426.     On  Bri- 
tish officers,  438.     On  the  Nineteenth  of 
April,  454,  455,  458, 459.     Death  of,  526. 
Adan,  John  R.,  457. 


Albemarle:  "Life  of  Rockingham,"  49. 

Allen,  James,  cited,  146. 

Ames,  Ellis,  167,  546. 

Amory,  John,  310. 

Andrews,  John,  cited,  310,  311,  338,  359, 

446. 
Appleton,  Nathaniel,  229,  244,  290,  379. 
Armv,  British,  291,  300,315,410,450.— 

See  "Troops"   and  "Removal  of  the 

Troops." 
Armv,  standing,  74,  84,  86,  101. 
Arnold,  Benedict,  474,  500,  542,  543,  544, 

545. 
Association,  American,  407. 
"  Atlantic  Monthly,"  99. 
Attucks,  Crispus,  127. 
Austin,  Benjamin,  137. 
Austin,  John  Williams,  516. 
Austin,  Samuel,   137,  257,  438,  439,  465, 

476. 


B. 


Baldwin,  Loammi,  227. 

Baltimore,  Letter  from,  317. 

Bancroft,  George,  2,  26,  86,  93,  146,  202, 
302,  307,  311,  317,  327,  338,  340,  342, 
352,  358,  382,  409,  410,  415,  422,  442, 
446. 

Barber,  Nathaniel,  201,  240. 

Barre\  Colonel,  58,  115,  151. 

Barrett,  James,  384. 

Barrington,  Lord,  96. 

Bartlett,  Josiah,  549. 

Beacon  Hill,  80,  82,  83. 

Belknap,  Jeremy,  287,  469. 

Bernard,  Francis,  character  of,  29.  Cited 
on  parties,  30.  On  the  press,  36.  On 
insurrections,  37,  39,  56,  62,  76,  80,  81. 
On  "  A  True  Patriot,"  41,  42,  44,  46,  48. 
On  introducing  troops,  53,  73,  75,  76, 
79,  83.  On  a  riot,  59,  60.  On  town- 
meeting,  64,  65,  69.  On  Circular  Letter, 
72.  On  "  Reader,  Attend,"  77.  On  the 
convention,  89,  91.  On  the  charter,  95. 
On  quarters  for  troops,  100.  Super- 
seded, 105.  Cited,  106,  151,  165,  264. 
Death  of,  526. 
Bigelow,  Timothy,  385. 
Bill  of  Rights,  313. 

[5511 


552 


INDEX. 


Bill  of  Rights  Society,  229,  313. 

Blodgett,  Samuel,  227. 

Boston,  character  of,  15.  Small  pox  in, 
15.  Parties  in,  17,  29.  Clubs  of,  49. 
Vote  of,  in  Faneuil  Hall,  54.  Riot  in, 
57.  Petition  of,  63.  Vote  of,  on  troops, 
68.  Call  of  a  convention  by,  84.  Me- 
morial of,  88.  Denunciation  of,  95. 
Troops  landed  in,  99.  "Appeal  to  the 
world  "  by,  114.  Removal  of  troops  from, 
149.  Eulogy  on,  152,  224,  225.  Com- 
mittee of  correspondence  chosen  by,  201. 
Report  adopted  by,  206,  213,  217,  236. 
Commendations  of,  266.  Tea  destroyed 
at,  280.  Sutfering  of,  310.  Relief  of, 
324.  Fortification  of,  359.  Instructions 
of.  379.  People  of  characterized,  473, 
478,  479. 

"  Boston  Gazette,"  foundation  of,  34. 

Bourgate,  Charlotte,  127. 

Bourne,  Melatiah,  64. 

Bowdoin,  James,  10,  23,  24,  76,  156,  259, 
320,  324,  334,  338,  360. 

Bovle,  John,  cited,  461,  518. 

Bovlston,  Thomas,  83,  321. 

Boynton,  Richard,  201. 

Bradford,  John,  83,  201. 

Brewer,  Jonathan,  469. 

British  officers,  behavior  of,  428, 437,  446. 

Brookline,  letter  from,  336. 

Brown,  Buckminster,  546. 

Brown,  Peter,  515,  517,  578. 

Bruce,  Captain,  267,  271. 

Buckingham,  Joseph  T.,  218. 

Bunker  Hill,  on  the  occupancy  of,  504. 
Occupied,  507.     Battle  of,  513-519. 

Burch,  William,  52. 

Burke,  Edmund,  19,  183. 

Burns,  Robert,  cited,  282. 


Cadet  company,  51,  53,  308.     Order  to, 

249,  250. 
Caldwell,  James,  128. 
Caldwell,  Captain,  140. 
Cambridge,  action  of,  214,  256.  Gathering 

at,  353,  356. 
Camden,  Lord,  96. 
Cannon,  report  on,  472. 
Cape  Fear,  letter  from,  336. 
Carmarthen,  Lord,  remark  of,  402. 
Carnes,  Joshua,  167. 
Carr,  Dabnev,  226. 
Carr,  Colonel,  121,  128,  134,  141. 
Carr,  Patrick,  128. 
Cartwright,  John,  299. 
Caucus,  or  Corcas,  50.  —  See  "Clubs." 
Chalmers,  George,  452. 
Chandler,  John,  164. 
Charleston,  letter  from,  237. 
Charlestown,  burning  of,  516. 
Chatham,  Lord,  211. 
Cheever,  David,  3S9. 
Cheever,  Ezekiel,  240. 


Chester,  Captain,  501,  512. 

Choiseul,  cited,  97. 

"  Chronicle  of  the  Times,"  cited,  324. 

Church,  Benjamin,  64,  66,  137,  171,  194, 
195,  201,  202,  206,  225,  240,  534. 

Circular  Letter.  Mass.,  39,  71,  72,  90. 

Clarke,  Jonas,  451,  457. 

Clarke,  Richard,  238,  240,  250,  254,  262. 

Clubs,  49,  50,  169,  170,  238,  441. 

Coffin,  Colonel,  308. 

Coffin,  Captain,  267. 

Cohasset,  militia  of,  404. 

Committees  of  correspondence,  design  of, 
181,  189.  Origin  of,  200.  Conferences 
of,  on  the  tea  issue,  252,  253,  265,  270. 
On  the  Port  Bill,  300.  On  the  Regulat- 
ing Act,  348.     On  the  troops,  383,  446. 

Committee  of  correspondence,  Boston, 
200,  202,  203,  205.  Report  framed  by, 
206,  217.  Faith  of,  221.  Circular  of, 
236.  On  the  tea  issue,  218,  252,  255. 
On  the  post-office,  297.  On  the  Port 
Act,  300,  305,  313.  On  the  Regulating 
Act,  333;  its  action,  343,  380,  383,  446. 

Committee  of  correspondence,  inter-colo- 
nial, 226,  227. 

Committee  of  correspondence,  Mass.,  let- 
ter of,  237. 

Committee  of  safety,  Boston,  149,  334. 

Committee  of  safety,  Mass.,  389,  390,  406, 
412,  419,  458,  466,  468,  470,  472,  473, 
482,  490,  491,  502,  504,  513. 

Congress,  general,  germ  of,  94.  Sug- 
gested, 182,  224,  225,  231,  292,  296,  314. 
Action  for,  322.  Time  of,  fixed,  323. 
Delegates  to,  chosen,  324,  338.  Reliance 
on,  361,  375,  386,  397.  Reception  by,  of 
Suffolk  resolves,  366,  373,  378.  On 
views  of,  on  local  government,  386. 
Pledge  of,  to  Massachusetts,  388.  Obe- 
dience to,  400,  403,  407.  Advice  of, 
asked  by  Massachusetts,  476,  4S7,  501. 
Requested  to  adopt  the  army,  485.  Its 
advice  on  forming  a  local  government, 
511. 

Congress,  Provincial,  proposed,  349.  Time 
of,  fixed,  361.  Delegates  to,  chosen,  378. 
Meeting  of,  376,  384.  Action  of,  on 
forming  government,  385,  444,  445. 
Chooses  a  committee  of  safety,  389, 
'412.  Chooses  general  officers,  390. 
Proceedings  of,  394,  397,  444,  445,  449, 
509. 

Convention  of  1768.  Proposed,  78. 
Adopted,  86.  Call  of,  89.  Meeting  of, 
90.  Parties  in,  93.  Address  of,  93.  Ef- 
fect of,  95. 

Consignees, tea.—  See  "  Tea, consignees  " 

Connecticut,  action  of,  415,  416,  475. 

Cooper,  Samuel,  10,  15,  72,  82,  118,  135, 
166,  169,  225,  305,  448,  452,  526. 

Cooper,  William,  24,  68,  135, 138, 155, 178, 
202,  229,  333.     Character  of,  480. 

Cooper,  William,  jun.,  480. 

Copley,  John  S.,  136,  238,  263,  264. 

Coronation  Day,  90. 


INDEX. 


553 


Corner,  Captain,  5/,  58. 

Council,  on  the  press,  42.    On  the  troops, 

75,  260.     On  the  tea  issue,  252,  259. 
Council  Chamber,  143. 
Counsellors,  mandamus,  334,  340. 
Courts,  powers  of,  235. 
Cowardice,  418,  451,  452. 
Cowley,  Abraham,  prophecy  of,  425. 
Crafts,  Thomas,  115. 
Cushing,  Thomas,  24,  64,  76    82    88 ,87, 

91,103.114,135,136,139,165,166,171, 

187,  196,  229,  290,  324,  330,  333,  338, 

382.  526. 


D. 

Dalrvmple,  Lieutenant  Colonel,  100,  116, 
131,  134,   138,  139,   141,  142,  145,  loO, 
156. 
Dalhousie,  Earl  of,  115. 
Dana,  Edmund,  19,  20. 
Dana,  Francis,  448. 
Dana,  Richard,  64,  66,  83,  103,  114,  171, 

172,  178,  195. 
Danforth,  259,  353. 

Dartmouth,  Lord,   appointment    ot,   185. 
On  judges'  salaries,  186.     On  the  tea 
issue,  254, 255.     On  penal  acts,  334, 471. 
Davis,  Caleb,  201. 
Dawes,  William,  455. 
De  Berdt,  Dennis,  64,  66,  88. 
Dennie,  William,  201,  240. 
De  Tocqueville,  23,  98. 
Devens,  Richard,  384,  387,  412. 
Dexter,  Henry,  549. 
Dexter,  Samuel,  259,  397,  491. 
Dickinson,  John,  33,  52. 
Dillaway,  C  K.,  12. 

Donation  committee,  appointed,  306,  344. 
Letters  of,  to  Stonington,  345.    Preston, 
346.     East    Haddam,    354.      Norwich, 
350.    Middletown,  391.    Montreal,  442. 
Falmouth,  423. 
Donations,  for  Boston,  324,  325,  443. 
Dorchester,  vote  of,  270. 
Dorr  Harbottle,  40. 
Douglas,  Robert,  227. 
Downer,  Eliphalet,  461. 
Drayton,  William  Henry,  424. 
Drowne,  Solomon,  540. 
Drowne,  William,  540. 
Durand,  cited,  97.  -,   . 

"Duyckinck's  Cyclopedia,"  cited,  405. 


Everett,  Alexander  H.,  cited,  1,  2,  3,  5,  6, 

28,  526,  546. 
Everett,  Edward,  330,  429. 


Falmouth,  letter  of,  422. 
Faneuil,  Benjamin,  jun.,  238. 
Faneuil  Hall,  fame  of,  23,  24.    Refusal  of, 
54.  _  See  "  Town  meetings  "  and     Pub- 
lic meetings." 
"Farmer's  Letters,"  51,  52. 
Fayerweather,  Thomas,  167. 
Fifth  of  March,  massacre  on,  127.     Com- 
memoration of,  158,  171,  225,  295,  427. 
Fisher,  Jabez,  389,  412. 
Flag,  red,   61.      Union,    105,    232,    240. 

Motto  on,  403,  426. 
Flucker,  Thomas,  186,  324,  364. 
Forrest,  James,  184. 
Foster,  Amos,  519.  . 

"Fourteenth  of  August,"  celebration  ot, 

19,  76,  231. 
Frankland,  Lady,  491. 
Franklin,  Benjamin,  115,  119,  299.    Let- 

ter  of,  315,  409,  411,  448. 
Franklin,  William,  216. 
Freedom  and  Equality,  21,  23. 


E. 


East  Haddam,  letter  to,  353. 

East-India  Company,  234,  289. 

Edes,  Benjamin,  35,  40,  44,  48,  493. 

Eliot,  Andrew,  46,  56,  75. 

Eliot  John,  10,  36,  51,  56,  90,  93,  135,  162, 

163,  166,  169,  170,  456,  462,  468. 
Episcopal  clergy,  card  on,  381. 
Eustis,  William,  168,  342,  456,  513. 


G. 


Gadsden,  Christopher,  336. 
Gage,  Thomas,  73.   Offer  of  troops  by,  7o, 
77.     Visits  Boston,  100.    Orders  troops 
away,  104.    Appointed  governor,  307. 
Dissolves  the  General  Court,  324.     Re- 
ceives the  penal  acts,  334.     Action  on, 
339,  348,  351,  418,  503.     Fortifies  Bos- 
ton Neck,  359.     Reply  of,  362.     On  the 
Suffolk  resolves,  367.     On  supplies,  383. 
On  the  Provincial  Congress.  396,  417. 
Military  operations  of,  422, 453, 455, 513. 
Views  of,  467,  471,  479,  483.    Death  of, 
518. 
Gardner,  Henry,  384. 
Gardner,  Henry  J.,  550. 
Gardner,  Isaac,  524,  550. 
Gardner,  Thomas,  304,  337,  384. 
Gardner,  William,  534. 
General   Court,  powers  of,  31.    On  the 
press,  41.    Petition  for  the  meeting  of, 
83,  187.     Divisions  in,  162.     Session  of, 
at  Salem,  315.     Dissolution  of,  324. 
George  III.,  119,  157,  233,  327,  331,  400, 

408,  442. 
Germaine,  Lord  George,  399. 
Germanv,  popular  power  in,  98. 
Gerry,  Elbridge,  194,  384,  397,  413,  510, 

525. 
Gibbon,  Edward,  cited,  154. 
Gill,  John,  10,  35,  40,  44,  48,  493. 
Gill,  Moses,  385,  389. 
Goddard.  William,  296,  297. 
Goldthwait,  Ezekiel,  137. 


70 


554: 


INDEX. 


Gordon,  William,  34,  123,  124,  331,  517, 

546. 
Gore,  Christopher,  520,  522. 
Gorhara,  Nathaniel,  384. 
Graves,  Admiral,  333. 
Gray's  ropewalks,  121,  122. 
Gray,  Samuel,  .128. 
Green-Dragon  Tavern,  115,  170,  187,  225, 

441. 
Green,  Samuel  A.,  437. 
Greene,  Joshua,  166. 
Greenleaf,  Jonathan,  384. 
Greenleaf,  Joseph,  201,  229,  290,  313. 
Greenleaf,  Sheriff,  81,  263. 
Greenleaf,  William,  83,  135,  201. 
Grenville,  George,  41,  77. 
Gridlev,  Benjamin  and  John,  167. 
Griffin's  Wharf,  267. 

H. 

Hall,  Benjamin,  389. 

Hall,  Captain,  254. 

Hallowell,  Benjamin,  57,  58,  59,  60,  272. 

Hancock,  John,  10,  23,  24.  Negatived  as 
councillor,  56.  Owner  of  the  sloop 
"  Liberty,"  57.  On  quelling  a  riot,  58, 59, 
60.  On  committees,  63,  64,  68,  82,  87, 
137,  142,  171,  178,  334,  438.  Hutchin- 
son on,  162.  Popularity  of,  163.  At 
variance  with  S.  Adams,  163, 165,  187. 
Declines  to  act  in  the  council,  193,  251. 
Moderator,  193,  243.  Thanked  by  Mar- 
blehead,  213.  On  the  tea  issue,  240, 
243,  249,  257,  258.  One  of  the  guard, 
280,  286.  Commander  of  the  Cadets, 
249,  253,  421.  Oration  of,  296.  An  ar- 
rest of,  ordered,  307.  The  king  on, 
330.  Delegate  to  the  Provincial  Con- 
gress, 378.  Chosen  president,  383,  384, 
390,  445.  Member  of  the  committee  of 
safety,  389,  412.  Chairman,  390.  On 
the  nineteenth  of  April,  451,  459.  Se- 
lectman, 465.     Death,  525 

Hand-bills,  37,  61,  67,  123,  239,  255,  271, 
413. 

Hastings  House,  510. 

Hawlev,  Joseph,  224,  372,  420,  494. 

Heath,"  William,  384,  389,  397,  412,  450, 
458,  460,  461,  462,  503,  506,  515,  534. 

Henry  VIII.,  statute  of,  98. 

Henshaw,  Joshua,  64,  114,  137,  142,  465, 
525. 

Hill,  Alexander,  201. 

Hillsborough,  Lord,  46,  48,  72,  73,  75, 103, 
114,  117,  160,  185. 

Holden,  William,  534. 

Hollis,  Thomas.  211. 

"  Hollister's  History  of  Connecticut," 
cited,  346. 

Holyoke,  Edward,  9. 

Homans,  John,  534. 

Hood,  Commodore,  55,  73,  74,  101,  116. 

Hooton,  Elizabeth,  14. 

Hooton,  Richard,  14. 


Hostilities,  views  of,  on  beginning,  by 
Dartmouth,  411.  S.  Adams,  411.  J. 
Adams,  386.  Hawley,  420.  J.  Quincv. 
jun.,  421.  Warren  on,  434.  Provincial 
Congress  on,  449. 

Hulton,  Henry,  52. 

Hutchinson,  Elisha,  238. 

Hutchinson,  Thomas,  remark  of,  on  inde- 
pendence, 23.  On  the  theories  of  the 
patriots,  31.  On  the  libel  case,  43,  44. 
On  the  clubs,  50.  On  sending  for 
troops,  53.  Sent  for  by  Bernard,  62,  64, 
65.  Cited,  68.  On  town-meetings,  71, 
199.  On  the  people,  72,  74,  75.  On  the 
call  of  a  convention,  87.  On  the  troops, 
100,  121,  122.  Acting  governor,  106. 
His  character,  107.  On  suppressing 
public  meetings,  112,  119.  On  their  in- 
fluence, 114.  On  the  public  peace,  117. 
On  firing  on  the  people,  118.  His  bear- 
ing on  the  night  of  the  massacre,  129. 
On  the  Sixth  of  March,  141-147.  His 
reasons  for  the  removal  of  the  troops, 
148.  Cited,  155.  On  J.  Quincy,  jun., 
156.  On  the  faction,  158.  On  S.  Ad- 
ams, 159.  On  the  patriots,  159-162. 
On  Otis,  164.  On  Cushing,  166.  On 
political  prospects,  170.  On  Warren's 
oration,  178.  On  Hillsborough,  185. 
Appointed  governor,  186.  Hopes  the 
Union  is  broken,  188.  His  views  on 
local  government,  189,  221.  On  the 
judges'  salaries,  190.  On  the  source  of 
political  evils,  192.  On  committees  of 
correspondence,  202,  233.  Speech  of, 
to  the  general  court,  222,  224,  227.  On 
the  tea  issue,  246,  247,  249,  252,  258, 
259,  260,  261,  262,  263,  265,  268,  269, 
272,  277,  281.  On  the  effect  of  the  de- 
struction of  the  tea,  292.  His  departure 
for  England,  308.  Interview  with  the 
king,  327.  Letters  of,  486,  493.  His 
view  of  the  army,  502.    His  death,  502. 


I. 


Inches,  Henderson,  137,  178,  465. 

Independence  suggested,  198,  428,  435 
Disclaimed,  408,  409,  364.  Tendency 
to,  220.     Charged,  51,  303. 

"Independence  the  object  of  Congress," 
cited,  303. 

Ingersoll,  Colonel,  55. 

Inspection  committees,  406,  407. 

Insurrection,  charge  of,  37.  —  See  "Ber- 
nard, Francis." 

Irving,  58,  147. 

Irving,  George,  310. 

Irving,  John,  259. 


J. 


Jackson,  Joseph,  64,  114,  137,  178,  465. 
Jeffries,  Dr.  John,  519. 


EN'DEX. 


555 


Jefferson,  Thomas,  cited,  302. 
Jeffries,  Daniel,  178. 
Johonnot,  Gabriel,  240. 
Jones,  Joseph,  .178. 
Journalism  in  Boston,  34. 
Judges'  salaries,  181,  186,  188. 
Junius,  55,  120. 

K. 

Keith,  Sir  John  Murray,  408. 
Kent,  Benjamin,  64,  82,  114,  271. 
King  Solomon's  Lodge,  547,  549. 
Knapp,  Samuel  L.,  11,  429,  439,  462. 
Knight,  Thomas,  546. 
Knowlton,  Colonel,  514. 
Knox,  Henrv,  126. 
Knox,  William,  77. 

L. 

Lamb,  John,  297. 

Langdon,  Samuel,  498. 

Lawrence,  Samuel,  519. 

League  and  Covenant,  313,  314,  325. 

Lee,  Arthur,  204,  224,  247,  288,  289,  418, 
447, 488.     On  Boston,  224,  422,  522,  541. 

Lee,  Jeremiah,  389-397. 

Lee,  William,  472. 

Leland,  John,  516. 

Leonard,  Judge,  259. 

Leslie,  expedition  of,  422. 

Liberty,  on,  176,  232,  317,  345,  395. 

Liberty  Hall,  61,  240. 

Liberty  Pole,  120. 

Liberty  Song,  405. 

Liberty  Tree,  37,  54,  55,  59,  61,  90,  105, 
239,*  240. 

"  Liberty  and  Union"  motto,  403. 

Lincoln,  Benjamin,  383,  384,  389. 

Lisle,  David,  57,  61. 

Livingston,  Edward,  47. 

Lloyd,  James,  13-17. 

Loring,  James  S.,  546. 

Local  government,  views  of,  29,  31.  Claim 
of,  68.  Re-organization  of,  urged,  95. 
Hutchinson  on,  110,  159,  160,  189,  192, 
221.  Violation  of,  160".  On  quo  war- 
ranto against,  166.  Practical,  grasp  of, 
171,  172.  May  on,  172.  Warren  on, 
175,  178,  208/340,  354,  357,  375,  385. 
Maintenance  of,  185.  Aggression  on, 
186,  188,  334,  361,  391.  Right  of,  208, 
221,  340,  348.  On  the  formation  of,  355, 
375,  376,  377,  386,  390,  397,  408,  444. 
On  the  necessity  of,  357.  Charters  of, 
372.  Dissolution  of,  373.  The  people 
on,  376,  377.  Congress  on,  378,  386,  388. 
Middletown  on,  391.  Franklin  on,  400, 
409.  The  issue  on,  409,  422,  477,  481, 
483,  485,  487,  488,  495.  Advice  of  Con- 
gress on,  512. 
Lovell,  James,  157,  544. 
Lucas,  Dr.,  158. 


M. 


Mackay,  Alexander,  104,  116. 
Mackay,  William,  201. 
Magoon,  E.  L.,  429. 
Magna  Charta,  90,  208. 

Mahon,  Lord,  97,  183,  278. 

Maine's  "Ancient  Law,"  cited,  23. 

Malcom,  Daniel,  64,  83. 

Marblehead,  213,  270. 

Marshall,  Thomas,  195,  476. 

Marshfield,  422. 

Mason,  Jonathan,  137,  465. 

Masonic  fraternity,  13,  115,  289. 

Massachusetts,  action  by,  urged,  32.  De- 
scription of,  370.  Charter  of,  372.  Peo- 
ple of,  372.  Views  of,  378.  Pledge  to, 
388.  Object  of,  408.  Follows  the  gen- 
eral congress,  390.  Preparation  in,  404. 
Advice  to,  511. 

M  Massachusetts,"  cited,  200. 

Maverick,  Samuel,  128. 

Mayhew,  Jonathan,  24. 

Maynard,  Horace,  510. 

"May's  Constitutional  History,"  cited, 49, 
472. 

McDougal,  Alexander,  120,  474. 

Medford,  eulogv  on  Boston,  152. 

Mifflin,  Thomas,  248. 

Millar,  Charles,  422,  544. 

Minot,  George  Richard,  524. 

Mohawks,  279,  280. 

Molesworth,  Sir  William,  172. 

Molineux,  William,  23,  24,  83,  137,  142, 
178,  187,  201,  240,  258,  265,  403. 

Moncrief,  Major,  501. 

Monk,  Christopher,  439. 

Montague,  Admiral,  269,  278. 

Moore,  Frank,  "Diary  of  the  Revolution," 
cited,  285,  452. 

Moore,  Charles  W.,  13,  115. 

Morton,  Perez,  14,  27,  34,  35,  462,  524. 

Municipal  Reform  Bill,  98. 

Murray's  Barracks,  101, 120, 124, 125, 127. 


N. 


"  Nancy  Dawson,"  tune  of,  118. 
Newbury  Bridge,  59. 
Newcomb,  Richard  E.,  545. 
Newell,  Timothy,  187,  195,  465,  476. 
"  New-England  Courant,"  50. 
Newport,  letter  to,  290,  398. 
New  York,  on  the  tea,  283. 
Noddle's  Island,  482. 
Non-importation  agreement,  158,  343. 
North,  Lord,  95 

North  Carolina,  on  the  tea,  283. 
North-end  Caucus,  50,  169,  238. 
Norwich,  letter  to,  350. 
"Novanglus,"  cited,  200. 


556 


LTSTDEX. 


O. 


Observations  on  the  Port  Bill,  cited,  393. 

Old  Brick  Meeting-house,  124. 

Old  Charter,  89,  371,  376,  386. 

Old  South  Meeting-house,  39,  62,  65,  139, 
146,  173,  257,  258,  259,  278,  477. 

Oliver,  Andrew,  186,  356. 

Orne,  Azor,  384,  412. 

Otis,  James,  10,  35.  Speech  of,  38,  39,  64, 
65.  Moderator,  62,  82,  83.  Cited,  86, 
87,  92,  93,  96.  Negatived  as  councillor, 
56.  Aids  in  quelling  a  riot,  58.  Refer- 
ence to,  68,  81,  157,  162,  163,  165,  169, 
187,  195,  196,  201,  202.  Cited,  on  the 
power  of  courts,  235.    Death,  526. 


Paddock,  Adino,  83,  420. 

Paine,  Mrs.,  545,  546. 

Paine,  Robert  Treat,  324,  338,  385,  396. 

Palmer,  Joseph,  389,  412,  521,  529,  534. 

Palmer,  Richard,  360. 

Parsons,  Samuel  IL,  225. 

Patronymica  Britannica,  cited,  4. 

Paxton,  Charles,  52,  54,  67. 

Payne,  Edward,  64,  66. 

Pavson,  Rev.  Mr.,  543. 

Pemberton,  Samuel,  156,  171,  465. 

Percv,  Lord,  455,  457,  460,  462. 

Perkins,  Dr.,  16. 

Perkins,  Thomas  Handasyd,  549. 

Philadelphia,  letter  from,  56.     On  the  tea, 

230. 
Phillips,  William,  24,  56,  76,  137,  142,  177, 

195,  229,  316,  334,  339,  376,  465,  526. 
Pickering,  John,  283,  284. 
Pierpont,  Robert,  201. 
Pietas  et  Gratulatio,  11. 
Pigeon,  John,  389,  412,  482. 
Pitts,  John,  244,  339,  340,  465,  476. 
Pitts,  James,  145,  259. 
Pomeroy,  General,  141. 
Pomeroy,  Seth,  384,  390,  412. 
Popular  leaders,   names  of,  24.    Theory 

of,  32.    Use  of  the  press  by,  35,  183. 

Aims  of,  57,  97,  113,  116,  181, 191,  307. 

Care  of  their  cause,  129,  132.    Fidelity 

to  social  order  by,  32,  38,  117.     On  the 

tea  issue,  267,  274.     On  arrests  of,  307, 

524.     The  King  on,  330. 
Port  Act,  299,  300,  310,  311,  312,  313,  316, 

319,  320,  435. 
PoAvell,  William,  244. 
Preble,  Jedediah,  390,  412. 
Prescott,  James,  384. 
Prescott,  Judge  William,  515. 
Prescott,  Col.  William,  337,  511,  517. 
Press,  on  the  service  of,  35,  39,  41.     On 

the  liberty  of,  43,  45,  46,  47,  48.     Tone 

of,  92.     On  politics,  170,  183,  198,  214, 

230.     On   the   tea   issue,  234,  245,  255, 

269,  270.     On  Union,  369. 


Preston,  Captain,  126,  127,  128,  130,  131, 
151. 

Preston,  letter  to,  346. 

Proctor,  Edward,  261. 

Provincial  Congress.  —  See  u  Congress, 
Provincial." 

Providence,  faith  in,  219,  220,  231,  245, 
298. 

Public  meeting,  on  the  seizure  of  the 
"Liberty,"  61.  On  the  massacre,  134. 
On  the  tea  question,  240,  257,  271,  274, 
313. 

Public  meetings,  right  of,  49.  Effect  of, 
94,  95.  Legality  of,  97.  Hutchinson 
on,  114.     Speakers  at  local,  213. 

Public  opinion,  reliance  on,  32.  Influence 
of,  70.  Progress  of,  94.  Formation  of, 
114.  Demand  of,  133,  140.  Expres- 
sion of,  214,  217,  235,  273,  424,  429. 

Putnam,  Daniel,  505,  515. 

Putnam,  Israel,  341,  505,  513,  514,  515. 


Quincy,  Josiah,  64,  334. 

Quincv,  Josiah,  jun.,  10,  24,  26,  35,  39,  55, 
64,  "74,  92,  156,  157,  169,  187,  188,  201. 
Speech  of,  276.  Life  of,  cited,  169. 
Vindication  of  the  destruction  of  the  tea, 
284.  On  union,  156,  157.  On  hostili- 
ties, 421.  Death  of,  470.  Letter  to, 
394. 

Quincv,  Norton.  389. 

Quincy,  Samuel,  64,  83,  103,  290. 


R. 


Ramsay,  David,  332. 

Rand.  Dr.  Isaac,  18. 

Reed,  Joseph,  Letter  to,  486. 

"Reed's  Life  of  Joseph  Reed,"  cited,  295. 

Regulating  Act,  signed,  327.  Character 
of,  331,  340.  Reception  of,  332,  335. 
Resistance  to,  348,  349,  361,  366,  400. 

Removal  of  the  troops,  question  of,  101, 
133.  Petition  to  the  king  for,  102,  105. 
Instructions  on,  114.  Demand  for,  134, 
137,  141.  S.- Adams  on,  144.  Counsel 
on,  147.    Effected,  150.    Views  of,  151. 

Report,  Boston,  of  1772,  authors  of,  206. 
Abstract  of,  207-211.  Circulation  of, 
213.  Effect  of,  214-217.  Criticism  on, 
216.  Hutchinson  on,  211,  221.  -  See 
"  Boston." 

Revere,  Paul,  24,  51,  115,  225,  279,  307, 
323,  366,  382,  388,  441,  454,  455. 

Rives,  William  C,  218. 

Robinson,  John,  52. 

Robinson,  Lemuel,  534. 

Rogers,  Jacob,  457. 

Rogers,  Nathaniel,  136. 

Romney,  55,  57,  61,  63,  88. 

Rotch,  Francis,  254,  269-277. 

Rowe,  John,  63,  64,  68,  83,  321,  465. 


INDEX. 


557 


Roxbury,  character  of,  5. 
Eoyall,  Isaac,  259,  294. 
Ruddock,  John,  64,  83,  137,  465. 
Russell,  James,  259,  548. 
Russell,  Earl,  259. 


"  Sagittarius's  Letters,"  cited,  157. 

Sargeant,  Colonel,  470. 

Savage,  Samuel  Phillips,  271. 

Savre,  Stephen,  160. 

Scbllay,  John,  187,  253,  259,  262,  281,  465, 

476,  525. 
Scollay,  Mercy,  542,  543. 
Selectmen,  boards  of,  464. 
Sewall,  Samuel,  465. 
Shelburne,  Lord,  37,  38,  40,  41,  42,  151. 
Sheriff,  Captain,  77. 
Sibley,  John  L.,  419. 
Slave,  purchase  paper  of,  166. 
Slavery,  Hutchinson  on,  167.     S.  Adams 

on,  207. 
Slaves,  agreement  for,  167. 
Small,  Major,  341,  518. 
Smith,  Col.,  expedition  to  Concord,  456. 
Smith,  Adam,  cited,  210. 
Snider,  funeral  of,  120. 
Social  order,  the  patriots  on,  33,  499. 
Solemn  League  and  Covenant,  333,  357. 
Soley,  John,  548,  549. 
Somerby,  Horatio  G.,  4,  53,  61,  62. 
1  Sons  of  Liberty,  17,  37,  79,  104,  107,  111, 
188,  248. 
South  Carolina,  word  from,  336,  401. 
Spear,  Pool,  136. 
Stamp  Act,  17,  20,  23.    Anniversary  of 

the  repeal  of,  54,  55. 
Standing  army,  74,  101. 

St.  Andrew's  Lodge,  13, 115. 

Stevens,  Samuel,  5. 
'  Stedman,  Ebenezer,  215. 

Stonington,  letter  to,  345,  346. 

"  Stories  of  General  Warren,"  6,  8. 

Story,  Ebenezer,  171,  465. 

Stoughton,  convention  at,  339,  341. 

Suffolk  county  Convention,  360. 

Suffolk  resolves,  occasion  of,  327.  Re- 
ported, 361.  Boldness  of,  365.  Reception 
of,  in  Congress,  366.  Endorsement  of, 
366.    Effect  of,  367.     Copy  of,  549. 

Sullivan,  James,  385,  522. 

Sumner,  Nathaniel,  534. 

Supplies,  refusal  of,  383. 

Sweetser,  John,  201. 

Sweetser,  Seth,  237. 


Tarring  and  Feathering,  329. 

Tavlor,  William,  534. 

Tea  Act  passed,  233. 

Tea  duty,  Hutchinson  on,  157. 

Tea,  consignments  of,  233,  234. 


Tea,  compensation  for,  304,  310,  316,  320. 
Franklin  on,  315. 

Tea,  consignees  of,  238.  Warned  to  re- 
sign, 239.  Refusal  of,  240.  Letter  of, 
251.  Application  of,  to  the  council,  243. 
Action  of,  244.  Fears  of,  258.  Retire 
to  the  castle,  259.    Ask  time,  261. 

Tea,  destruction  of,  281.  Vindicated,  284. 
Denounced,  285.  Effect  of,  288,  292, 
293,  299,  308,  311,  424. 

Tea  ships,  250,  258.  Arrival  of,  254,  267. 
Legal  status  of,  268.  Guard  of,  267,  280. 

Tea  issue,  character  of,  249,  273,  283. 

Temple,  John,  52,  61. 

Thacher,  Oxenbridge,  24,  35. 

Thayer,  Colonel,  342. 

Thomas,  Isaiah,  35. 

Thomas,  John,  413. 

Thompson,  William,  360. 

Tories,  views  of,  17,  51,  94,  122,  399,  529, 
534.  Threats  of,  92.  Object  of,  180. 
On  the  Suffolk  resolves,  368. 

Town  meetings,  49,  69,  114,  200,  204. 

Town  meeting  on  the  Revenue  Act,  37. 
On  the  sloop  "Liberty,"  62.  On  the 
troops,  82.  On  the  massacre,  139.  On 
commemoration,  171.  On  judges'  sal- 
aries, 193,  198.  On  the  tea  question, 
243,  251.  On  the  Port  Act,  305,  320. 
On  the  Regulating  Act,  379. 

Townsend,  Dr.,  513. 

Tradesmen,  meeting  of,  306,  317. 

Trial  bv  jury,  209. 

Troops'asked,  53,  73.  Ordered  to  Boston, 
72,  73.  Landing  of,  99.  Insults  of,  118. 
Removal  of,  150. 

Trowbridge,  Judge,  165. 

"  True  Patriot,  A,"  40,  44,  45,  47. 

Tudor,  William,  33,  38. 

Tyler,  Royal,  61. 


u. 


Union,  idea  of,  10,  156,  335.  A  plan  of 
Providence,  191,  219,  231,  291,  345. 
Warren  on,  22,  53,  345,  354,  361,  376, 
392,  435,  443.  Pledge  of,  52,  361,  369, 
388.  Spirit  of,  72,  266,  387,  417.  Hutch- 
inson on,  111,  159,  188,  222,  224.  Im- 
portance of,  111,  161,  183,  188,  354,  377, 
443,  444,  449.  The  first  object,  161. 
The  desire  for,  161,  221,  355.  Virginia 
on,  226.  Toast  on,  232.  Alarm  of  the 
Tories  at,  236,  409,  413.  Extent  of,  283. 
"  A  new  Union,"  292.  Hancock  on,  296. 
S.  Adams  on,  188,  299,  332,  377.  The 
press  on,  198,  306.  Effect  of  the  Port 
Act  on.  301,  314.  Effect  of  the  Regu- 
lating Act  on,  333,  336.  Gage  on,  367, 
396.  Hawley  on,  375,  421.  Demand  of, 
400.  Result  of  reached,  401.  Exulta- 
tion at,  401.  Meaning  of,  402.  Flag  of, 
105,  232,  403.  Manifestation  of,  324, 
411.    Firmness  of,  448. 


558 


INDEX. 


V. 


Vose,  Daniel,  529. 


w. 

Ward,  Artemas,  260,  385,  390,  412,  478, 
491,  510,  613. 

Warren,  Ebenezer,  7,  545. 

Warren,  James,  on  the  public  apathy,  212, 
385,  387.  On  local  government,  512. 
Cited,  520.     Death  of,  525. 

Warren,  John,  7,  167,  518,  522,  543,  545. 

Warren,  John  C,  4,  5,  524. 

Warren,  Jonathan  Mason,  546. 

Warren,  Joseph,  his  career,  1.  Birth  of, 
5.  School  days  of,  6.  Enters  college,  9. 
Master  of  a  grammar  school,  12.  A 
mason,  13.  Studies  medicine,  13.  Mar- 
ried, 14.  Settles  in  Boston,  15.  Joins 
the  Whigs,  18.  His  friendship  for  Sam- 
uel Adams,  25.  His  ruling  passion,  33. 
His  connection  with  the  press,  34.  His 
connection  with  public  meetings,  49. 
His  connection  with  the  clubs,  51.  His 
service  in  the  June  meeting  of  1768,  68. 
His  service  in  the  September  meeting, 
1768,  94.  His  connection  with  the  Bos- 
ton massacre,  102.  Grand  Master,  115. 
His  domestic  life,  166.  His  oration  in 
1772,  173-179.  His  connection  with 
forming  committees  of  correspondence, 
180,  21*6.  Member  of  the  Bill  of  Rights 
Society,  229.  His  connection  with  the 
destruction  of  the  tea,  218,  285.  His 
service  on  the  passage  of  the  Port  Act, 
287-369.  Frames  the  Suffolk  Resolves, 
327-369.  Chosen  delegate  to  Provincial 
Congress,  384.  Chosen  member  of  the 
Committee  of  Safety,  389.  His  song  on 
"Liberty,"  405.  His  oration  in  1775, 
426-440.  His  service  on  the  19th  of 
April,  1775, 426, 440.  Elected  President 
pro  tern,  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  469. 
Re-elected  member  of  the  Committee  of 
Safety,  490.  Elected  President  of  the 
Provincial  Congress,  498.  Chosen  Ma- 
jor General,  503.  His  service  in  the 
Bunker-Hill  battle,  508-525.  His  death, 
617.     His  children,  545. 

Warren,  Joseph,  letters  of,  to  Edmund 
Dana,  20.  To  Arthur  Lee,  288,  418, 
447,  470,  488.  To  Newport,  290,  398. 
To  the  towns,  300,  466.  To  Samuel 
Adams,  317,  339,  343,  351,  355,  357,  375, 
381,  414,  483,  495.  To  Baltimore,  318. 
To  Stonington,  345.  To  Preston,  346. 
To  Norwich,  350.  To  East  Haddam, 
354.    To  the   "Boston   Gazette,"   380. 


.'"">. 


To  Middletown,  391.  To  Montreal,  442. 
To  New  Hampshire,  470.  To  Connecti- 
cut, 475,  490.  To  Josiah  Quincy,  394. 
To  Benjamin  Franklin,  448.  To  Gen- 
eral Gage,  467.  To  the  Selectmen  of 
Boston,  473.  To  Alexander  McDougall, 
474.  To  Connecticut,  475.  To  the 
Committee  of  Safety,  482,  494.  To 
Joseph  Reed,  486.    To  Gen.  Heath,  506. 

Warren,  Joseph,  542,  545. 

Warren,  Mary,  8,  13,  542,  545. 

Warren,  Peter,  5. 

Warren,  Richard,  542,  546. 

Warren,  Elizabeth,  14.  Death  of,  238, 
642,  545. 

Warren,  Genealogy  of,  4. 

Warren,  surname  of,  4. 

Warren,  Mercy,  on  the  tea  issue,  249.  On 
Warren,  429. 

Warren,  Russell,  5. 

Watch  of  the  teas,  265,  267. 

Washington,  George,  early  fame  of,  5,  6. 
Mother  of,  8.  Oh  Divine  Providence, 
219.  On  independence,  294.  On  the 
American  issue,  403.  Chairman  of  a 
meeting,  424.  Recommended  for  com- 
mander-in-chief, 500.  Appointed  com- 
mander-in-chief, 511. 

Watson,  Abraham,  389,  412. 

Webb,  Joseph,  523. 

Webster,  Daniel,  47,  550. 

Welch,  Doctor,  457,  458. 

Welles,  Arnold,  83,  545. 

Wells,  Samuel  Adams,  146. 

Wendell,  Oliver,  187,  201,  339,  465. 

West  Cambridge,  fighting  at,  460. 

Wheelright,  Nathaniel,  115. 

Whigs,  ideas  of,  17.  Ultras  of  the,  394.  — 
See  "  Popular  Leaders." 

White,  Benjamin,  389,  412,  534. 

Wilkes,  John,  56,  115,  162. 

Williams,  inspector,  effigy  of,  54. 

Williams,  John,  61. 

Williams,  Jonathan,  257. 

Wilton,  Samuel,  546. 

Winn,  Timothy,  227. 

Winship,  Ebenezer,  469. 

Winslow,  John,  519. 

Winslow,  Joshua,  238. 

Winthrop,  Samuel,  136. 

Winthrop,  John,  260. 

Woburn,  letter  of,  227. 

Woodward,  Richard,  360,  529,  534. 

Wooten,  William,  61. 

Wyman,  Samuel,  227. 


Yankee  Doodle,  118. 

Young,  Thomas,  24,  64,  157,  201,  258,  265, 
279,  290,  305,  313,  360,  361,  525. 


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